Arthur Rosenberg. Ein Historiker Im Zeitalter Der Katastrophen (1889-1943) (2003)
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Zwischen "Luxemburgismus" Und "Stalinismus"
Nationaler Sozialismus in Österreich vor 1918 359 tschechoslowakischen und polnischen Sektion. Die hauptsächliche Tätigkeit der Nationalsozialisten - wie sie nunmehr im modernen Wortsinne bezeichnet werden können - in Österreich, der Tschechoslowakei und Polen während der frühen 20er Jahre bestand in der Agitation für den Anschluß und in der Propaganda und Organisationstätigkeit für die Bildung einer einflußreichen politischen Massen bewegung. 1923 strebte ein Flügel der Partei ihre vollständige Unterordnung unter Hitler an; 1926 stimmte die Mehrheit auf einer Konferenz der österreichischen Parteiführer, die in München und bezeichnenderweise unter Hitlers Vorsitz statt fand, für die unbedingte persönliche Führerschaft Hitlers und für sein 25-Punkte- Programm, wie das die deutsche Partei 1925 getan hatte. Seitdem war der öster reichische Nationalsozialismus auf das engste mit der Person Hitlers verknüpft, und er wurde häufig einfach „Hitlerbewegung" genannt. SIEGFRIED BAHNE ZWISCHEN „LUXEMBURGISMUS" UND „STALINISMUS" Die „ultralinke" Opposition in der KPD In den ersten Jahren nach der Gründung des Sowjetstaates hatten die bolsche wistischen Führer auf den baldigen Sieg der „proletarischen Revolution" in Mittel- und Westeuropa gehofft1. Die Niederlagen der deutschen und bulgarischen kommunistischen Parteien im Jahre 1923 zeigten jedoch das Ende der revolutio nären Periode in Europa nach dem ersten Weltkrieg an2; es folgten die ruhigeren Jahre bis zum Beginn der Weltwirtschaftskrise, von den Kommunisten als Periode der „relativen Stabilisierung des Kapitalismus" bezeichnet. Die geänderte Situation bedingte eine Überprüfung der kommunistischen „Strategie"3. Gerade in dieser Zeit aber wurde die kommunistische Bewegung ihres wichtigsten Führers beraubt. Nach dem Tode Lenins erschütterten die Kämpfe um seine Nachfolge und um die 1 Vgl. z. B. W. I. Lenin, Ausgew. Werke, Bd. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Dialectic of Solidarity Studies in Critical Social Sciences
Dialectic of Solidarity Studies in Critical Social Sciences Series Editor DAVID FASENFEST Wayne State University Editorial Board JOAN ACKER, Department of Sociology, University of Oregon ROSE BREWER, Afro-American and African Studies, University of Minnesota VAL BURRIS, Department of Sociology, University of Oregon CHRIS CHASE-DUNN, Department of Sociology, University of California-Riverside G. WILLIAM DOMHOFF, Department of Sociology, University of California-Santa Cruz COLETTE FAGAN, Department of Sociology, Manchester University MATHA GIMENEZ, Department of Sociology, University of Colorado, Boulder HEIDI GOTTFRIED, Department of Sociology, Wayne State University KARIN GOTTSCHALL, Zentrum für Sozialpolitik, University of Bremen BOB JESSOP, Department of Sociology, Lancaster University RHONDA LEVINE, Department of Sociology, Colgate University JACQUELINE O’REILLY, Department of Sociology, University of Sussex MARY ROMERO, School of Justice Studies, Arizona State University CHIZUKO URNO, Department of Sociology, University of Tokyo VOLUME 11 Dialectic of Solidarity Labor, Antisemitism, and the Frankfurt School By Mark P. Worrell LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008 Cover design: Wim Goedhart This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Worrell, Mark. Dialectic of solidarity : labor, antisemitism, and the Frankfurt School / by Mark Worrell. p. cm. — (Studies in critical social sciences) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-16886-2 (hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Working class—United States— Attitudes. 2. Antisemitism—United States. 3. Frankfurt school of sociology. I. Title. II. Series. HD8072.W83 2008 301.01—dc22 2008011351 ISSN: 1573-4234 ISBN: 978 90 04 16886 2 Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. -
Arthur Rosenberg – Fascism As a Mass-Movement
Historical Materialism 20.1 (2012) 144–189 brill.nl/hima Fascism as a Mass-Movement (1934) Arthur Rosenberg Abstract Arthur Rosenberg’s remarkable essay, fijirst published in 1934, was probably the most incisive historical analysis of the origins of fascism to emerge from the revolutionary Left in the interwar years. In contrast to the offfijicial Comintern line that fascism embodied the power of fijinance- capital, Rosenberg saw fascism as a descendant of the reactionary mass-movements of the late- nineteenth century. Those movements encompassed a new breed of nationalism that was ultra-patriotic, racist and violently opposed to the Left, and prefijigured fascism in all these ways. What was distinctive about the fascists in Italy and Germany was not so much their ideology (a pastiche of motifs that drew on those earlier traditions of the conservative and radical Right) as the use of stormtroopers to wage the struggle against democracy in more decisive and lethal ways. After the broad historical sweep of its fijirst part, the essay looks at the factors that were peculiar to the Italian and German situations respectively, highlighting both the rôle of the existing authorities in encouraging the fascists and the wider class-appeal of the fascist parties themselves, beyond any supposed restriction to the middle-class or ‘petty bourgeoisie’. Keywords nationalism, antisemitism, Fascist Italy, Weimar Germany, theories of fascism I. Forerunners and pogroms The touching story of Hitler and his fijirst six disciples, the story of how jointly they founded the party and how after that these seven men became fijirst a million, and then 6 million, and then 30 million, 40 million, the whole German people, belongs to the permanent inventory of National Socialist speeches. -
Liebknecht, Karl, "Despite Everything," Die Rote
Communism and Insurrection 81 The Scheidemanns and Eberts have publicly called their supporters and the bourgeoisie to arms against you proletarians. The right of self-defence itself compels you to reply in kind. There is no choice! We must fight to the last! Destiny has issued its inexorable summons to every proletarian and every revo- lutionary soldier: onward to the last decisive struggle! Leave the factories, you working men and women! Your first reply to Ebert and Scheidemann must be a general strike covering every enterprise! All wheels must come to a halt. Get out, out of the factories and into the street! Show the scoundrels your strength! Take up arms! Use your weapons against your deadly enemies, the Eberts and Scheidemanns! Forward to the struggle, to the annihilating blow which must smash the blood-befouled Ebert and Scheidemann! The destruction of the revolution and the slaughter of the pro- letariat, or the destruction of the Eberts, the Scheidemanns and all the other deadly enemies of the proletariat: these are the alternatives. Be armed, be ready, take action, take action, take action! Long live the pro- letariat! Long live the socialist revolution of the German proletariat! Long live the world socialist revolution! Workers! Comrades! Come out of the factories! Forward to the general strike! Out onto the streets for the final battle, for victory! The Revolutionary Shop-Stewards and representatives of the big factories of Greater Berlin; the Central Leadership of the Independent Social Democratic electoral organisations of Berlin and surrounding districts; the Zentrale of the Communist Party of Germany (Spartacus League). -
Fascism As a Mass-Movement: Translator’S Introduction
Historical Materialism 20.1 (2012) 133–143 brill.nl/hima Fascism as a Mass-Movement: Translator’s Introduction Jairus Banaji Department of Development Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London [email protected] Abstract This Introduction to Rosenberg’s essay starts with a brief synopsis of his life, then summarises the key arguments of the essay itself before looking briefly at the twin issues of the social base of the fascist parties (wider than just the ‘petty bourgeoisie’) and the passive complicity/compliance of ‘ordinary Germans’, as the literature now terms whole sectors of the civilian population that were defijined by their apathy or moral indiffference to the horrors of the Nazi state. Keywords Arthur Rosenberg, Marxist theories of fascism, white-collar workers, mass-complicity Arthur Rosenberg was a major historian and Communist Reichstag deputy best known for his books The Birth of the German Republic, 1871–1918 (1928) and A History of Bolshevism (1932). The three broad phases of his life as a Marxist are the years from 1919 to April 1927, when he played an active part in the KPD- Left, the period from May 1927 to March 1933, following his resignation from the KPD (the years that best defijine him as a ‘Communist without a party’), and the tragic fijinal decade of his life when he fled Germany along with his family, would fijind himself stripped of German citizenship, and lead an impoverished life as a tutor in Brooklyn College, New York, having failed to fijind any sort of academic position in England. All of Rosenberg’s major works stem from the last period of his life, except for The Birth of the German Republic, which he published in 1928. -
Antisemitism in Tourist Facilities in Weimar Germany Jacob Borut
Antisemitism in Tourist Facilities in Weimar Germany Jacob Borut Research about antisemitism in Germany was recently given a boost by Daniel Goldhagen’s Hitler’s Willing Executioners. Goldhagen’s claim that a radical, “eliminationist” antisemitism was a constant feature of modern German history was accepted as a challenge by many historians who oppose his views. In response to his assertion that German antisemitism was constant and unchanging, leading in a direct path to Auschwitz, historians scrutinized the various manifestations of Jew-hatred in different periods, attempting to show that its level was not constant and that radical antisemitism was not widespread in German society at all times. The study of antisemitism thus came to be part of the long debate about continuity in German history, about the question whether the Third Reich was the final link in a chain of developments that led directly to it, or was a break in German history, an accident, a Betriebsunfall. That debate broke out into the open in Germany in the early 1960s, with the controversy about Fritz Fischer’s book Griff nach der Weltmacht. Fischer claimed that German politics prior to and during World War I had common characteristics with Nazi politics, and Nazi rule was a logical consequence of previous German history.1 His book aroused the stormy indignation of most German historians at the time. Since then, German historians have become less defensive about their past; nevertheless, that debate seems to rise time and again, in various forms, to the forefront of German historiography. In that sense, the dispute surrounding Goldhagen is yet one more manifestation. -
Rosa Luxemburg in the German Revolution a Chronicle
I really Rosa Luxemburg in hopethe German Revolution A Chronicle UWE SONNENBERG to die JÖRN SCHÜTRUMPF at my postROSA LUXEMBURG Rosa Luxemburg in the German Revolution A Chronicle UWE SONNENBERG JÖRN SCHÜTRUMPF PREFACE PREFACE Mathilde Jacob, the closest confidante of Rosa Luxemburg and Leo Jogiches, described the Revolutionary Days of 1918–19 as follows: “Rosa did nothing without his advice, they had political discussions with each other almost every day...” Originally, Luxemburg and Jogiches had also been privately linked, and up until Luxemburg’s assassination on 15 January 1919, they not only continued their partnership politically, but also constituted an exception among the leaders of the Spartacus League: they were the only two to have experienced a revolution. In 1905–06 they had thrown themselves into the conflict in the Russian-occupied area of Poland, and had prepared analyses of what they had witnessed. What had reached Germany, however, was Rosa Luxemburg’s call for the use of the mass strike as a political weapon, not least to avert war. All other texts that assessed the revolution had been published in Polish, and hardly any of Luxemburg’s supporters in Germany had noticed them during the post-revolutionary years of the depression. Rosa Luxemburg knew that when the forces of the first onslaught were exhausted, every revolution would inevitably suffer a setback. In her analysis of the Russian Revolution of 1905–06, she had come to the conclusion that the further the revolution had advanced from political to social upheaval, the less significant this setback would be. Should the counterrevolutionary side be put under sufficient pressure, it would prefer a secure compromise—with the rule of law and parliamentary democracy—to an uncertain triumph. -
Antisemitism in the United States in the 1940S Eva-Maria Ziege Version of Record First Published: 19 Apr 2012
This article was downloaded by: [University College London] On: 03 January 2013, At: 11:19 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Patterns of Prejudice Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpop20 Patterns within prejudice: antisemitism in the United States in the 1940s Eva-Maria Ziege Version of record first published: 19 Apr 2012. To cite this article: Eva-Maria Ziege (2012): Patterns within prejudice: antisemitism in the United States in the 1940s, Patterns of Prejudice, 46:2, 93-127 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2012.672206 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or -
Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and Their Shifting Alliances 1933-1945
Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and their Shifting Alliances 1933-1945 by Merilyn Moos Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and their Shifting Alliances 1933-1945 by Merilyn Moos Community Languages Published by Community Languages, 2021 Anti-Nazi Exiles, by Merilyn Moos, published by the Community Languages is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Front and rear cover images copyright HA Rothholz Archive, University of Brighton Design Archives All other images are in the public domain Front and rear cover illustrations: Details from "Allies inside Germany" by H A Rothholz Born in Dresden, Germany, Rothholz emigrated to London with his family in 1933, to escape the Nazi regime. He retained a connection with his country of birth through his involvement with émigré organisations such as the Free German League of Culture (FGLC) in London, for whom he designed a series of fundraising stamps for their exhibition "Allies Inside Germany" in 1942. Community Languages 53 Fladgate Road London E11 1LX Acknowledgements We would like to thank Ian Birchall, Charmian Brinson, Dieter Nelles, Graeme Atkinson, Irena Fick, Leonie Jordan, Mike Jones, University of Brighton Design Archives. This work would not have been publicly available if it had not been for the hard work and friendship of Steve Cushion to whom I shall be forever grateful. To those of us who came after and carry on the struggle Table of Contents Left-wing German refugees who came to the UK before and during the Second -
Mario Keßler Antike Und Moderne Demokratie Bei Arthur Rosenberg
Sitzungsberichte der Leibniz-Sozietät 74(2004), 99–111 Mario Keßler Antike und moderne Demokratie bei Arthur Rosenberg Vortrag am 13. Mai 2004 in der Klasse für Sozial- und Geisteswissenschaften Das Ansehen des Historikers Arthur Rosenberg (1889-1943) gründet sich vor allem auf seine Arbeiten über Aufstieg und Fall der Weimarer Republik, zur Geschichte des Bolschewismus sowie über den Zusammenhang von Demo- kratie und Sozialismus. Doch arbeitete Rosenberg während eines eher kurzen Lebens auf bemerkenswert unterschiedlichen Gebieten: Geboren im kaiser- lichen Berlin, erlangte er früh einen guten Ruf als produktiver Althistoriker. Nach dem radikalen Bruch mit seinem Herkunftsmilieu am Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges wurde er in den zwanziger Jahren ein führender kommunisti- scher Politiker. 1927 verließ er die kommunistische Bewegung. Danach pro- filierte er sich als unermüdlich publizierender Zeithistoriker, dessen Werke noch immer aufgelegt und gelesen werden.1 Die folgenden Bemerkungen suchen vor dem biographischen Hintergrund einen zentralen Aspekt von Rosenbergs Denken zu beleuchten: seine Unter- suchungen zum Problem der Demokratie in verschiedenen Geschichtsepo- chen. Ursprünglich kein Demokrat, sondern ein Bewunderer des kaiserlichen Deutschland, wurde Rosenberg einer der wenigen Historiker, der „die Rolle sozialer und ökonomischer Prozesse bei der Ausformung des autoritären Cha- rakters der deutschen Politik hervorhob“ und von dort zu bahnbrechenden, in seiner Zeit oft abgelehnten Erkenntnissen über die sich wandelnden Inhalte der Demokratie kam.2 1 Vgl. Helmut Schachenmeyer, Arthur Rosenberg als Vertreter des Historischen Materialis- mus, Wiesbaden 1964; Rudolf W. Müller/Gert Schäfer (Hg.), Arthur Rosenberg zwischen Alter Geschichte und Zeitgeschichte, Politik und politischer Bildung, Göttingen/Zürich 1986; Lorenzo Riberi, Arthur Rosenberg. Democrazia e socialismo tra storia e politica, Milano 2001; Mario Keßler, Arthur Rosenberg.