History and Historiography of the German Problem
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[Qicx6.Ebook] Khrushchev Pdf Free
QIcx6 (Online library) Khrushchev Online [QIcx6.ebook] Khrushchev Pdf Free Edward Crankshaw *Download PDF | ePub | DOC | audiobook | ebooks #3905982 in Books 2016-03-08 2016-03-08Formats: Audiobook, MP3 Audio, UnabridgedOriginal language:EnglishPDF # 1 6.75 x .50 x 5.25l, Running time: 11 HoursBinding: MP3 CD | File size: 79.Mb Edward Crankshaw : Khrushchev before purchasing it in order to gage whether or not it would be worth my time, and all praised Khrushchev: 1 of 1 people found the following review helpful. This is a very readable book due to the style ...By Charles W. RiendeauThis is a very readable book due to the style of the author. But, it is also one of least fact-based biographies I have ever read. Partly this is due to the time in which it was written ( c 1966) when acquiring information not "officially" released by the Soviet Union was very, very hard. It was, for its time, I suppose what was available. In this time, I would suggest biographies of Khrushchev that were written in the early 90s when access to the KGB files and public records will have allowed the author to gather a more comprehensive set of facts.0 of 0 people found the following review helpful. Good historical readBy ceharvYou really cannot understand the full scope of 20th century history without understanding Russia. This book is a very interesting read about someone who, at a minimum, lead a very interesting life in a very interesting time. The pace is quick and the history important and puts much of our (in the U.S.) history in perspective. -
Exile and Acculturation: Refugee Historians Since the Second World War
ANTOON DE BAETS Exile and Acculturation: Refugee Historians since the Second World War two forms, intended and unin- tended. Within the domain of historical writing, both exist. A famous example of intended historiographical contact was the arrival B - of the German historian Ludwig Riess ( ), a student of Leopold von Ranke, in Japan. On the recommendation of the director of the bureau of historiography, Shigeno Yasutsugu, Riess began to lecture at the Im- perial University (renamed Tokyo Imperial University in ) in . He spoke about the Rankean method with its emphasis on facts and critical, document- and evidence-based history. At his suggestion, Shigeno founded the Historical Society of Japan and the Journal of Historical Scholarship. Riess influenced an entire generation of Japanese historians, including Shigeno himself and Kume Kunitake, then well known for their demystification of entire areas of Japanese history.1 However, this famous case of planned acculturation has less well-known aspects. First, Riess, who was a Jew and originally a specialist in English history, went to Japan, among other reasons, possibly on account of the anti-Semitism and Anglo- phobia characteristic of large parts of the German academy at the time. Only in did he return from Japan to become an associate professor at the University of Berlin.2 Second, Riess and other German historians (such as Ernst Bernheim, whose Lehrbuch der historischen Methode und der Geschichtsphilosophie, published in , was popular in Japan) were influ- ential only because Japanese historical methodology focused before their arrival on the explication of documents.3 Riess’s legacy had unexpected I am very grateful to Georg Iggers, Shula Marks, Natalie Nicora, Claire Boonzaaijer, and Anna Udo for their helpful criticism. -
Introduction
Introduction Cornelius Torp and Sven Oliver Müller I What sort of structure was the German state of 1871? What sort of powers and phenomena dominated it? What sort of potential for development did it possess? What inheritance did it leave behind? How did it shape the future course of German history? These questions have been at the heart of numerous historical controversies, in the course of which our understanding of Imperial Germany has fundamentally changed. Modern historical research on the German Empire was shaped by two important developments.1 The first was the Fischer controversy at the beginning of the 1960s, which put the question of the continuity of an aggressive German foreign policy from the First to the Second World War onto the agenda, thus providing one of the key impulses for research into the period before 1918.2 The second was a complex upheaval at almost exactly the same time in the historiography of modern Germany in which a particular interpretation of German history before World War I played a central role. The advocates of this interpretation immediately referred to it as a “paradigm change,” a concept then in fashion.3 Indeed, surprisingly quickly, a group of young historians were able to establish across a broad front a new interpretation of modern German history, which broke in many respects with old traditions. In their methodology, the representatives of the so-called “historical social science” (Historische Sozialwissenschaft) turned with verve against the interpretation which had dominated mainstream historiography up till then, which saw the dominant, most important historical actions and actors in politics and the state. -
Thomas Nipperdey(1927–1992)
OBITUARY Thomas Nipperdey (1927-1992) Gerald D. Feldman On 14 June 1992, Thomas Nipperdey, Professor of History at the Uni- versity of Munich, died of cancer at the age of 64. He leaves behind his wife, Vigdis, and four children. One of the most outstanding and pro- ductive of postwar Germany's historians, Nipperdey received his Ph.D. from the University of Cologne in 1953 and completed his Habilitation at Gottingen in 1961. After teaching in Karlsruhe and at the Free University of Berlin, Nipperdey took up his position in Munich in 1971. He was a frequent visitor to the United States, where he was a fellow at the Institute of Advanced Studies in Princeton three times and a fellow of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences in Palo Alto. Nipperdey was a historian of wide-ranging interests. His early work on the organization of German parties in the Kaiserreich has remained a classic study, but he also made important contributions to Reformation history, cultural history, and historiography. His writings on Luther, anthropology, and history, historical monuments, the development and function of associations (Vereinswesen) in Germany, religion, anti- Semitism, the Sonderweg, and the problem of relevance demonstrated his vast learning, originality and imagination, and passionate commitment. His most formidable and important achievement, however, is his three- volume history of Germany in the nineteenth century, of which the first volume was completed in 1983 (Deutsche Geschichte 1800-1866: Burger- welt und starker Staat, reviewed by Jonathan Sperber in the Spring 1991 issue of CEH and soon to appear in English translation), and the second in 1990 (Deutsche Geschichte 1866-1918. -
A New Look at Max Weber and His Anglo-German Family Connections1
P1: JLS International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society [ijps] PH231-474840-07 October 28, 2003 17:46 Style file version Nov. 19th, 1999 International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 17, No. 2, Winter 2003 (C 2003) II. Review Essay How Well Do We Know Max Weber After All? A New Look at Max Weber and His Anglo-German Family Connections1 Lutz Kaelber2 Guenther Roth’s study places Max Weber in an intricate network of ties among members of his lineage. This paper presents core findings of Roth’s analysis of Weber’s family relations, discusses the validity of Roth’s core theses and some of the implications of his analysis for Weber as a person and scholar, and addresses how Roth’s book may influence future approaches to Weber’s sociology. KEY WORDS: Max Weber; history of sociology; classical sociology; German history; Guenther Roth. “How well do we know Max Weber?”—When the late Friedrich H. Tenbruck (1975) raised this question almost thirty years ago, he had Weber’s scholarship in mind. The analysis of Weber’s oeuvre and the debate over it, fueled by a steady trickle of contributions of the Max Weber Gesamtaus- gabe, has not abated since. Thanks to the Gesamtausgabe’s superbly edited volumes, we now know more about Weber the scholar than ever before, even though the edition’s combination of exorbitant pricing and limitation to German-language editions has slowed its international reception. Tenbruck’s question might be applied to Weber’s biography as well. Here, too, the Gesamtausgabe, particularly with the edition of his personal letters, has been a valuable tool for research.1 Yet the fact remains that what we know about Weber the person derives to a significant extent from 1Review essay of Guenther Roth, Max Webers deutsch-englische Familiengeschichte, 1800–1950. -
Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: the Problem of Unity Among German Intellectuals During World War I
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 5-2006 Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I Benjamin Taylor Shannon University of Tennessee, Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Shannon, Benjamin Taylor, "Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2006. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/4498 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Benjamin Taylor Shannon entitled "Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. Vejas Liulevicius, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: A. Denise Phillips, John Bohstedt Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Benjamin Taylor Shannon entitled "Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I." I have examined the finalpaper copy of this thesis for formand content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. -
Zwischen "Luxemburgismus" Und "Stalinismus"
Nationaler Sozialismus in Österreich vor 1918 359 tschechoslowakischen und polnischen Sektion. Die hauptsächliche Tätigkeit der Nationalsozialisten - wie sie nunmehr im modernen Wortsinne bezeichnet werden können - in Österreich, der Tschechoslowakei und Polen während der frühen 20er Jahre bestand in der Agitation für den Anschluß und in der Propaganda und Organisationstätigkeit für die Bildung einer einflußreichen politischen Massen bewegung. 1923 strebte ein Flügel der Partei ihre vollständige Unterordnung unter Hitler an; 1926 stimmte die Mehrheit auf einer Konferenz der österreichischen Parteiführer, die in München und bezeichnenderweise unter Hitlers Vorsitz statt fand, für die unbedingte persönliche Führerschaft Hitlers und für sein 25-Punkte- Programm, wie das die deutsche Partei 1925 getan hatte. Seitdem war der öster reichische Nationalsozialismus auf das engste mit der Person Hitlers verknüpft, und er wurde häufig einfach „Hitlerbewegung" genannt. SIEGFRIED BAHNE ZWISCHEN „LUXEMBURGISMUS" UND „STALINISMUS" Die „ultralinke" Opposition in der KPD In den ersten Jahren nach der Gründung des Sowjetstaates hatten die bolsche wistischen Führer auf den baldigen Sieg der „proletarischen Revolution" in Mittel- und Westeuropa gehofft1. Die Niederlagen der deutschen und bulgarischen kommunistischen Parteien im Jahre 1923 zeigten jedoch das Ende der revolutio nären Periode in Europa nach dem ersten Weltkrieg an2; es folgten die ruhigeren Jahre bis zum Beginn der Weltwirtschaftskrise, von den Kommunisten als Periode der „relativen Stabilisierung des Kapitalismus" bezeichnet. Die geänderte Situation bedingte eine Überprüfung der kommunistischen „Strategie"3. Gerade in dieser Zeit aber wurde die kommunistische Bewegung ihres wichtigsten Führers beraubt. Nach dem Tode Lenins erschütterten die Kämpfe um seine Nachfolge und um die 1 Vgl. z. B. W. I. Lenin, Ausgew. Werke, Bd. -
Reformation History and Political Mythology in the German Democratic Republic, 1949–89
Robert Walinski-Kiehl Reformation History and Political Mythology in the German Democratic Republic, 1949–89 It is perhaps ironic that a Marxist state such as the former German Democratic Republic (GDR), which rejected all notions of divinity and the supernatural, should have paid so much atten- tion to the history of the sixteenth-century Reformation. Many of the key events of the Lutheran Reformation had occurred of course in the Saxon-Thuringian territories which were now enclosed within its borders, but this alone does not account for the intense interest that was displayed by the GDR in sixteenth- century history. Geographical proximity was of less importance than the fact that the nineteenth-century pioneer of Marxism, Frederick Engels, had shown a keen interest in events during the Reformation era. His 1850 study, The Peasant War in Germany, represented the first attempt to write history from a historical materialist perspective.1 In the GDR’s search to construct a viable, Marxist-based historical discipline that was distinct from, and in opposition to, its Western ‘bourgeois’ variant, Engels’ work acquired a special status. However, in the GDR, the Reformation era was more than just a topic of historiographical interest; it can be seen to have constituted an important founda- tion myth for this communist state. Recently, scholars have begun to focus more closely on the cultural significance of politi- cal myths for modern states. While formerly political myths were perceived rather prosaically as fictions, propaganda or simply lies, in the last few years they have been viewed in a more sophis- ticated light. -
The German Fear of Russia Russia and Its Place Within German History
The German Fear of Russia Russia and its place within German History By Rob Dumont An Honours Thesis submitted to the History Department of the University of Lethbridge in partial fulfillment of the requirements for History 4995 The University of Lethbridge April 2013 Table of Contents Introduction 1-7 Chapter 1 8-26 Chapter 2 27-37 Chapter 3 38-51 Chapter 4 39- 68 Conclusion 69-70 Bibliography 71-75 Introduction In Mein Kampf, Hitler reflects upon the perceived failure of German foreign policy regarding Russia before 1918. He argues that Germany ultimately had to prepare for a final all- out war of extermination against Russia if Germany was to survive as a nation. Hitler claimed that German survival depended on its ability to resist the massive faceless hordes against Germany that had been created and projected by Frederick the Great and his successors.1 He contends that Russia was Germany’s chief rival in Europe and that there had to be a final showdown between them if Germany was to become a great power.2 Hitler claimed that this showdown had to take place as Russia was becoming the center of Marxism due to the October Revolution and the founding of the Soviet Union. He stated that Russia was seeking to destroy the German state by launching a general attack on it and German culture through the introduction of Leninist principles to the German population. Hitler declared that this infiltration of Leninist principles from Russia was a disease and form of decay. Due to these principles, the German people had abandoned the wisdom and actions of Frederick the Great, which was slowly destroying German art and culture.3 Finally, beyond this expression of fear, Hitler advocated that Russia represented the only area in Europe open to German expansion.4 This would later form the basis for Operation Barbarossa and the German invasion of Russia in 1941 in which Germany entered into its final conflict with Russia, conquering most of European 1 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans Ralph Manheim (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943, originally published 1926), 197. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft Und Politik
Dokserver des Zentrums Digitale Reprints für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam http://zeitgeschichte-digital.de/Doks Mario Keßler Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR http://dx.doi.org/10.14765/zzf.dok.1.911 Reprint von: Mario Keßler, Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR, Böhlau Köln, 2001 (Zeithistorische Studien. Herausgegeben vom Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam. Band 18), ISBN 3-412-14300-6 Copyright der digitalen Neuausgabe (c) 2017 Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam e.V. (ZZF) und Autor, alle Rechte vorbehalten. Dieses Werk wurde vom Autor für den Download vom Dokumentenserver des ZZF freigegeben und darf nur vervielfältigt und erneut veröffentlicht werden, wenn die Einwilligung der o.g. Rechteinhaber vorliegt. Bitte kontaktieren Sie: <[email protected]> Zitationshinweis: Mario Keßler (2001), Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR, Dokserver des Zentrums für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam, http://dx.doi.org/10.14765/zzf.dok.1.911 Ursprünglich erschienen als: Mario Keßler, Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR, Böhlau Köln, 2005 (Zeithistorische Studien. Herausgegeben vom Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam. Band 18), ISBN 3-412-14300-6 http://dx.doi.org/10.14765/zzf.dok.1.911 Zeithistorische Studien Herausgegeben vom Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam Band 18 Corrigenda • S. 10, Zeile 16/17: statt: Kuczyński, Alfred Meusel, Hans Mottek, Arnold Reisberg und Leo Stern waren assimilierte Juden lies: Kuczyński, Hans Mottek, Arnold Reisberg und Leo Stern waren assimilierte Juden S. 147, Zeile 15/16: statt: Has-homer Hatzair lies: Ha-shomer Hatzair Copyright (c) Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam e.V. -
Making Sense of German History
08 Pulzer 121 1132 30/10/03 3:10 pm Page 213 ELIE KEDOURIE MEMORIAL LECTURE Special Paths or Main Roads? Making Sense of German History PETER PULZER All Souls College, Oxford IT IS AN HONOUR AND A PRIVILEGE to have been asked to give this lecture in commemoration of an original and influential thinker and a man of great integrity. I first came across Elie Kedourie’s writings in the early 1960s and felt instinctively drawn to the tone of rational scepticism in which he expressed himself—a tone more suited to an eighteenth-century philosophe than to a child of the era of tyrannies. I did not, however, get to know him personally until he came to Oxford in the late 1980s as a Visiting Fellow of All Souls College. He was not, as those who knew him better than I will confirm, a highly extrovert person, but he was courteous and engaging, happy to listen and to respond in an invariably learned and reasoned way. I hope that the topic I have chosen and the way I have decided to approach it would have appealed to him. *** ‘The Third Reich formed the climax of the German special development (“Sonderentwicklung”) as it was directed against the West. The “German spirit”, transformed into a shallow ideology, had reached its lowest point. From now on German special consciousness (“Sonderbewußtsein”) lost all its justification. There is no plausible reason for attempting its revival Read at the Academy 22 May 2002. Proceedings of the British Academy, 121, 213–234. © The British Academy 2003.