The Kingdom of Scotland: Cartography in an Age of Confidence Jeffrey Stone

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The Kingdom of Scotland: Cartography in an Age of Confidence Jeffrey Stone 56 • The Kingdom of Scotland: Cartography in an Age of Confidence Jeffrey Stone In Scotland a cartographic culture was created in the Re- ters of learning. Contacts with the Netherlands were par- naissance in response to changing social and political cir- ticularly strong, as is still visible in architecture. There was cumstances. Prior to the sixteenth century, few if any a taste for the best products of Europe. Scottish poets and maps of Scotland were compiled within the country, and scholars looked outward to a wider world. Although a those compiled elsewhere were characteristically short on printing press was set up in Edinburgh in 1508, Scottish data. To the medieval English mapmaker Ranulph Hig- writers continued to send their work to Antwerp and den, Scotland was a peripheral country that could be ap- Paris, where it could gain wider circulation. Even Scottish proximately located, but whose geography could not be coinage was influenced by the styles of contemporary Eu- accurately portrayed.1 Thirteenth-century maps of Scot- rope, more so than by English coinage.5 Thus Scotland land by Matthew Paris contain a few named places, pos- played a greater part in European affairs than might have sibly obtained from monks who traveled there, but placed been expected from its economic or military status. In within highly stylized coastal outlines.2 Even the Gough these circumstances, it is not surprising that the maps that map, the most detailed original depiction of fourteenth- represent the beginnings of Scotland’s cartographic re- century Scotland, with over a hundred place-names prob- naissance and that signify the new and extroverted mood ably derived from the excursions of English armies, is in Scotland were published elsewhere in Europe. strikingly defective in its outline, particularly in compar- The Reformation was more than a reformulation of ison with its depiction of England. The mid-fifteenth- spiritual beliefs. It was a catalyst for political and social century manuscript maps that John Hardyng appended to change, including an increase in literacy and the gradual his “Chronicle” following a political mission to Scotland construction of a new and distinctive ecclesiastical insti- are remarkable for the beauty of their representations of tution. The single most significant cartographic episode in castles with banners flying, but the castles bear little re- the mapping of Scotland, which in this case took place semblance to contemporary architecture and are so large within Scotland rather than elsewhere in Europe, was as- that very few are portrayed.3 These maps all present ex- suredly a product of the Reformation, and mapmaking is ternal views of Scotland. In the sixteenth century, the ex- among the activities cited by social historians as evidence ternal depictions became more fully informed; by the end of the intellectual achievements of sixteenth-century Scot- of the century, a Scot had mapped the human landscape tish society.6 The episode itself was a detailed survey of of the country, possibly more comprehensively and in Scotland undertaken by Timothy Pont in the last two greater detail than in any other country at that time. Other Scots sought to build on his achievement. 1. Ranulf Higden’s fourteenth-century ovoid map of the world, Na- The period from the marriage of James III in 1468 to the tional Library of Scotland, Edinburgh (Adv. MS. 33.4.12, fol. 3v) is characteristic. The map is reproduced in Margaret Wilkes, The Scot and accession of James VI of Scotland to the English throne as His Maps (Motherwell: Scottish Library Association, 1991), 5. James I in 1603 marked the end of Scotland as an inde- 2. The depictions of Scotland in the four thirteenth-century manu- pendent kingdom. In the late fifteenth and early sixteenth script maps by Matthew Paris are illustrated and examined in J. B. centuries, although relatively impoverished by European Mitchell, “I. The Matthew Paris Maps,” Geographical Journal 81 standards and generating little trade, Scotland had suffi- (1933): 27–34. 3. For the locations of the several versions of John Hardyng’s map of cient surplus wealth to allow patronage by the aristocracy, Scotland, see D. G. Moir et al., The Early Maps of Scotland to 1850, the church, and the larger towns—so much so that an em- 3d rev. and enl. ed., 2 vols. (Edinburgh: Royal Scottish Geographical So- inent historian can speak of “the sheer exuberance of Scot- ciety, 1973–83), 1:163. tish cultural and intellectual life” at that time.4 Scotland 4. Jenny Wormald, Court, Kirk, and Community: Scotland, 1470 – was a confidently extroverted and assertive European 1625 (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), 56. 5. Wormald, Court, Kirk, and Community, 67 and 150. country at the height of its political independence. Schol- 6. T. C. Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 1560–1830 (Lon- ars from the three universities founded in the fifteenth cen- don: Collins, 1969), 184 –98, and Wormald, Court, Kirk, and Com- tury distinguished themselves in the great Continental cen- munity, 180. 1684 The Kingdom of Scotland: Cartography in an Age of Confidence 1685 decades of the sixteenth century. Pont’s father, Robert dence. He is credited with “a unique Scottish navigational Pont, was a lawyer, ecclesiastical author, minister of the handbook,” A Rutter of the Scottish Seas (ca. 1540), con- kirk, and five times moderator of the General Assembly taining some two hundred items of navigational informa- of the newly reformed Church of Scotland during the pe- tion.12 The original Scots language version has not sur- riod of the survey.7 Much work remains to be done on vived, but there are six extant texts, in English and French. how these maps came to be made and to what ends. Were At least four of these texts were accompanied by charts, they the passive products of their circumstances or active probably not the work of Lindsay himself. catalysts for change? Current explanations of the maps’ The rutter was compiled from several earlier sources to form and content remain in part conjectural. serve a naval expedition by James V in 1540 from Leith to the Western Isles, with the objective of preventing fur- First Steps toward a ther insurrection following the dispossession of the hered- Scottish Cartography itary lord of the isles by the Scottish Parliament in 1493. The data contained in the rutter have been the subject of Two names are associated with the beginnings of the detailed scrutiny, with scholars concluding that “the rut- sixteenth-century transformation of the outline of Scot- ter maintains a high degree of accuracy,” and that it “ex- land to recognizable form. They exemplify the influence ercised a perceptible influence upon the cartography of of both internal and external compilations in the eventual Scotland... for about a century, and that this influence emergence of a cartographic culture within the country. lay partly in the improvement of the outline and partly in The first was George Lily, an English exile in Italy who the supply of a body of 150 coastal and island place compiled Britanniae Insvlae... nova descriptio in 1546. names,” 13 for example, in the charts of Robert Dudley The provenance of this map, with its improved delin- and the maps of Gerardus Mercator, Laurence Nowell, eation of Scotland, is largely conjectural, related to the and Abraham Ortelius. presence of Lily in Rome and possibly utilizing the knowl- The search for the first steps toward the sixteenth- edge of other Scottish visitors to Rome, where it was pub- century transformation of the delineation of Scotland and lished. However, Lily seems to have obtained some of his the practice of cartographic skills within Scotland is com- place-names from the work of Hector Boece, first princi- plicated by the fact that they occurred during a period of pal of the University of Aberdeen, whose history of Scot- increasing mobility among Scots of influence and intellect. land (1526) was incorporated into later chorography.8 The archetypal example of the itinerant Scot is John Elder, A remarkable tradition of chorography in Scotland, ex- who was born in Caithness, probably graduated from St. tending throughout the sixteenth century and beyond and Andrews in 1536, trained as a priest, and may have lived associated with names such as Boece, George Buchanan, in England for some twenty years prior to his probable de- and Sir John Scot (Scott), has long been identified by parture for France in 1556.14 He is known to have visited Emery.9 Withers has explored the origins of the tradition Rome, where he met with fellow Scots, about 1538. He is and its translation from Renaissance mainland Europe to also known to have provided Henry VIII with a map of Britain, and to Scotland in particular, as late as the six- Scotland in 1543 for his planned invasion of Scotland. The teenth century.10 Chorographical study “emphasized the local in both historical and geographical senses: the sur- 7. A more detailed description of the “famous reforming clergyman, veying of estates...genealogies of local families ...de- Robert Pont” is set out in Caleb George Cash, “The First Topographi- scription of local natural features and human produc- cal Survey of Scotland,” Scottish Geographical Magazine 17 (1901): tions.” 11 Such studies were merged into the older chronicle 399– 414, esp. 400 – 401. traditions and assumed a political dimension by empha- 8. For more on the provenance of the Scottish part of Lily’s map, see D. G. Moir, “A History of Scottish Maps,” in Early Maps of Scotland, sizing historical continuity. Insofar as one purpose of 1:1–156, esp. 10 –12. chorography was to identify and maintain social order 9. See F.
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