Maltese-Arab Marriages A Measuring-Rod of Maltese Racism
Deborah Cassar
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) at the University of Malta
Sociology Department
April 2005
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Abstract
Anti-Arab sentiments in Malta are tangible in the various aspects of social life. As the main aim of this study was to qualify rather than quantify the degree of racism against Arabs in Malta, deliberations focus on Maltese-Arab married couples, due to their multifaceted experiences in this regard. The research consisted in interviewing sessions intended to explore manifestations of racial prejudices and discrimination; namely at the workplace, public venues, and governmental departments; and by relatives, friends, neighbours, and the local media. The analysis of local newspapers was employed as an additional source of information in order to support or refute affirmations made during the interviews. This work betrays the fact that religion is definitely a crucial factor, which affects thoroughly Maltese-Arab relations in Malta. On the other hand the local media has proved seminal in producing and perpetuating anti-Arab sentiments. Through scrutiny of the latter considerations the researcher tried to (i) outline the real causes of Arabophobia and, accordingly, (ii) evaluate the possibility of pluralistic integration of Arab nationals in Maltese society.
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Acknowledgements
Primarily, I would like to express my gratitude to my tutor, Profs. Dr. Mario Vassallo, for his assistance throughout the preparation of this study. I would also like to thank Mr. Muhammed El Sadi (Imam of the Muslim Community in Malta) and Mrs. Carol Gatt for their crucial help in the process of contacting the informants. Special thanks go to my informants who were really cooperative, responsive, and welcoming. I am also very grateful to Mrs. Maria Psaila for typing my work. Sincere thanks also go to Dr. Giovan Mamo and Mrs. Carmen Mamo, Mr. Michael Buhagiar, Dr. Adrian Grima, Mrs. T. Baluci and her colleagues at INFORMA (Current Affairs Research Agency), and my adorable mother, who in one way or other have provided me with valuable help. My heartfelt gratitude to my loving husband, Mario, can hardly be stressed enough, not only for proofreading my dissertation but also for constantly supporting me throughout the whole course of my research. Finally, I thank God for his indispensable assistance.
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Author’s declaration
I certify that I am responsible for the work submitted in this dissertation and confirm that this work is original and that none of the material contained in this research has been submitted for publication or as part work for a degree.
Deborah Cassar Prof. Dr. Mario Vassallo
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I dedicate this work to my treasured husband Mario, and my cherished parents and brother for their endless support.
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List of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction …………………………………………………………………2
Chapter 2: Literature Review ……………………………………………….…………..6
Historical Background………………………………………………………...7 Race as lineage………………………………………………………………..7 Race as type.…………………………………………………………………..8 De Gobineau and the Superior (type of) race …………………….…………10 Race as subspecies…………………………………………………………...11 The impact of social change(s) on race relations……………………………13 Sociological analysis of interracial relations………………………………...14 Interracial conflict and its consequences…………………………………….15 Theories of racism…………………………………………………………...19 Researching Maltese ethnic relations………………………………………..23
Chapter 3: Methodology………………………………………………………………...27
Why qualitative research?…………………………………………………...27 Newspaper Analysis…………………………………………………………28 Choosing the participants……………………………………………………29 Acknowledgement and minimization of limitations………………………...29 The interviews……………………………………………………………….31 Data analysis…………………………………………………………………34 Ethics………………………………………………………………………...35
Chapter 4: Data Analysis……………………………………………………………….39
First Encounters
At the airport………………………………………………………………...39 At leisure venues…………………………………………………………….43 Access to property…………………………………………………………...45 In government departments and public places………………………………47
Establishing relationships
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Relatives……………………………………………………………………..50 Friends……………………………………………………………………….56 At the workplace
The employer………………………………………………………………...58 Colleagues…………………………………………………………………...61 The self-employed…………………………………………………………...63
Neighbours…………………………………………………………………..65
Children: Relationships with teachers and schoolmates…………………….68
Religion……………………………………………………………………...71
Media………………………………………………………………………...76
The overall situation…………………………………………………………82
Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusions………………………………………………..88
Conjectures…………………………………………………………………..91
Bibliography………………………………………………………………...93
Appendix 1 Interview guide……………………………………………………………..100 Personal details form……………………………………………………….101
Appendix II Profiles of informants………………………………………………………102 Table: ‘Facesheet’ information…………………………………………….109
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Chapter 1
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INTRODUCTION
Anti-Arab sentiments in Malta can be traced in popular literature, oral traditions, and pseudo-historical chronicles. When the Maltese say ‘qisu Għarbi’ (‘he looks like an Arab’), they can only mean a thick or ill-mannered person. When they speak of someone as ‘rasu marbuta’ (literally ‘turbaned head’) they are suggesting a tardy or retrograde person. To describe a swarthy or dark-skinned person they say ‘Għarbi bej’ (‘black as an Arab’). Maltese historical novels dating from the last quarter of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century (e.g. the cross and crescent romances of Ġużè Musact Azzopardi) usually depict Arabs (and Turks) as merciless marauders and barbarous heathens. Many Maltese, up to this day, still do not make an ethnic distinction between Arabs and Turks. In their uncritical eyes they are just their common Muslim foes, who in the dark past used to plunder the island and carry off the locals into slavery. Thoroughly unhistorical descriptions of Arab rule in Malta (870–1091) teem with stories of oppression and constant humiliation. Recent academic studies by more scrupulous and objective scholars, has somewhat redressed this partisan view, but as everyone knows, myths, whatever their nature, die hard. Hence, it seems that Arabophobia and Islamophobia are still embedded in the Maltese collective imaginary. Malta hosts only two ethnic minorities – Indians and Arabs – and so, it cannot be considered as a multi-racial country. Nonetheless Maltese-Arab relations in Malta present quite a hot issue. On the other hand, Maltese-Indian relations are relatively good; this does not necessarily mean that Indians have been completely integrated in the Maltese society, but somehow they are accepted by Maltese people. The considerable number of successful Indian
9 families’ businesses (mostly concentrated in the capital city, Valletta) testify to this.1 However for some reason the same thing cannot be said of Maltese- Arab relations. A considerable number of articles and letters, written by the Maltese, witnessing negative perceptions and sometimes even showing hostility towards these people, appear often in local newspapers.2 Negative sentiments towards Arabs are also evident in the way Maltese people, generally, answer survey questions about this issue.3 Observations of such attitudes led the present researcher to formulate the hypothesis that Maltese people suffer from Arabo/Islamophobia, which leads them to act in a questionable manner towards this ethnic group. Thus this research will be focused mainly on three aspects: 1. causes of Arabophobia, 2. the consequences of this phobia, whether limited to prejudices or extended to actual discrimination, and 3. the possibility of a healthy ‘pluralistic’ Maltese society. The data, gathered from semi-structured interviews with Maltese-Arab married couples, will be scrutinized to substantiate and qualify the aforementioned aspects. Their experiences will be analyzed in order to investigate the Maltese people actual attitude towards Arabs. This in depth analysis will cover: 1. the treatment they receive in public places such as government departments, private agencies, banks, and leisure venues,
1 “Being a Sindhi in Malta means being a member of a much-respected, affluent business elite. It is worth repeating that L-Indjani are synonymous with business, and successful business at that.” Mark Anthony Falzon, An Encounter with the Maltese-Indian Community, unpublished thesis, B.A. (Hons.) Anthropology, University of Malta, 1996, 108. 2 See ‘Data Analysis’, Section 4, ‘Media’, 84-86. 3 “The race/nationality that was least welcome was the Arab one, with 40.6% of the respondents saying that they would react badly if an Arab became their neighbour…The highest percentage of those who said that their reaction would be a negative one [if their daughter or son married a foreigner] was for the Arab spouse 69.5% [sic.].” ‘Maltese fear the Arabs, Xarabank survey finds’, The Malta Independent on Sunday, 04/07/2004, 13. 10
2. their freedom of practicing their religion and adhering to their culture, and 3. their relationships with Maltese relatives, work colleagues and employers, Maltese friends, and neighbours. When possible, their children’s experiences at school, that is, their relationships with teachers and mates, will also be included in the analysis. From this analysis, the present researcher will also try to outline explanations (presented as reasons by the people concerned) for the way Maltese people behave towards Arabs. In this regard, local newspapers will be utilised as an additional source of information. They will be scrutinized for first hand justifications (of Arabophobia) advocated by Maltese people. After combining the results from both sources, the present researcher will seek to trace what lies behind Maltese attitude towards Arabs. Finally, by comparing and contrasting all the information gathered, hopefully, the present researcher will be in a position to deduce the probable course that will be taken by Maltese society in the future: thus confirming or rejecting the possibility of a pluralistic Maltese society.
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Chapter 2
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LITERATURE REVIEW
If one had to ask what is understood by racism to a random sample of people, probably everyone would be able to give some sort of answer, as the word ‘racism’ has gained currency over the past hundred years or so. A typical answer to such question would be: ‘A feeling of antipathy towards a particular race of people, usually black people.’ However people often fail to realize what in reality racism implies. This is no big surprise if one were to consider the fact that not even sociologists, not even those coming from the same school of thought, agree on a particular definition. This does not reflect incompetence or a lack of interest in the topic; on the contrary, the various theories and ideas, which were brought forward along the years, confirm a responsible and in-depth approach to the subject. Although different theories mirror the various ideologies, they compliment each other like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle, and give a rather clear, complete picture of racism. Theories provide the complex web of direct and indirect links to various aspects of everyday life inherent in racism. However if one is to study and compare these theories he/she is bound to find what seems to be a common denominator – power. Power, in its different forms, has always been and presumably will always be an object of desire for anyone. As every sensible person would conclude, to have or to be in power automatically implies a sense of superordination, which in turn implies subordination. Power needs to be explained, or better still, justified; for instance, the Roman Emperor claimed divine right to justify his ruling. However this kind of justification gradually lost its plausibility, and thus another more credible explanation was sought. Actually a new era in which credibility was synonymous with scientific explanations emerged and this dominated every aspect of human life,
13 including power. The classification of humanity based on the concept of race sounded scientific enough to serve as the foundation on which three main racial theories, which would eventually explain every superordinate act, were built, namely race as lineage, race as type, and race as subspecies.
Historical background The idea of classifying human beings precipitated as a consequence of colonialism, which initiated around the beginning of the 16th century. When Europeans started colonizing America and Africa, they enhanced contacts with other human beings who had different physical features than the ones they owned.
Race as lineage If it was not for the strongly-held belief, based on what the Bible says, that all human beings are the descendants of Adam and Eve and that human creation was monogenetic (i.e. having a common origin and belonging to a single species), physical characteristics, such as skin colour, hair, and nose and jaw structure, would have been enough proof for them to show that these people were not of their own kind. However they still insisted that something, which led to such phenotypic differences, must have occurred. In fact they argued that certain circumstances in the course of human history have led to a sort of diaspora, which, in turn, due to adaptation to new environmental conditions, precipitated distinctive lineages. According to Montesquieu new environmental conditions had an impact even on their temperament and, by implication, on their cultural aspects: ‘Countries where excess of heat enervates the body, and renders men so slothful and dispirited that nothing but the fear of chastisement can oblige
14 them to perform any laborious duty: slavery is there more reconcilable to reason.’4 Although Montesquieu presented an apparent ‘natural reason’ for slavery in particular environments, he still believed that all men were born equal and thus opposed slavery. Nevertheless such ‘revelations’ would have proved too tempting not to be used as a stepping-stone to exercise power over such people. Furthermore a philosopher of the calibre of David Hume remarks that the lack of development of a major Black Civilization might be a good indicator that Blacks are ‘naturally inferior to the whites.’5
Race as type Samuel Stanhope Smith, a former president of the present Princeton University, claimed that ‘whatever be their [Negroes] degree of talent, it is no measure of their rights.’6 As time passed and the European thirst to conquer the world escalated, such ideas were not enough to lessen the ever increasing need to find another theory which sustains their objections to a monogenetic explanation for humanity and which enables them to claim superiority over other races. Eventually, in fact, European writers such as Arthur de Gobineau have formulated a new theory about the origins of races, which considers race as a type. Here the idea of a monogenetic creation was discarded and replaced by that of a polygenetic one. This theory, contrary to the former, claimed that races shared no common ancestry. Their new belief was that humans were created either “by God or by some natural catastrophe.”7 If races did not share a common origin, then it was quite plausible to think that they developed in different ways because of their physical and mental abilities. The Negroes and the Caucasians (whites) were respectively deemed to be the lowest and the
4 Montesquieu, as quoted by Michael Banton, Racial Theories (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1987) 8. 5 Hume, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 9. 6 Stanhope Smith, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 14. 7 Banton, Racial Theories, 65. 15 highest achievers in this ability scale. This was evident from the respective degree of civilization reached by each race. Samuel George Morton proposed a supposedly scientific proof that explained the relation between mental ability and civilization. He collected skulls of the five different races classified by Blumenbach – Caucasian, Mongolian, Malay, American, and Ethiopian – and measured their internal capacity. He found out that “whites had the biggest brains, blacks the smallest, and that brown people came in between.”8 He concluded that these differences accounted for capacity for civilization. Despite being biased towards the belief that races were different types of human beings, he still denied the relevance of the infertility of hybrids as the best test of different kinds of creatures. Instead, Morton put forward the idea of ‘the repugnance of some human races to mix with others.’9 Two disciples of Morton who elaborated his argument were Nott, a physician and Gliddon, an English-born vice consul for the United States in Cairo. They concluded that: 1. the different existing human races have been created separately and placed in different environments, 2. chronologically speaking it is impossible neither for one race/type to transform into another nor for a new permanent one to emerge, 3. permanence/stability of type was the real scientific proof to be accepted regarding specific character and, 4. as regards to humanity one single genus exists and it is that of Homo; however, it includes a number of species, which exhibit different degrees of mental capacity. Thus, following Morton’s conclusion about the relationship of brain capacity to cultural/civilization capacity, Nott states: “To them [Caucasian
8 Banton, Racial Theories, 34. 9 Morton, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 38. 16 races] have been assigned, in all ages, the largest brains and the most powerful intellect, theirs is the mission of extending and perfecting civilization – they are by nature ambitious, daring, domineering and reckless of danger…” 10 Here Nott manifests overtly his belief in the whites’ (presumed) mental superiority and thus in their right to rule. He goes a step further by advocating white domination as a mission from which the inferior uncivilized people will benefit. Nevertheless, things seem to have moved in another direction, unforeseen by Nott. George FitzHugh (a spokesman for the Bourbon philosophy) declared that Nott and Gliddon’s book Types of Mankind (1854) “encourages and incites brutal planters [whites] to treat Negroes, not as weak, ignorant and dependent brethren, but as wicked beasts without the pole of humanity.”11 However, Nott and Gliddon’s beliefs did not lose their tenacity; in fact, they were borrowed and elaborated by other writers.
De Gobineau and the superior (type of) race One important follower of their ideas, considered to be the father of racist ideology, is de Gobineau. He believed that the Aryan race was superior to all other races and he supported the claim by stating that through its diaspora it led to the creation of all major civilizations stretching from that of Egypt to that of Rome. He strongly suggested that in order to secure its mental superiority the Aryan race should sacrifice the possibility of gaining power by means of racially mixed master-servant relations, as this would eventually serve as a boomerang against the Aryan race itself. De Gobineau considered racial mixture to be dangerous to the Aryan race as he believed that this would mean losing the capacity “to preserve the race of princes, whose blood is adulterated and impoverished by being made
10 Banton, Racial Theories, 43. 11 FitzHugh, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 45. 17 to suffer…dishonorable change…” 12 From this statement one can clearly outline de Gobineau’s idea of the need of a pure Aryan race to preserve and enhance civilizations, and thus understand the great influence he had on Nazi ideology. In fact, Tocqueville was right in stressing the social and political repercussions of de Gobineau’s theories. He foresaw that they will lead to “all evils of permanent inborn inequality: pride, violence, contempt for one’s fellow men, tyranny, and violence in all its forms.”13
Race as subspecies Despite the currency gained by the theory of race as type, Darwin’s theory of evolution shed new light on what might be the causes of racial differences. Subsequently the theory of race as subspecies emerged. This theory was essentially a sort of synthesis of the preceding two ideas; that is, the notion that all human beings shared a common origin and the notion that they spawned different races. According to Darwin those who were ablest to adapt to new environmental conditions, obviously, had better chances of survival and of passing their genes to further generations. This implies that certain characteristics would dominate in respective groups at the expense of others. Thus this process, which Darwin called natural selection, could be considered the cause of the largely diverse phenotypes owned by distinct human groups. This was the ground on which the theory of race as subspecies was built. Herbert Spencer presented a functionalist perspective based on this theory. He claimed that the mixing of closely related races could prove beneficial to society. However when mixing occurs between remotely related races, infertility will result at some point in subsequent generations because of “the incongruous workings of the united structures.” Spencer went a step further and argued that for such racial mixtures there is the tendency for
12 De Gobineau, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 50. 13 Tocqueville, as quoted by John Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society (London: Fontana and William Collins, 1985) 23. 18 highly unstable societies. He stated that race had a large impact on the degree of civilization reached by respective societies. By this he meant that the evolutionary process favoured the best-adapted races and gradually eliminated the least adapted. This idea was based on what Darwin himself had said; that is: “The wonderful progress of the United States, as well as the character of the people, are the results of natural selection; for the more energetic, restless, and courageous men from all parts of Europe have emigrated…”14 Darwin added that there was a high tendency that savage races owning small brains would become extinct due to their inability to civilize themselves. Thus Spencer can be classified as a Social Darwinist. The Social Darwinist Movement led to the rise of another social movement – eugenics, i.e. the improvement of the human race by the use of a ‘genetic policy’ based on the principles of heredity.’15 This was based on the principle of encouraging reproduction by parents who were thought to be, in some sense or another, superior and, on the other hand, the prohibition of reproduction by parents who were labeled inferior. This enhanced further the idea of superiority and inferiority of races and thus, the subordination of the inferior races to the superior race. However, in spite of all the effort made by theorists to present their beliefs in scientific light, scientists have never accepted their ideas as scientific, as no concrete connection between biological differences and behavioural and cultural differences was ever shown. The same thing could be said for the majority of sociologists. Nonetheless sociologists are still concerned about the division of races on such premises, as they agree with W.I. Thomas in saying that “if people
14 Darwin, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 71. 15 Abercrombie Nicholas, Stephen Hill, and Bryan. S. Turner, The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology, 4th edition (London: Penguin, 2000) 124.
19 define a situation as real, it is real in its social consequences”16 This leads them to study the resulting racial/ethnic relations. Michael Banton claims that: “Racial characteristics do not serve as role signs in places where everyone is classed as belonging to one race …” “Race is a role sign only in multiracial societies or in situations of racial contact in which expectations of behaviour have crystallized into patterns of some sort.”17 This implies that the use of race as a role sign was not something exclusive to the colonization period; it continued even after decolonization. In fact one might even add that actually, in the latter period, the use of race as a role indicator became somewhat more complex, as interaction between different groups of people became more multifaceted.
The impact of social change(s) on race relations During most of the colonization period human relationships were basically of the colonizer-colonized nature. Everyone had a fixed status, either that of a superordinate or of a subordinate. However, during this period, two important, practically superimposed social changes – the abolition of slavery and industrialization – have changed the course of things. “Both industrialization and racial relationships are highly complicated processes and a balanced assessment must therefore, view industrial development as a stimulant to change…”18 Economic growth, generated by industrialization, has encouraged many people to try to better their standard of living by immigrating to developed countries, mainly in Western Europe and the United States. This mass migration brought about a lot of multi-racial, and thus multi-cultural, contacts.
16 Thomas, as quoted by Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society,18. 17 Michael Banton, ‘Race Relations,’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings, eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976) 187. 18 Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 87. 20
This had a lot of consequences on the subsequent relations. Emigrant- receiving countries considered emigration as the solution to their shortage of labour. However most of the times they were not ready to give immigrants the chance to settle on a permanent basis. For example in Germany they were referred to as Gastarbeiter, literally meaning ‘guest worker.’ Nevertheless, by time, these immigrants have succeeded, in some way or another, to settle down with their families, especially when their children were born in the country they had emigrated to. This meant the establishment of ethnic minorities in the countries concerned. The resulting interracial relations have ever since been a widely analyzed sociological topic.
Sociological analyses of interracial relations Robert E. Park provides a typology of what he considers to be a cycle of race relations which consists of successive phases of group competition, conflict, accommodation, and finally assimilation, which eventually lead to interracial adjustments. He explains how the first two phases are inevitable as both the host and ethnic groups will struggle to maintain power and obtain power respectively; this will automatically generate conflict. However Park is optimistic about how things will eventually get along. He is convinced that by time status and power owned by each race will be accepted through accommodation. Finally, assimilation will solve out things on a permanent basis, as the ethnic group, according to Park, will eventually renounce their culture and adopt the major one: “Everywhere there is competition and conflict; but everywhere the intimacies which participation in a common life enforces have created new accommodation, and relations which were merely formal or utilitarian have become personal and human.”19
19 Robert E. Park, ‘Race and Culture,’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings, eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976) 35. 21
This rather functionalist approach, based on what is called the immigrant-host model, has been criticized by John Stone in his book Racial Conflict in Contemporary Society, as he sees it as “a crude and rather naïve analysis of the immigrant experience in America based on an interpretation of European migration into Chicago.” 20 Park and others who have used the immigrant-host framework as a base for their theories have been mainly criticized for their rather rigid and deterministic way of presenting their ideas. In fact Richardson and Lambert argue that it is immature to assume that assimilation is desirable, as this gives the impression that immigrants want or should renounce their own culture to embrace the host society’s culture. Park is often criticized for showing bias in favour of the host group, as he implies that in order to be integrated completely, migrants are bound to adhere to the mainstream culture. Park’s typology is also criticized by Richardson and Lambert for outrightly excluding the possibility of pluralistic societies, in which both the hosts and immigrants retain their distinctive cultures and co- exist peacefully. Nevertheless nobody can accurately predict the general pattern that inter-racial/inter-ethnic relations will assume. This is evident when one analyses the rather symbolic-interactionist perspective adopted by James McKay in his theoretical matrix of affective and emotional ties versus instrumentalist ties of ethnic groups.21 Here McKay points out that one must take into consideration the different types of ethnic behaviour and study the different reasons for which individuals feel a sense of belonging towards a particular group. McKay distinguishes five kinds of ethnic groups: ethnic traditionalists, ethnic militants, symbolic ethnics, ethnic manipulators, and pseudo-ethnics, which vary in the degree of value they attach to emotional ties compared to that of political and economical interests. Although McKay, while focusing on ethnicity, leaves the host group out of
20 Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 25. 21 Cf. Michael Haralambos & Martin Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives, 4th edition (London: Harper Collins, 1995) 685. 22 the picture, by his matrix-model approach he succeeds in making one realize the complexity of factors influencing inter-ethnic relations. However one can have a clearer picture of the structure upon considering the fact that the host group is practically never homogenous in its perception of ethnic minorities. The multiple points of view adopted by these groups will make the situation more complex; some will be relatively willing to relate with immigrants and some will not.
Interracial conflict and its consequences Sociological analysis of interracial relations forces one to conclude that conflict is inevitable. Yet it would be a great mistake to synonimize conflict with discrimination or violence. Alarmingly this misconception could conveniently justify aggressive confrontation. Nonetheless this is what usually happens wherever some kind of racial/ethnic mixture prevails. On the one hand, the ethnic-immigrant people, once they settle in a particular country, want to be treated on equal terms with the indigenous people, that is to have the same rights and obligations. On the other hand the indigenous people are divided in their perceptions: some look at immigrants as a potential source of cheap labour while others consider immigrants as intruders with whom they will have to compete practically in every aspect of their life. As a result of this conflict of interests racial-discriminatory behaviour precipitates. This means that immigrants have to face serious problems, such as housing. A number of property owners are reluctant to do business with immigrants fearing the resultant devaluation, which in turn will reduce the potential of selling other property in that particular area. In such situations, segregation is inevitable; unfortunately, it is not limited to neighbourhoods as it extends to work places and leisure venues. Certain ethnographic studies reveal that even if ethnic groups are not physically segregated they are still disadvantaged, as a consequence of both prejudices and so called
23 institutionalized racism. Robert Blauner argues that racism need not be conscious or based upon individual prejudice. For instance, institutional racism is located in the actual existence of domination and hierarchy and it ensures the continued subjection of particular races to others. 22 A good illustration is the tendency of teachers undervaluing the potential achievement of ethnic children. The low achievement of ethnic children is generally related to their unsound grasp of the school’s official language. Dialects can also turn out to be a great barrier in the process of integration as the importance attached to the standard language might generate a feeling of superiority among the standard language speakers. John Edwards, in his paper “Language, Disadvantage, and Minority Education”, explains that “what is required is sensitivity of teachers and schools to language variation, so that non-standard varieties will not become stigmatized and children will be allowed to express themselves without constant ‘correction’ toward the norms of another dialect.”23 One might add that the sensitivity Edwards speaks about should be extended to other aspects of the child’s socialization process, especially where the parents are concerned. Studies show the considerable influence parents have in the first years of their children’s socialization process, and this plays a crucial role in the perpetuation, or otherwise, of racial attitudes. Michael Banton, in his paper “Race Relations”, relates a true story about a little boy, who attended a mixed-race school in East London, who once asked his mother the permission to invite a friend of his for tea. When his mother asked him if his friend was a black boy, he answered: “I don’t know, Mummie,…but I’ll look tomorrow.”24 This confirms that children do show genuine colour blindness.
22 Blauner, as paraphrased by Haralambos & Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives, 690. 23 John Edwards, ‘Language, Disadvantage, and Minority Education,’ Race Relations and Cultural Differences, eds. Gajendra K. Verma and Christopher Bagley (Kent: Croom Helm, 1984) 92. 24 Banton, ‘Race Relations,’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings, 190. 24
Thus, from this and some similar experimental results, it can be concluded that racial prejudices are learnt, not innate. Banton claims: “the processes by which children are taught…that people of a particular appearance are socially inferior, may not feature in any school curriculum; parents and teachers may not be aware that they transmit such ideas, but they do so nonetheless effectively because the process is acknowledged.”25 In this regard A. Hamalian and J. Bhatnagar claim that in the Federal Republic of Germany “the children of foreign workers or the so-called second and even third generation foreigners are the targets of intolerance fueled by racism and xenophobia.”26 They describe how the majority, between 50% and 90%, leave school without any certificates and “illiterate in two languages’. Thus when these children reach working age, they find themselves without any educational credentials and without work permits. Castles warns that by living in a “socio-political limbo, as well as increasing alienation,” these youths are “Germany’s social time bomb.”27 Consequently one cannot accuse ethnic groups of having learning disabilities if the education system does nothing to accommodate them. They can neither be accused of being incapable of having jobs of responsibility if they are not even given the chance to aim to such positions; or of segregating themselves, if due to lack of housing opportunities they are pushed to live in particular, shabby areas; or of not trying to integrate themselves in society if they are denied entrance to leisure premises; and above all, they cannot be labeled as born aggressors, if they are only offered jobs in which they are exploited and from which they can hardly earn a living. These factors force them to live in degrading conditions that precipitate frustration and, perhaps,
25 Banton, ‘Race Relations,’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings, 189. 26 Arpi Hamalian and Joti Bhatnagar, ‘The Education of Children of Immigrant Groups: A Comparative Perspective of Britain, France, The Netherlands, The Federal Republic of Germany and Sweden,’Race Relations and Cultural Differences, eds. Gajendra K. Verma and Christopher Bagley (Kent: Croom Helm, 1984) 113. 27 Castles, as cited by Arpi Hamalian and Joti Bhatnagar, Race Relations and Cultural Differences, 113.
25 aggression. This means that immigrant-receiving countries should be cautious not to let prejudices turn out to be self-fulfilling prophecies. This can be done in various ways; school-based educational programmes against racism and more responsible journalism are essential. Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, in their book Racism and the Mass Media, show that the mass media, potentially, can be a very powerful machine for inciting racial sentiments. With regards to this, precautions must be taken seriously and looked at as an investment for a healthy and stable state as, otherwise, prejudiced attitudes would accumulate anxiety and eventually transform into violence. However extreme measures, such as reverse racism in terms of established quotas or other means, are not advisable. Equality should mean equal opportunities for everybody. In fact Nathan Glazer criticizes reverse racism as he thinks that ultimately “it will have the effect of devaluing minority qualifications in the eyes of the wider society and thereby undermine the self-esteem of the group as a whole.”28 Furthermore it will enhance racial conflict as people, who are left out because of the quotas favouring ethnic minorities, will feel discriminated against. So the best approach to secure the elimination or, at least, the sensible diminution of conflict should be based on Ruth Benedict’s claim in her book Race and Racism: “…everything that is done in any nation to eliminate unemployment, to raise the standard of living, to ensure civil liberties, is a step in the elimination of race conflict.”29
Theories of racism Racism had terrible consequences on human relations, especially during the last century. Many scholars have been intrigued by the implications and tried to figure out the probable causes of this phenomenon.
28 Glazer, as quoted by Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 149. 29 Ruth Benedict, Race and Racism (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1945) 157. 26
The approaches adopted were mainly psychological and sociological. Two famous contributors to the psychological analysis of racism are Theodor Adorno of the Frankfurt School and John Dollard; both were highly influenced by Freudian concepts.30 Adorno probably carried the most influential research in this field. After being expelled from his first university lectureship, because of his Jewish origins, in 1934, he changed his surname Weisengrund and adopted his mother’s. However he still had to leave Germany. These events, undoubtedly, had a great impact on his decision to study the characteristics of racism. After carrying out his research, he developed the Authoritarian Personality Theory. He claimed that racist discrimination and prejudice were the latent result of a rigidly disciplined upbringing and conditional love. He explained how persons who had such rearing, unknowingly wish to make others experience what they themselves experienced as children. Typical characteristics of the authoritarian personality are excessive conformity, submissiveness to authority, insecurity, superstition, and inflexible stereotyped thought patterns. Thus a person with an authoritarian personality will inevitably become anxious and insecure whenever something that shakes his/her existing worldview takes place. These persons are not ready to accept any deviations from their preconceived norms. Their notion of normality is basically congruent to their religion, race, nationality, and culture. They tend to believe and deem as important interpretations of history that suit best what they consider to be their only reality. All this leads them to stereotyped thinking with respect to minority groups, including racial/ethnic minorities. In their world there is no place for shades of grey; things are either black or white. They are always in search of absolute answers. Persons with an authoritarian personality, according to Adorno, find it difficult to understand things and people that are different from their own mental images.
30 Cf. Haralambos & Holborn, Sociology: Themes & Perspectives, 701-2. 27
These findings led Adorno to conclude that such personal traits are symptomatic of racist people and thus, those who have this kind of personality are very much inclined to support the Nazi ideology. Adorno’s ideas were reinforced by John Dollard’s frustration-aggression theory. Like Adorno, Dollard was influenced by Freud’s psychoanalytic theories. However Dollard goes a step further and explains how racist behaviour is the apex of frustration and hatred accumulated during childhood, at the time when the racist person was forced by his parents to extinguish his/her basic drives. As a child, being parents-dependent, he/she could not object. So the resulting frustration and anger are stored until vulnerable persons, on whom such sentiments can be displaced, are encountered. Social psychologists claim that ethnic people turn out to be easy targets and serve as convenient scapegoats. In spite of their unquestionable merit of shedding new light on the cause of racism, socio-psychological theorists have been widely criticized for their idea of reducing racism to abnormal behaviour shown by a limited number of people. E. Ellis Cashmore, who was critical of the psychological theories of racism, carried out a relatively comprehensive empirical research on this topic.31 Using samples from different age groups, he found that racism was not exclusive neither to one particular class nor to a specific age cohort. This provided ample proof that abnormal personality theories do not hold water, as otherwise racist behavior would not be spread so widely, but limited to a relatively small number of people. Cashmore argues that racism is quite logical if it is perceived as a sort of self-defense mechanism, used by many conservative people who desire stability and order. While appreciating the significant contribution of psychological theories in explaining, or rather attempting to understand, racism, it must be admitted that they lack a broad theoretical approach regarding the structural
31 Cf. Haralambos & Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives, 702. 28 or historical foundations of racism. However this could be made up for through analysis of the Marxists’ approach to racism. Oliver C. Cox is a prominent Marxist theorist of racism. In his book Class, Caste and Race (1948) he rejects the idea of innate racism and states that the concept of race is simply a social construction. For Cox racism “…as we know it today, never existed in the world before about 1492; moreover, racial feeling developed concomitantly with the development of our modern social system.”32 This means that it is a relatively recent phenomenon and knows its origin to capitalism. In fact Cox assiduously believes that: “It is probable that without capitalism, a chance occurrence among whites, the world might never have experienced race prejudice.”33 Cox shows how by colonizing America and Africa, Europeans developed a system of social relations based upon the principles of capitalism. This precipitated the need for labour which possibly could take the form of a commodity and consequently lead to a faster modes of prosperity. African people were the ideal kind of labourers needed. This was due to their distinctive phenotypic characteristics which were thought to justify their exploitative treatment. At the same time it was important to convince white workers that black workers were different. Consequently white workers would segregate themselves and become alienated from what should be their collective interest; that is, to unite and take common action against their exploiters. Banton says that according to Cox, “Beliefs about race do not have the objective reality of class; they encourage a distorted view of social affairs; by acting as brakes upon the class struggle, they delay the challenge from the working class.”34 Thus, according to Cox, racism was developed by the ruling class, which he believed was always backed by the state to justify
32 Cox, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 150. 33 Cox, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 150. 34 Cox, as quoted by Banton, Racial Theories, 150.
29 exploitation. Like other theorists Cox had his weak points and, in fact, he has been criticized on a number of his assertions about racism. In particular he was censured for believing that racism was exclusively practiced by white people, and for formulating a dogmatic relationship between capitalism and racism. He was criticized even by other Marxists who claimed that his perception of the capitalist class as an omnipotent entity dominating everyone, including the state, is too simplistic. Thus an analysis of the alternative approach, that is, the neo-Marxist one, taken up by Edna Bonacich in 1972, seeks to balance things out.35 She tried to develop a theory which explains different levels of ethnic antagonism. Bonacich argued that this kind of animosity, “first germinates in labour market split along ethnic lines.” 36 She qualified her stand by stating that ethnic and racial differences are not bound to create a split labour market, as the different groups involved may own congruent aims when entering the economic system. Nonetheless Bonacich claimed that when these conditions are not present, conflict between existing higher paid labour and cheaper labour, which is continuously sought by capitalists, can lead to three basic outcomes. The first possible scenario leads the employer to substitute the higher paid workers with the cheaper labourers. This means that while the capitalists benefit from the situation, the former higher workers will feel robbed of their job, and hence, put in a situation in which their bargaining power is drastically diminished. The second possible outcome is that immigration restrictions will be increased in such a way that the availability of cheap labour is automatically terminated. The last possible result is that a sort of industrial caste-system is created. This, inevitably, will lead to a split in the labour market.
35 Bonacich, as quoted by Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 67. 36 Bonacich, as quoted by Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 67. 30
Bonacich argued that the degree of power held by the higher paid labourers and employers respectively, will finally determine the outcome. However she claimed that if the higher paid workers do not succeed in their purpose of eliminating cheap labour, they would do everything in their power to withhold the better-paid jobs for themselves. Thus what Lenin called an ‘aristocracy of labour’ would develop.37 While enhancing exploitation by the capitalists, such a situation will lead to racial prejudice and discrimination, especially on the side of the formerly higher paid workers. Despite the fact that Bonacich’s approach is essentially based on a Marxist perspective, it is much less dogmatic than that adopted by other theorists of the same school, and hence, may sound more appropriate. However what should be kept in mind is that no theory has ever been totally foolproof, as behind every theory there is always a number of ideological biases and agendas. Even so, each of the above discussed theories have their respective merits and if one compares and contrasts them, one is supposed to understand what racism entails quite comprehensively.
Researching Maltese ethnic relations The issue of racism against Arabs in Malta has not been given extensive coverage by local writers. However, though not focusing wholly on racism against Arabs, Meinrad Calleja, in his book Aspects of Racism in Malta, gives a very good overview of the general situation in this regard. Calleja states overtly that Arabs (and Africans) “are openly discriminated against.”38 He gives a whole list of discriminatory actions against the latter: 1. denial of access to leisure venues 2. discrimination in house allocation and leasing, and hotel accommodation 3. discrimination in retail and transport services, and in several other
37 Lenin, as quoted by Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 67. 38 Meinrad Calleja, Aspects of Racism in Malta (Malta: Mid-Dlam għad-Dawl, n.d.) 52. 31 concerns. He goes on explaining how all this is justified by “resorting to stereotyping all Arabs as not conducting themselves properly, not tolerating alcohol and pestering women…and shoplifting.”39 Calleja claims that exceptions to such treatment are only made when the Arabs are either: 1. known to be economically well off, or 2. accompanied by locals. Moreover the author remarks that conversion to Catholicism and breaking contacts with other Arabs increase the likelihood for the Arabs concerned to be accepted. Calleja claims that racial discrimination in Malta is not only individually based, as Arabs, even if indirectly, are discriminated against even by government officials, departmental workers, immigration officers, and policemen. In the case of discriminatory acts committed by the police, Calleja remarks that: “A high ranking police officer acknowledged in Open Court that police base their judgement [in regards to deportation] solely on intuition. They also regularly round up Arabs and Africans and deport them arbitrarily.”40 Additionally the writer accuses the local media of significantly contributing to discrimination against Arabs. He observes that while minimizing the offences committed by Maltese or European nationals, and sometimes even showing sympathy towards the latter, the media blows every minor shortcoming of Arabs. Calleja points out that while “labelling Arabs and Africans in their headlines…they do not distinguish between Arab, Libyan, Tunisian, Egyptian, Algerian and other Africans…” 41 Furthermore
39 Calleja, Aspects of Racism in Malta, 52. 40 Calleja, Aspects of Racism in Malta, 53. 41 Calleja, Aspects of Racism in Malta, 54. 32 the author states that when reporting offences committed by Arabs, “the media resort to racial overtones and lexical colouring…” 42
42 Calleja, Aspects of Racism in Malta, 54. 33
Chapter 3
34
METHODOLOGY
Why qualitative research? Racism involves beliefs, opinions, attitudes, actions, and above all, some kind of relationship. To investigate such factors one cannot rely on purely statistical data, especially when the scope of the investigation is to determine the causes and consequences of such a phenomenon, as in the case of this thesis. In this regard the present researcher had to sacrifice two main criteria – reliability and validity, due to the relatively small size of the sample and the detailed information required by qualitative research. However, being conscious of the importance of these two factors, the researcher tried to base her work on two alternative criteria proposed by Guba and Lincoln (1985, 1994) – trustworthiness and authenticity.43 This was accomplished by trying to satisfy the respective sub-criteria, which make up trustworthiness and authenticity, as much as possible. Thus, while following the canons of qualitative research, the researcher continuously sought feedback from her informants regarding her understanding of respective social relationships. Consequently, an acceptable degree of credibility was attained. Simultaneously, due attention was paid to details given by informants, noting even non-verbal information, which subsequently led to the formation of what Geertz calls ‘thick description’.44 Apart from providing the researcher with rich data, ‘thick description’, as deployed by Guba and Lincoln, is a method which helps in evaluating the possibility of transferability. Nonetheless, ‘thick description’ does not guarantee complete objectivity on the researcher’s part. Actually, practically all social scientists agree that complete objectivity is next to impossible in social research, as all human understandings are based on subjective norms, such as social background,
43 Alan Bryman, Social Research Methods (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001) 272-5. 44 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 272. 35 cultural values, individual experiences, etc. However, it still remains desirable to achieve the greatest possible level of objectivity. Thus, when carrying out this research, the present researcher, while keeping the informants anonymous, discussed the information attained with colleagues and friends in order to ensure: 1. confirmability, i.e. no personal values or theoretical indications were overtly allowed to influence the course of research and/or the results 2. and to a certain extent dependability. Then, in regards of authenticity, the researcher’s principal objectives were mainly educative authenticity, ontological authenticity, and fairness in representing different points of view held by members constituting the social milieu studied. Though not explicitly, the researcher also aspired to attain a certain degree of catalytic authenticity through this research.45
Newspaper Analysis Since mass media influence and, in turn, are influenced by the dominant cultural values, newspapers proved to be a compelling source of information for the present researcher. Thus, a qualitative kind of content analysis of all local newspapers, covering the period from 1989 till 2004, was carried out. Due to time restriction, the relevant articles were accessed through a computerized search system (run by a private company) following the inputting of keywords such as ‘Arabs’, ‘Islam’, ‘Racism’, ‘Mixed marriages’, ‘Muslims’, and ‘Islamophobia’. This analysis comprised both an overview of the raw content of the articles and the study of the actual wording used by their respective authors. Thus, this exercise provided the present researcher with: 1. a distinctive picture of Maltese perceptions of Arabs 2. guidelines for the primary issues to be investigated
45 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 275. 36
3. an understanding of the role of mass media, in this case newspapers, in relation to local perceptions of Arabs.
Choosing the participants Marriage creates a whole web of relationships and thus mixed marriages provide a rich source of inter-racial encounters. Actually, this was the criterion for the present researcher’s choice of informants. Due to inaccessibility of a sampling frame for the population from which the sample could be randomly chosen, the researcher had to resort to snowball sampling. Though the researcher planned to conduct 20 interviews she only managed to conduct 15. This was not due to lack of cooperation on part of the informants, as, on average, each couple recommended at least three other couples. Rather, it was due to a considerable number or refusals on the subsequent recommended couples’ part. This constrained the researcher to ask friends and relatives to put her in contact with people they knew, and who could be potential informants. The Maltese-Arab couples that constituted the sample differed in: 1. Arab partner’s country of origin (Egypt, Libya, Palestine, Syria, and Tunisia) 2. Arab partner’s educational background 3. Arab partner’s term-time of residence in Malta. 4. Arab partner’s job 5. age cohort 6. years of marriage 7. area of residence These varying characteristics significantly compensate for the undeniable limitation of representativeness in snowball sampling.
37
Acknowledgment and minimization of limitations Limitations, in any kind of research, are inescapable. However, providing that the researcher recognizes them, they still can be minimized. The three main limitations in this work are those traditionally associated with qualitative research, i.e. the problems of: 1. subjectivity 2. replication, and 3. generalization Hence, while establishing personal relationships with the informants, the present researcher had to check constantly the tendency to go native. To minimize further this problem, the researcher carried out an analysis of local newspapers (1989-2004), and the subsequent results indicated the key factors affecting Maltese attitudes towards Arabs in Malta, mainly from the local perspective. This allowed the researcher to gain a wider understanding of the issues at hand, rather than relying exclusively on her own limited opinion. Hence she could judge better what data were significant and important; this consequently reduced subjectivity from her work. In regards to subjective interpretation, the researcher, while safeguarding the informants’ anonymity, also discussed her findings with colleagues in order to get other views, which could have facilitated a more legitimate interpretation. Nonetheless, the researcher asserts that, in spite of the latter technique (i.e. discussing findings), she remained the sole data collector. Ultimately what was considered to be relevant is what the researcher herself observed and heard, and which struck her as significant. This makes the study difficult to replicate due to a number of factors, namely: 1. the significance of issues varies according to the respective perspectives of researchers who carry out the study; 2. the informants’ replies tend to vary according to researchers’ characteristics; and
38
3. the ethical principles of protecting the informants’ identity necessitates the use of coding. As to generalization, while recognizing that both the size of the sample and the sampling technique, do not allow demographic generalization, the researcher argues that they do allow theoretical generalization, which ultimately is the essential objective of qualitative research. As Simons claims, “by studying the uniqueness of the particular, we come to understand the universal.”46 Moreover, Stake maintains that: “whereas single or few cases are poor representation of a population of cases or poor grounds for advancing grand generalization, a single case as a negative example can establish limits to grand generalization.”47 In respect to snowball sampling efficacy, Coleman argues that “when the researcher needs to focus upon or to reflect relationships between people, tracing connections through snowball sampling may be a better approach than conventional probability sampling.”48
The interviews The idea that the interview is an unproblematic window on the social world is, to say the least, a simplistic notion. Nonetheless, the present researcher considered semi-structured interviewing as the best path to follow, in order to reach her goals. The main motive behind this choice was that semi-structured interviewing offers the possibility of seeing through the eyes of the ‘other’.49 As Lofland and Lofland claim “face-to-face interaction is the fullest condition of participating in the mind of another human being, and…you must participate in the mind of another human being to acquire social knowledge.”50
46 H. Simons, ‘The paradox of case study,’ Cambridge Journal of Education, 26(2) (1996): 231. 47 R. E. Stake, ‘Case studies,’ Handbook of qualitative research, eds. N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (Thousands Oaks, CA: SAGE, 1994) 245. 48 Coleman, as quoted by Bryman, Social Research Methods, 99. 49 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 277. 50 Lofland & Lofland, as quoted by Bryman, Social Research Methods, 277. 39
Thus, prior to the actual interviewing, the researcher prepared an interview guide, which was intended to establish the specific issues to be addressed.51 The research questions were based on common issues raised in discussions with colleagues, friends and relatives, local newspapers, and other literature. However, it was made sure that none of the questions formulated was too specific and thus, flexibility was not threatened. Actually, while trying to use the same wording most of the time, the researcher did not stick to the questions’ order; as she tried to comprehend the significance and importance of each topic area from the interviewees’ point of view. Then, as the researcher was after rich detailed answers, when it was necessary, she even departed significantly from the interview guide in order to investigate points deemed to be significant, which were spontaneously solicited by the informants. Obviously, besides ‘thick description’, the researcher was also interested in authentic responses. Hence, the present researcher tried to gain the infromants’ trust from the outset. The researcher initially approached the informants by phone. By means of each call the informants were briefed about such matters as: 1. who recommended them (the Imam, a friend of theirs, etc.) 2. who was the researcher 3. what was being investigated, and 4. the kind of help needed. This, together with the fact that complete confidentiality was guaranteed helped the researcher in succeeding to construct a strong basis for the development of an authentic rapport with the informants. Moreover, as the informants were ready to receive the researcher in their homes confirms the researcher’s achievement in gaining their trust.
51 See Appendix 1a. 40
Nevertheless, the researcher kept on working on this issue of trust through the whole interviewing session. Before starting each interview the present researcher manifested her gratitude for the informants’ willingness to participate and explained how much the latter’s cooperation was valued. Then to make the interviewees feel more at ease, the researcher briefly outlined the issues intended to be discussed, and simultaneously made it clear that if there were any issues that the interviewee preferred not to discuss, she/he must in no way feel obliged to do so. Asking for the consent to tape-record the interview, and explaining that this would facilitate and make more inclusive the researcher’s work, followed this procedure. Additionally, the interviewees were promised that their interviews would be re-listened to only by the researcher herself. Consent was granted with only one exception. In the latter case, the researcher followed Bryman’s advice, i.e. when being “…faced with a refusal, you should still go ahead with the interview, as, it is highly likely that useful information will still be forthcoming.”52 On the other hand the rest of the informants consented to be tape-recorded. It must be admitted that initially they felt alarmed at the idea of being recorded. However, in each case, this did not last long. This is evident from the fact that, as the interview progressed, the interviewees started giving more detailed answers in spontaneous fashion (also including the citation of swear words). Undoubtedly, being at home, and thus not being afraid to be overheard, was a crucial factor for the interviewees’ extensive disclosure of information. The fact that the researcher tried to establish a non-hierarchical interviewer-interviewee relationship, even by disclosing some personal information, also played an important part in this respect. Essentially, the researcher followed Ann Oakley’s line of thought in that in “…most cases, the goal of finding out about people through interviewing is best achieved when the relationship of interviewer and interviewee is non-
52 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 322. 41 hierarchical and when the interviewer is prepared to invest his or her own personal identity…Personal involvement is more than just dangerous bias. It is the condition under which people come to know each other and to admit others into their lives.”53 The result of this was more or less the one expected. In fact, when at the end of each interview the researcher asked for personal details (name excepted) in order to record a face sheet, the informants did not hesitate, to give the necessary information. Moreover, another thing that the researcher considered an important sign of disinhibition and trust on part of the informants is, that quite often, she was invited either for tea or for a traditional dinner. On average, the actual interviews lasted between 60 to 90 minutes. However, very often, after the recorder has been switched off, the informants tended to pick up again particular issues and continue discussing them. As in such cases it is not feasible to switch on the recorder again, the researcher resorted to taking short notes, and then elaborated them immediately after leaving the respective homes. After each interviewing session, the researcher made additional notes about the interview itself, i.e. how it proceeded and about the domestic setting where it took place, thus reporting a very important part of the interview – non-verbal information.
Data analysis As data analysis goes, the researcher’s interpretation of the gathered information may easily be distorted by subjectivity. This is more so if the investigation is based on a particular hypothesis, as the researcher might unconsciously interpret the data in the way that best suits his/her hypothesis. Thus, in order to minimize this possibility, the present researcher utilized two different sources of data – newspapers and semi-structured interviews. These
53 Oakley, as quoted by Clive Seale, ‘Qualitative interviewing,’ Researching Society and Culture, ed. Clive Seale (London: Sage, 2002) 208. 42 represented Maltese and Arab points of view respectively, regarding Maltese- Arab relationship in Malta. So the data evaluation of this research comprised: 1. the analysis of local newspapers which mainly portrayed the Maltese perspective; 2. the examination of semi-structured interviews of Maltese-Arab couples, using the analytic induction approach At this stage, the researcher realized how correct Bryman is in saying that, quite often, qualitative researchers risk committing the ‘sin’ of what Lofland and Lofland call ‘descriptive excess’.54 Actually, it was quite hard to discard certain data; however, the present researcher succeeded in eliminating some information while focusing on what were considered to be central issues. The local newspapers’ analysis involved the searching and highlighting of particular themes, such as religion and culture, paying due attention even to discourse. On the other hand, interviews’ analysis encompassed multiple re- listening of the tape-recorded interviewing sessions, detailed note taking, coding, categories formation, and attempts to generate some sort of theoretical explanations. Essentially, the facts that both types of analysis involved coding, which eventually lead to categories’ formation, made the comparison of the opposing points of view simpler. This comparison helped the researcher to identify the salient issues to be interpreted, and subsequently outlining connections between the emerging concepts and categories. The approach used for the analysis of both sources was a hermeneutic one, as it comprises two essential principles of qualitative research, i.e., “an emphasis on the point of view of the author of the text and sensitivity to context.”55 Finally, the researcher tried to interpret the findings by reflecting on their relevance in respect of the research hypothesis.
54 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 278. 55 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 383. 43
Ethics Though qualitative researchers strongly believe that the subject matter – human beings – of social research is different from that of the natural sciences, there is still a great risk that their enthusiasm to apply verstehen in their study leads them to treat their informants as if they were mere sources of information, i.e. as objects. Thus, the present researcher after having consulted relevant literature, decided to adopt a number of ethical precautions which would at least minimize the possibility of: 1. harming the participants 2. lacking informed consent 3. the invasion of privacy.56 In fact, the researcher started applying ethical precautions from the very beginning of this research, i.e. when she visited the Imam to ask him for recommendations of potential informants. On this occasion the researcher briefed the Imam about the purpose of her research and guaranteed complete confidentiality. Then, in order not to put any undue pressure on the potential informants to participate in this research, the present researcher made the first contacts through phone calls. This kind of approach made it easier for those who did not wish to participate to refuse, as they did not have to face the interviewer. Through each phone call, the researcher introduced herself as a university student writing a thesis on Maltese-Arab relationships in Malta, who needed to interview Maltese-Arab couples in order to pursue her investigation. Moreover, while explaining in what way she got their phone number, the researcher made it clear that they were in no way obliged to participate, and thus, they were completely free to refuse. Additionally, to respect their
56 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 479-83. 44 privacy, informants were not only guaranteed confidentiality but also asked to choose the place where and the day and time when to be interviewed. However, in these first contacts, the researcher refrained from disclosing her preference to tape-record the interviews, as it was thought that this would put off potential informants. Nonetheless, this does not mean that interviewees were tape-recorded without informed consent. She mentioned tape-recording only when she arrived at the respective houses, and after she hade broken the ice. This may sound as informants’ will manipulation but actually it was not. The present researcher, when asking for permission to tape-record, made it clear that the interviewees were free to refuse. Moreover, they were informed that even if they accepted, if at any instance they did not want any particular information to be tape-recorded, they still had the right to ask the interviewer to stop the tape-recorder. Actually, the fact that there were moments when some interviewees did ask the interviewer not to tape-record certain information, and that in two particular cases the interviewees categorically refused to be tape-recorded proves the freedom informants had as to accepting or not to be tape-recorded. Nonetheless, the researcher, following Bryman’s suggestion, still tried to be sensitive as much as possible to the reaction of the interviewees while disclosing information, so that if she noticed that a particular topic was making the interviewee feel nervous or uneasy, she would immediately move to another topic.57 This could have led to the loss of some important data, but for the present researcher the well-being of the informants was a priority. Finally, when it came to analyzing the data, the researcher adopted one of the canons of ethical principles, i.e. coding. The present researcher allocated special attention to this process, as she was conscious that in a small island such as Malta, individuals would be easily identified, if their identities were not carefully coded.
57 Bryman, Social Research Methods, 319. 45
Though the researcher tried to be as ethical as possible, it must be admitted that as Bryman states, “ethical decision-making” is difficult.
46
Chapter 4
47
DATA ANALYSIS
1. First encounters
1.1 At the airport It was often commented that Arabs are segregated from the rest of the travelers, subjected to much more rigorous security checks than the latter, and frequently spoken to in a disrespectful, rude manner. The majority of the interviewees attributed this attitude to the stereotyped image of Arabs, which policemen and Maltese nationals in general hold as a result of a number of Arabs caught in illegal activities, mainly drug importation and trafficking.
[Omar:] “Il-pulizija kollha l-istess għax dak iż-żmien kienu hawn ħafna trouble, dak daħħal xi ħaġa u dak, fhimt, kellu affarijiet tal -business jiġifieri ifhimni jittrattwhom ħażin mhux eżempju dak għamel xi ħaġa jew dak mhux suppost daħħal dak il-ħaġa kutrabanda, dak tittrattah mod imbagħad dak tittrattah mod ieħor. L-istess, kollha l-istess, kollha l-istess. Eżempju jien ħandi... g mhux bħala meta jiġi xi ħadd Ingliż, pereżempju jgħidulu kemm trid visa? Jew ma jgħidulux kemm trid visa jaqbad u jtih tliet xhur mill-ewwel fhimt? Jien eżempju jekk ikolli fuqi $5,000 ħidli jg int flok tliet xhur xahar għax xahar suppost. Mill-aħħar fhimt? Int ma jridikx iddum ħafna u skond kif jarak, jekk togħġbu hekk, ikun bniedem hekk all right, jieħu grazzja miegħek, ok.”58
[Firas:] “L-Airport?! Kif jaraw xiħadd Għarbi, idumu nofs ta’ nhar ifittxulu, jibagħtu għalih, u…darba għax ippruvajt ngħin lil sieħbi, peress li lili ma setax jibgħatni lura għax miżżewweġ Maltija, il-pulizija qalli, ‘Int, ok, agħlaq ħalqek
58 “The police make no differences. In those times there was a lot of trouble. Many were involved in shady businesses, such as contraband. But the police treat everybody in the same manner. For example, an Englishman is often given the permission to stay over for three months – no questions asked. But even if I have five thousand dollars, I will only be allowed to stay for one month, as dictated by law. The police, generally, refuse to accept long stays, but if you look OK, they can make some concessions.” 48
u itlaq.’ Ara kieku jkun ħaddxi mill -Ewropa, hekk mod ieħor…lill -Għarab jittrattawhom differenti…ħażin.”59
[Butrus:] “L-aħħar darba li kont sejjer...immur business u niġi lura, dan tas - security qatt ma ninsieha ta, qatt ma ninsieha. Daħħalt il -bagalja għall-X-rays, qalli, ‘Tista’ tiftaħha?’ Għidtlu, ‘Mela le’, ftaħtlu l -bagalja, ħares fil - bagalja...għidtlu, ‘Hawn files, hawn dokumenti personali, hawn din u hawn din. Inneħħilek kollox kieku trid, inneħħilek jien biex ma toqgħodx tgerfex karta minn hemm u karta minn hawn. Inġiblek kollox barra kieku trid’. Qalli, ‘Le, inti ħallihom hemm.’ Għidtlu, ‘ok.’ Mument waddab idu uħidtlu, g ‘ No, għax għandi ħafna karti fin-nofs.’ Taf x’għamilli? Qabadli l -bagalja, qalli, ‘Isma’ ta, ma titlax fuq l-ajruplan.’ U qalibli l-bagalja upside down. Għditlu, ‘X’inti tgħamilli?’ Għidtlu, ‘I can’t believe it...x’jiġfieri?!’ Jiena diabetic u għandi l - insulin u seringa. Qalli, ‘Dan x’inhu?’ħidltu, G ‘Dak tad -diabetic.’ Qallu, ‘Pawlu, isma’ ta, inti ħandekg idea x’inhu l -mediċina taz-zokkor?’ Ħariġli s - seringa u kollox qagħad imiss b’idejh. Kien hemm xi ħames Ingliżi warajja...”60
However, it seems that in particular circumstances, this kind of negative attitude changes into a more congenial one, at least, in regards to airport officers’ behaviour. According to the interviewees, the two main factors which characterize such situations are: 1. the skin colour and 2. whether the Arab person is backed either by a trusted entity such as an international enterprise or to a lesser extent by a Maltese national such as a wife.
59 “The airport? As soon as they [the police] detect an Arab, they take hours searching his belongings. Once I was accompanying a friend. They could not send me back since I was married [in Malta], but when I ventured to help my colleague, the policeman cautioned me to shut up and mind my business. The Europeans are definitely treated much better, but when it comes to Arabs, it’s a completely different matter.” 60 “I can never forget the last time I was away on business. The security guard asked me to open my luggage bag. I implored to handle the contents myself since I had a lot of files and personal documents. Instead he upturned my bag, carelessly rummaging my belongings, while threatening me to send me back on the plane. I could not believe my eyes. He then found my insulin syringe and I had to explain my diabetic condition. He kept messing my things and even informed his colleague about it. Some five English tourists waiting behind me witnessed my humiliation.” 49
Those interviewees who claimed they have been treated in a relatively fair way (at the airport), argued that they are convinced that if, the circumstances were different, they would have been subjected to the same discourteous treatment other Arabs, they know, had received.
[Yasar:] “Le, le…jien kont żgħir, kont fifteen meta ġejt hawnhekk. Meta wasalt hawnhekk, kont naf the situation, u peress li wiċċi ma kienx ji dher li jien Għarbi…imma jekk wiċċi jidher li jien Għarbi naħseb iżjed kont…eżempju jekk samrani iżjed kien iwaqqfu l-pulizija…jien kont ngħaddi aħjar.”61
[Salim:] “Jien ġejt fuq xogħol Malta. Bagħtitni l -kumpanija Franċiża li kont naħdem magħha. Li ġejt fuq xogħol, differenti. Kont ittrattat veru differenti għax kont noqgħod Tas-Sliema. Pereżempju, meta kont niġi, postijiet oħrajn ma kontx naf bihom. Problemi ta’ Libjani ma kontx naf eżatt kif kienu…il-Maltin x’kienu jgħidu fuq il-Libjani. It-tip ta’ nies li kont nitħallat magħhom differenti milli nies oħrajn kienu jitħalltu magħhom, fhimtni? Jiena ġejt ittrattat, fil -bidu, differenti ħafna minn ħafna Libjani li kienu hawn…Jiena ltqajt ma’ erba’ Maltin li ttrattawni tajjebħafna. Ma kontx naf il -Libjani l-oħra kif jiġu ttrattati…sakemm iżżewwiġt u bdejt ngħix hawn, imbagħad bdejt naf!” [Sonia osservat li:] “Però, kien jitkellem bl-Ingliż, speċi hu kien jaf bl -Ingliż u jitkellem Ingliż b’aċċent li ma tindunax li hu Għarbi. Abbli, għalhekk, kienet tgħinu ħafna fis-soċjeta’ tagħna.”62
[Karim:] “Ma sibtx xiħaġa diffiċli, imma jien ma ġejtx bħala turista. Ġejt fl - Amitex Fair, allura ġejt bil -kostum. Ġejt qisu ma’ kumpanija taż-żfin, u allura bħal speċi ma setgħux iwaqqfuni, differenti.”63
61 “No, no, I was still very young when I came to Malta. I had a sound understanding of the situation. My facial complexion is not that dark; hence it was not that difficult. Otherwise they [the police] could have given me a hard time.” 62 “I was sent to Malta by my French firm. I used to live at Sliema and I was treated with courtesy. I had no idea of the negative perception held by the locals. I didn’t know what they said about Libyans. Due to my type of work I had to deal with different people, who generally respected me. But when I married and settled in Malta I began to understand the situation”. [Sonia:] “He speaks English fluently; accent and all that, so, he was more readily accepted.” 63 “I had no real problems. But I didn’t come to Malta as a tourist. I came during the Amitex Fair. I came with a dancing troupe wearing a traditional costume. They [the police] could not turn me back. That made all the difference.” 50
When comparing the accounts given by interviewees who came to Malta recently (i.e. within the last eleven years or so) to those given by interviewees who came in the past 18 to 25 years, a significant difference in the Maltese general attitude towards Arabs can be immediately noticed.64 It seems that this divergence is largely due to conspicuous changes in the Maltese socio-political scenario. The local government of the 80’s had very good relations with the Arab countries, especially with Libya. Actually, this had a great impact on the way Arabs were treated in Malta. In fact, the two informants, a Libyan and a Palestinian, who came to Malta during that period, agree and emphasize that at that time, Arabs in Malta were treated very well, and much better than presently.
[Ibrahim:] “Ir-relations kienu differenti ħafna, kienu tajbin. Libjani kienu hawn stmati ħafna aktar mil-lum.”65
[Butrus:] “Jien ngħid lill-mara kuljum ta, m’għadhiex togħġobni Malta għax il - Maltin inbidlu ħafna.”66
[Habib:] “Ovvjament jiena kont mill-ewwel grupp Palestinjan li ġie hawn Malta. Emm, sinċerament, il -gvern ta’ dak iż-żminijiet ta’ Mintoff eh, kien laqagħna ħafna, għalija nitkellem personali u ħafna minn sħabi wkoll…he made us to feel that we are humans we were not discriminated. Fejn konna niġu ddiskriminati mad-dinja kollha, anki fil-pajjiżi Għarab. Fil-fatt, jiena fl-A-level ġejt it-tieni minn 23,543 student. Ma stajtx nidħol l -Università tal-Ġordan għax jien Palestinjan. Meta wasalt hawn Malta madwari sibt li kien hemm veru nies ta’ għajnuna.”67
64 Perhaps, they were treated better in the 80’s than at present because, back then, they were not considered a threat to the local work market. 65 “Then, relations were quite different; they were actually quite good. Libyans were respected much more than today.” 66 “I keep telling my wife: I no longer cherish Malta; the Maltese have changed a lot.” 67 “Obviously I was one among the first group of Palestinians who came to Malta. The government of that day, I mean Mintoff’s government, made us welcome. I speak on my behalf and on behalf of my friends. He 51
1.2 At leisure venues Leisure venues, such as discos, are an ideal place for socialization, which in turn, is an important step in the process of integration. Thus, the fact that Arabs seek entertainment in such venues can be considered as a positive sign of good will on their part to socialize with Maltese people. However, according to what the Arab interviewees have remarked, very often, they are blatantly denied this opportunity of socialization. Most of them claimed that security guards refused to let them in, either by making it clear that Arabs were not welcomed, or on the questionable ground of not possessing an identification card or simply by not giving any reason.
[Omar:] “…Ġieli jitolbok l -I.D. card, taparsi ħasg -snin, u jekk ħidlu,tg ‘M’għandix,’ jgħidlek, ‘Mela daqshekk, ma ħolx.’tid Skuża tajba jiġifieri din…Kien hemm wieħed missieru Libjan u ommu Maltija, u kellu ċittadinanza Maltija. Fl-I.D. card kien Malti Malti, u dan kien mal-ħabib tiegħu. Waqqafhom, qallhom, ‘L-I.D. card?’ L-ieħor kellu l-I.D. card ta’ barrani imma kien miżżewweġ Malta. Qallu, ‘Ma tistax tidħol.’ L-ieħor qallu, ‘Int minn fejn?’ Qallu, ‘x’jiġifieri minn fejn?’ Jiġifieri xorta jrid isib l-iskuża.”68
[Yusuf:] “Meta kont inkun waħdi, ġuvni, jew mal -ħbieb Għarab, mhux kull disco jgħidulek ‘ma tistax tidħol’, imma f’ħafna discos jgħidulek, ‘L-I.D. card?’ U aħna ma jkollniex l-I.D. card u jgħidulek, ‘Ma tistax tidħol.’ Biex toqgħod tiġġieled miegħu għalxiex? Għalxejn għax int tmur biex tieħu gost, u b’hekk idejquk u ma tmurx aktar.”69
made us to feel that we are humans we were not discriminated. We experienced discrimination everywhere, even in Arab countries. In the A-Level exams I placed second from 23,543 candidates. But I could not enrol in the University of Jordan simply because I was a Palestinian. When I came to Malta I found out that the locals were very helpful.” 68 “Sometimes they ask you for your ID, presumably to check your age. If you do not present an ID you’re simply denied admittance. It’s a very convenient excuse. One with a Libyan father and a Maltese mother, provided the local ID and satisfied their queries, but his friend, who provided a foreign ID, though married to a local girl, had to endure further questioning.” 69 “Not all discos apply the same policy, but most of them demand your ID at the door. If you do not comply they just refuse to let you in. Why should you end up in trouble, when you’re only after some simple fun? But they keep bothering you just to give up trying.” 52
They argued that this stance is very humiliating, as they know that other foreigners do not receive the same treatment.
[Firas:] “F’disco ma jħallikx tidħol. Darba kont ma’ grupp ta’ Franċiżi, kont qed indawwarhom, jiġifieri l -grupp tiegħi, qed tifhem? Kif kon na deħlin il - Brooklyn, lill-Franċiżi daħħalhom u jien qalli, ‘Int ma tidħolx! Inti le!’ Dak il- ħin irrabbjajt ħafna għax waqqagħni għaċ-ċajt, ġabni żibel, u mort sibt pulizija u x’ħin qbadt ngħidlu x’għalmilli, qalli, ‘Itlaq ’l hemm xbin, trid? Ħallini. Itlaq!’”70
They confirmed that skin colour does matter. Both those who were and those who were not denied admission thought that skin colour was a crucial factor in this regard, as if the Arab person who wants to enter a discotheque does not correspond with the conventional image of Arabs (i.e. dark complexioned), he would not be denied access. In fact, all those who did not face admission problems believed that it was because physically they were not ‘typical’ Arabs.
[Habib:] “Le, qatt ma kelli problemi, imma l-istess…nerġa’ ngħid, naħseb minħabba li jien bjond, u allura peress li miniex Għarbi tipiku, ma jagħtux kas.”71
[Nathalie:] “Il-kuġin tiegħu, li qisu Svediż, dak jibqa’ dieħel riħ minn kullimkien, ma jimpurtax għax dak ġinġer. Ir -raġel tiegħi jgħaddi bħala Malti, imma l-ħabib ta’ kuġinuh, jiġifieri għax bil-mustaċċi, mhux għax xi iswed ta…!” [Karim:] “Kif rawh bil-mustaċċi, konna deħlin…qalli, ‘Sorry, dak ma
70 “Once I was with a group of Frenchmen. I was just showing them around the place. When we went to the Brooklyn* club, they let my companions in, but to my dismay they refused to let me in. I was really incensed by this behaviour. When I reported the case at the local police station the officer on duty simply told me to hop it and leave him in peace.” * The name of the nightclub has been changed for ethical purposes. 71 “ No, I never had such problems, but again, it’s probably due to my fair complexion. Since I do not like a typical Arab, they are not really concerned.” 53
jistax jidħol,’ qalli, ‘għandu I.D. card?’ Għidtlu, ‘Għandu l-passaport għax dak qiegħed Malta holiday.’ Qalli, ‘Le, mela ma jistax jidħol.’”72
These beliefs are proved right by certain incidents which seem to take place quite frequently. Common occurrences involve an Arab person who is either denied entry after being heard speaking Arabic, or is asked to move out, after being granted admission, simply because he is heard speaking to another Arab who like him would have been admitted due to the fact that he does not match the image of a typical Arab.
[Zafar:] “Jien kont sejjer il-Brooklyn u fejn il-bieb kien hemm wieħed Għarbi, nafu, u bdejt inkellmu jiena u s-security guard semagħni nitkellem, daħħal lit- tifla u lili le. Għidtlu, ‘Għala le, x’għandi nieqes jiena? Bil-flus tiegħi dieħel, ħa nonfoq il-flus jiena, allright?’…Xorta ma daħħalnix.”73
[Omar:] “Jekk tkun waħdek u ma tidhirx li int Għarbi, tibqa’ dieħel imma mbagħad, jekk eżempju tkellem lil xi ħadd ġewwa, ikun Għarbi, il-body guard mill-ewwel jiġi, ‘Sorry, int Libjan? Barra!’ Daqshekk ma jaħmluhomx.”74
1. 3 Access to property In order to lead a decent life, possession of a home, be it hired or owned, is essential. Thus, the first thing that foreigners who want to settle in a particular country do upon arrival is finding a suitable dwelling. Nevertheless, the present sky-high prices make immediate ownership of property very difficult, if not nearly impossible even for the ordinary Maltese national, let alone for
72 “His cousin, who looks like a Swede, goes in straightforwardly. My husband gets away with it since he can easily pass as Maltese. But his cousin’s friend, just because he was dark and moustached, was blocked at the door. [Karim:] They asked him for his ID. I told him that he was on holiday and could provide his passport. Still he was denied admission.” 73 “Outside the Brooklyn club, I stopped to chat for some time with an Arab acquaintance. The security guard heard our conversation. He let my girlfriend in but refused to let me in. I told him: ‘Why not? I’m going to pay anyway.’ He didn’t budge.” 74 “If you’re alone, and can pass as Maltese, you’ll go in quite easily. But once inside as soon as they hear you talk Arabic, the bouncers will eject you out of the place.” 54 the average Arab national who wants to settle in Malta. Thus, the latter, not being able to take a loan due to lack of a job, resort to hiring, normally a small flat. Anyway, they still face a serious problem – that of rent refusal by the landlords. In fact, all the interviewees, both Arabs and Maltese nationals, affirmed that Arabs find it really hard to rent an apartment, because as soon as the landlord realize that the potential tenant is an Arab, she/he will immediately show apprehension. Usually, this apprehension translates in a negative answer, either a direct one such as ‘We do not rent apartments to Arabs’ or an indirect one such as when being asked for an unreasonably high deposit.
[Omar:] “Bdejt infittex biex nikri…għamilt kważi seba’ xhur infittex…il - problema mbagħad ta’ fejn toqgħod istra hija iebsa ħafna. Tmur għand dak, ‘Ħeqq xbin, int minn fejn?’ ‘Mill-Libja.’ ‘Jiddispjaċini ta…’ Tmur għand ieħor, ‘Jiddispjaċini…’ Tmur għand ieħor…Jekk forsi ssib xi wieħed, jew jgħidlek, ‘Tini mitejn lira deposit, jew tliet mija deposit.’ Jiġifieri somma kbira, xorta ħa tmur lura…imbagħad, fl -aħħar, wara li qgħadt nitqassam għand il-ħbieb tiegħi…sibt fejn noqgħod.”75 [Salim:] “Ismagħni, biex tikri proprjetà Malta, speċjalment għal-Libjani, diffiċli ħafna…ħafna ħafna ħafna.”76
[Nathalie:] “Ġie d-diskors li mhux Malti imma Tuneżin… ‘Le,’ qalli, ‘Le, ta!’ Qalli, ‘Milli ħidnag m’hemm xejn.’ U jien għidtlu, ‘Għala imma?’ Qalli, ‘Għalfejn?! Għax dan l-ewwel jiġi hu, imbagħad iġib ’l ommu, imbagħad jiġu ħutu…Naf x’jiġifieri, naf x’qed ngħid għax nies Għarab ġieli kelli u dejjem bl-
75 “I began hunting for a house. I spent almost four months doing the rounds. But it proved to be an extremely difficult task. Upon revealing my nationality (Libyan) the landlords used to turn me down. And when you find someone who’s willing to rent an apartment, he’ll ask you for a two hundred or three hundred Maltese liri deposit, which is a substantial sum. After lodging for some time with various friends, I finally found a permanent residence.” 76 “To rent property in Malta is very difficult. I mean, for a Libyan, it’s difficult indeed.” 55
inkwiet.’ Ngħidlek il-verità, dak il-ħin ħriġt nibki, literally, nibki ta’ veru, ħriġt nibki.”77
However, it seems that if the Arab national succeeds in having a face-to- face contact with the landlord, he will have a greater chance for a positive answer; as the landlord will have the time to ‘study’ him in order to decide whether he is reliable or not.
[Salim:] “Meta int ċċemplilhomi u tgħidilhom jien Libjan, jagħlqu s -suġġett. Imma meta jkollok ċi -ċans tmur u titkellem magħhom, imbagħad jistudjawk dawk it-ten minutes li int magħhom, u jgħidulek dan nistgħu nikrulu, u dan le ma nistgħux. Inħossha li jkunu qed jistudjawni.”78
Yet, according to what one of the Maltese women, whose spouse is an Arab, has said, landlords will still retain a degree of apprehension.
[Nathalie:] “Konna noqogħdu ġo flett fejn il -baħar, ta’ kamra u nofs, b’mitt lira fix-xahar, u dan [is-sid], minkejja li għidtlu li ma rridx, dejjem kien jibgħat lil waħda tnaddaf. U hu daqqa ġej jirranġa hekk, u daqqa hekk…naħseb li kien ikun irid jiċċekkjana.”79
Consequently, Maltese-Arab couples opt to buy, rather than rent a house. This choice is reinforced by the fact that when it comes to buying property, as long as one has the financial means, s/he will not have any problems, even if
77 “When I told him that he’s Tunisian, he changed his mind. When I asked him why, he replied: ‘He’ll first come on his own; then he’ll bring in his mother and all his kin. I can tell you that from experience. They always create a lot of trouble. I left, literally crying on my way out.” 78 “When you ring them up and say you’re Libyan, they’ll close the subject immediately. But if you spare the time to negotiate terms face to face, they’ll study you for about ten minutes, and then decide according to their impromptu assessment.” 79 “We used to live in a flat by the sea; it consisted of just one room and a half. We paid LM 100 a month. Despite my protestations, the landlord used to send a cleaner to our place. He often came to carry out some repairs; he was in fact inspecting us.” 56 an Arab national is one of the potential buyers. 80 In this respect the interviewees were unanimous in their claims.
1.4 In government departments and public places The fact that all the Maltese-Arab couples interviewed have opted to buy property, presupposes a loan concession. Actually, all the informants maintained that their loan request was readily accepted. They added that the personnel were very helpful and once providing the necessary documents, the loan demand was efficiently processed.
[Salim:] “Le, le, qatt ma kelli problemi, ismagħni, biex ngħidlek b’sinċerità, hawn meta tmur il-bank ikollok il-paga, ikollok xogħol, huma l -aktar ħaġa li jħarsu fuq il-flus, fuq kemm int ilek hawn, x’P3ħandek…dawn g l -affarijiet. Jiġifieri jien mort kemm-il darba u ma kellix problemi.”81
[Nathalie:] “Bil-loan ma kellna problemi ta’ xejn…ifhimni, kollox f’ismi, qed tifhem?…Imma aktar bħala job peress li jien kelli job aktar secure, speċi mal- gvern, fl-iskola…inħadmet fuqi, speċi hemm il-paga dejjem dieħla, mhux għax barrani. Anzi n-nies li sibna l-bank kienu veru helpful.”82
All interviewees also stated that whenever they either applied for social benefits, such as children’s allowance, or particular permits, such as a working license, at the respective governmental departments, their requests were processed with the same regard received by any other Maltese citizen.
[Angela:] “Ma nafx jekk huxħax g Maltija, emm…qatt ma kelli problemi. Tawni marriage allowances, pregnancy allowances…Tawni ċ -children’s
80 This seems to confute Calleja’s claim that Arab nationals, apart from housing rental, are also “discriminated against in housing allocation…” (p. 52). 81 “No, no, I never had any problems. Sincerely speaking, if you have a steady job and a secure income…if your documents are in order, they won’t give you any trouble.” 82 “I didn’t have any trouble in getting a loan. I have a securer job; so it was drawn on my behalf. I’m a schoolteacher and I have a handsome salary. The people at the bank were actually very helpful.” 57
allowances. Ma nafx jekk hux għax jien Maltija nerġa’ ngħidlek, imma jiġifieri no, no qatt ma kellna problemi.”83
[Nathalie:] “Għ amilna passaport lit-tifel u hekk, le, ma nistax ingerger. Anki issa, ġab il-liċenzja biex jaħdem fuq il-monti. U hekk, jiġifieri dment li jkollok l-I.D. card…l-importanti li jkollok il-permessi tagħhom. Le, qatt, morna fejn morna, anke social services, qatt problemi.”84
This rather positive view of local services is not reflected in matters of health and citizenship. In the first instance, for example, some complained of being given the cold shoulder, if not a hard time. Others were downright misguided.
[Tania:] “Meta ħa t-tifel il-clinic, allavolja kellu l-I.D. card ta’ Malti, ma ridux jaqduh. Ħadt iċ-ċertifikat tat-twelid, ċappastulu ma’ wiċċu, imbagħad għidtlu, ‘Għaliex għamilt hekk?’ U bdejt ngħajjat u ġew is-security. Għidtlu, ‘Issa kieku kien xi wieħed xagħru isfar u bin-nemex, kont tagħmillu hekk?’”85
[Butrus:] “Kieku ngħidlek…Naf wieħed ħabib għamel erba’ jew ħames sigħat b’idu miksura ta’, …u għamlulu l -ġibs għax qabżet għalih il-mara tiegħu. Jiena personalment, jiena diabetic. Darba kont ma niflaħx, ħadni l-kuġin tagħha St. Luke’s. Għamilt minn kważi t -20.30 sa l-22.30 nistenna. Il-qalb kienet tinstema’ beating ta, u xorta ma jdaħħlunix, xorta għamilt sagħtejn nistenna u ma tani xejn.”86
83 “I never had any problems…I don’t know…possibly because I’m Maltese. I was granted marriage allowances, pregnancy allowances, children’s allowances, and all that. Again, I cannot complain.” 84 “My son has a local passport. Now he has even been granted a license to sell goods at the Monti [street market]. As far as you have the necessary documents and permits, you won’t have any problems.” 85 “He [Mahbub] took our son to the clinic. Although he produced his local ID they still declined to give him medical attention. I produced his birth certificate and shoved it in his face. I told him: ‘Were he a fair-haired, freckled boy, would you have treated him in the same manner?’” 86 “A friend of mine spent four, five hours with a broken arm. They bothered to plaster his arm only after the intervention of his wife. I am a diabetic. Once I was really sick and her cousin took me to St Luke’s [hospital]. My heart was beating rapidly, but still they left me unattended for two hours…from 20.30 to 22.30.” 58
In respect to citizenship attainment, there were contradictory statements. Nevertheless, on analyzing the latter statements a meaningful pattern emerges. Those Arab interviewees who have been married for the past ten years or more declared that they did not have any problems with citizenship acquisition. However, those who got married in the last eight-nine years have remarked that the process of citizenship attainment was rather longwinded and inquisitive.
[Ruth:] “Iva, kellna ftit hassle meta ġie biex jieħu ċ-ċittadinanza Maltija. Fil- fatt, għal ftit ma ġellidnix miegħu għax l -ewwel bagħtu għalija biex jaraw li għandna relazzjoni tajba u li speċi żwieġ normali, mhux ta’ konvenjenza, u allavolja ma qalulix eżatt imma naħseb li…li hu iżgħar minni ħafna u Għarbi, aktar ħasbithom ħażin. Imbagħad meta kkonfermajtilhom li kollox sew, xorta damu biex tawhielu. U meta mar biex jara fiex waslu, qalulu,ħax ‘G kellna nkellmu l-mara tiegħek, u nimxu skond li tgħidilna.’ Allura tawh x’jifhem li jien tkellimt ħażin fuqu, fhimt?”87
This disparity can be easily explained by the restrictions on citizenship acquisition, introduced in the second half of the 90’s, which were intended to suppress marriages of convenience.
2. Establishing relationships
2.1 Relatives Intermarital relationships do not involve just the respective spouses but also their relatives, especially the parents of the indigenous partner. The latter’s reactions to the news that their son/daughter is going out with a person of
87 “Yes, his demand to obtain citizenship proved quite a hassle. In fact it almost led to our break-up. First they summoned me to furnish proof of our steady relationship. They wanted assurance that our marriage wasn’t one of convenience. Still they doubted our intentions…the fact that he is older than me augmented their suspicions. A long time elapsed before they met his demand. When he went to make enquiries about the progress of his application, they told him that everything depended on the information I had supplied. Hence they made him believe that I had compromised his chances in some way.” 59 different ethnic origins reveal a lot about the level of acceptance of the ethnic minority group by the host group. For instance, the relevant experiences disclosed by the Maltese interviewees, with three exceptions, showed that, though in varying degrees, the Maltese spouse’s relatives’ (especially the parents) immediate reaction to the revelation that their daughter is going out with an Arab was an apprehensive one. The degree of apprehension varied from strong insistence for the immediate interruption of the relationship, quite often accompanied by insults, to long inquisitive sessions full of strong recommendations to think about the consequences.
[Tania:] “Ommi meta għidtilha li mill-Eġittu qaltli, ‘Il-Madonna Santissma ma’ l-Għarab qbadt?!’”88
[Abigail:] “Fil-bidu ħaduha ħażin ħafna, kważi qisni qtilt lil xi ħadd…imbagħad sakemm saru jafuh…”89
[Sonia:] “Lil ommi għidtilha wara ġimgħa, u qaltli, ‘Minn fejn hu?’ Għidtil ha, ‘Minn Tripli.’ U dak il-ħin tant tħawdet li lil missieri qaltlu, ‘Tripli fejn?’ Tant kemm tħawdet. Missieri qallha, ‘Tgħid mhux l-Amerka! Mhux il-Libja!’ Ħadet xokk…Fil-bidu jiġifieri damu xi erba’ xhur ma jridux jiltaqgħu miegħu. Ta’ kuljum, ta’ kuljum, ippruvat tgħidli biex ma nkellmux. L -aktar ħabba għax hu Libjan, ħaxg jien kelli zijiet fil -familja, qaluli, ‘Iva minn daqs dawn nazzjonalitajiet, Libjan?!’…Il-kelma ‘Libjan’ kienet tbeżżagħhom ħafna.”90
88 “When I told my mum that he [my boyfriend] is an Egyptian, she exclaimed: ‘Good heavens, why should you meddle with Arabs?” 89 “They greeted the news with scorn, as if I had killed somebody. But when they came to know him [things changed for the better].” 90 “I broke the news a week later. My mother asked me about his nationality. When I told her that he is from Tripoli, she turned to my father and asked him: ‘Where is Tripoli?’ He replied [sarcastically], ‘Surely not in America! It’s in Libya.’ My mother was dumfounded. They refused to see him for four whole months. She kept pleading me to break off the relationship, simply because he was Libyan. Some aunts and uncles used to exclaim: ‘Libyan, of all nationalities!?’ The word ‘Libyan’ seemed to scare them.” 60
[Elaine:] “Missieri meta qabadni fejn ix-xogħol, kien ma’ ħija, jiġifieri lanqas ried iħallini noħroġ mid-dar, beda jibża’ li niltaqa’ miegħu u ma ridnix niltaqa’ miegħu ta.”91
The objections raised were all of the same nature, i.e. Arab nationality, that by default is considered synonymous to the Islamic religion.
[Esther:] “Huma ma jiddistingwux li hemm Insara li humaħarab. G No, l- Għarab huma kollha Muslims, huma kollha ta’ Bin Laden, huma kollhaħżiena, fhimt kif? Dawk huma l-Għarab, li huma kollha mgħottijin, għandhom ħafna one way traffic…”92
Actually, all the informants emphasized that their relatives did not distinguish between being Arab and being Muslim; for the latter, being Arab automatically meant being Muslim. In this regard, the main fears were that the Maltese spouse would: 1. marry someone who, without her knowledge, might be already married in his homeland; 2. be taken to the Arab spouse’s country of origin; 3. be ill-treated; or 4. be converted to Islam.
[Elaine:] “Kien imbeżża’ [missierha] li jkun miżżewweġ. Qalli, ‘Forsi miżżewweġ u jidħak bik dan,’ ma tafx inti, ‘u jagħmillek xi ħaġa.’ Meta ltaqa’ miegħu, qallu, ‘Jekk titnejjek bit-tifla, nkeċċik minn Malta’ Imma issa aċċettah, u qatt ma jgħidli li hu raġel ħażin, imma għadu jibża’ ftit.” 93
91 “My father, accompanied by my brother, caught me [with my Arab boyfriend] at my place of work. He even refused to let me out of the house, simply to prevent any further meetings.” 92 “They cannot understand the fact that there are Christian Arabs. In their eyes all Arabs are Muslims…they are all allied to Bin Laden. They are the baddies. They are all covered up. They are involved in a lot of one- way traffic [presumably shady affairs].” 93 “My father feared the possibility that he [my boyfriend] would be already married [in his homeland], and would hence deceive me. When he met him he forewarned him, ‘If you mess up with my daughter I’ll kick 61
[Tania] “…bdew jibżgħu li jeħodni l-Eġittu.”94
[Sarah:] “Meta saru jafu, qaluli, ‘Jaqtqgħlek għonqok barra…’ u qalli kelma ħażina, ‘…tispiċċa l-Gżira.’”95
On the other hand, two of the interviewees who affirmed that their parents reacted positively declared that their parents were the landlords of their partner’s apartment, and thus, they knew him beforehand.
[Catherine:] “Le, jien, ommi u missieri kienu ħbieb tal -familja tal-kuġin tiegħu, għax kienu jikrulhom u jiġifieri mill-ewwel aċ ċettawh. Le, ma kellix lanqas xejn oppożizzjoni.”96
[Lina:] “Ommi aċċettatni għax kienet tafu, peress li kienet tikrilu. Imma l-qraba l-oħra ma tantx aċċettawh kif ġieb u laħaq!”97 The other interviewee, whose parents reacted in a positive manner to his relationship with a Libyan girl, stated that probably things would have been different if the situation was inverted, i.e. if the Maltese spouse was a woman and the Arab spouse was a man.
[Nicholas:] “Hawn Malta, ma joqogħdux jgħidu għax dik barranija u hek k. Imma, ara jekk bil-maqlub, ħeqq…differenti! Niftakar meta kont għidt lil
you out of the country.’ He still has his doubts, but now he seems to have accepted him, and never speaks of him derisively.” 94 “They feared he would take me to Egypt.” 95 “When they learned about it, they told me, ‘He would cut your throat.’ My father [swearing] even warned me that I could end up in Gżira [a local red-district area].” 96 “My parents were on friendly terms with his cousin’s family. They used to let me apartments. They accepted him from the outset. I never had any opposition.” 97 “My mother accepted him, all right, since he was one of her lodgers. But my other relatives were very reluctant to accept him.” 62
ommi, qaltli, ‘Isma’ kuntent int, kuntent kulħadd.’ Jiġifieri ma qagħditx…l - istess ħuti.”98
Thus, all things being equal, the general trend seems to be that the Maltese spouse’s relatives first reaction to the former’s relationship with an Arab is a negative, or at least apprehensive, one. This suggests that Maltese relatives hold a relatively prejudiced perception of Arab people.
[Salim:] “…għax meta bdejt noħroġ magħha, ommha ħasbet li jien minn dak it- tip ta’ Libjani li ma nafx,…li kienu jafu huma.”99
This is proved further by the fact that the majority of interviewees felt anxious when they had to tell their parents that they had an Arab boyfriend.
[Sarah:] “Għandi l-kunfidenza ma’ missieri, imma bżajt ngħidlu li qed inkellem Għarbi.”100
[Elaine:] “Għall-ewwel kelli problema. Kelli panic kif ħa ngħidilhom.”101
However, even if in some cases it took a long time, the Maltese parents concerned ultimately were persuaded by their daughter to meet her Arab boyfriend.102
[Sonia:] “Il-mamà, minn hawn u minn hemm aċċettaw li jiltaqgħu miegħu.”103
98 “When the woman is a foreigner, they don’t really care. But when it’s the other way round, then it’s a different story. When I informed my mother, she simply said, ‘If you’re happy, everybody’s happy.’ Neither she nor my siblings made any objections.” 99 “When I started dating her, her parents thought I was one of those Libyans they knew.” 100 “I am very close to my father, but I was still afraid to tell him that I had an Arab boyfriend.” 101 “Initially I panicked. I didn’t know how to break the news.” 102 The only Maltese male interviewee did not encounter this problem. 103 “My parents, some way or another, accepted to meet him.” 63
These meetings, after some time, turned out to be the catalyst for a gradual change in perception on part of the Maltese spouse’s relatives.
[Tania:] “Ommi, imbagħad, spiċċat tgħidilhom, ‘Jien, Għarbi, Malti, Musulman, Kattoliku,…jien l-importanti li lit-tifla tiegħi jirrispettaha u tgħix ħajja miżżewġa kif suppost.’”104
[Sarah:] “…imbagħad, meta rah, u ra li veru qed jimxi sew miegħi…hekk, aċċettah. Jiġifieri l-ewwel reazzjoni beża’, imma mbagħad ok.”105
According to what the interviewees have said, this change in attitude occurred only when the respective Arab person did not match the stereotyped image of Arabs (i.e. dark-skinned) and instead looked more European.
[Esther:] “…għalihom, he was European style. Allura he was acceptable.”106
[Carmen:] “Għall-ewwel ma ħadux gost imma mill -ewwel aċċettawh, aktar u aktar meta raw li ma kellux image ta’ Għarbi kif ħasbu huma.”107
[Elaine:] “Ommi kif ħidtig lha li Sirjan,ħasbet li qed noħroġ ma’ wieħed iswed.” [Yusuf:] “Fil-fatt kif ratni l-ewwel darba, qalet, ‘Ara! Bħalna dan!’”108
[Sonia:] “Ommi, ħallg -ewwel ma riditx. Imma mbagħad, fl -aħħar, iltaqgħu miegħu u…ħadet grazzja miegħu, fis-sens, kif kien jitkellem u peress li ma kienx jidher kif ħasbet hi.”109
104 “My mother ended up saying, ‘I don’t really care whether he is Arab, Maltese, Muslim, or Catholic…I just want to see her properly married and respected by her husband.” 105 “When he made sure that he was treating me well…then he consented. He was initially cautious, but then it was ok.” 106 “In their eyes he was European style [sic.]. So he was acceptable [sic.].” 107 “At first they didn’t like the idea at all, but eventually they came to accept him, even more when he didn’t seem to match their preconceived image of a typical Arab.” 108 “At first my mother thought that my Syrian fiancée was black.” [Yusuf:] “In fact, when she saw me, she said, ‘Well, he’s just like us after all!’” 64
Ultimately all the interviewed couples succeeded in winning the approval of the Maltese partner’s relatives, who eventually came to, at least, tolerate their respective relationships. Actually, all of them except for one, succeeded in establishing healthy kin relationships, in which each part learned to accept and live with the differences of the other.
[Karim:] “Jien il-familja tal-mara, ngħidlek, qisha l -familja tiegħi. Ommha, ngħidilha ommi u missierha, qisu missieri.”110
[Habib:] “…għamilna xi snin ngħixu magħhom, u kienu jħobbuh qisu t-tifel tagħhom. Anki ikel kienu joqogħdu attenti xi jsajru…”111
Incidentally, the couple that did not succeed in establishing such a relationship commented that this was due to a lack of tolerance on the Maltese relatives’ part as they were concerned with their grandchildren’s religious education. This precipitated continuous clashes and, eversince, they have not been on speaking terms.
[Esther:] “L-inkwiet reġa’ nqalag ħli meta twieldu t-tfal, għax jien u hu ddeċidejna li ma ngħammduhomx. Imma l-ġenituri tiegħi m’aċċettawhiex sal- ġurnata tal-lum, …m’aċċettawhiex li t-tfal m’humiex mgħammdin u li huma ma jistgħux jindaħlu fir-reliġjon tat-tfal. Il-mummy tiegħi trid tgħallimhom lil dawn xorta…Hi tgħid li fid -dover tagħha li tgħallimhom, u hemmhekk klexjajna jiġifieri u eventwalment,…s’issa ma nitkellmux.”112
109 “At first my mother simply refused. But when she came to know him well she actually began to fancy him. He looks and manner of speech were different from what she thought.” 110 “I regard my wife’s family as if it is my own. I regard her mum and dad as if they are my own mother and father.” 111 “We lived for some time in my parents’ home. They regarded him as their own son. They were even careful to serve the appropriate food.” 112 “Trouble resurfaced when the children were born. We had decided not to baptize them, but my parents, up to this very day, have never accepted it. They expected to have a say in the religious upbringing of my children. My mother kept insisting that they should have a Catholic education. That was the cause of our clash. We’re still not on speaking terms.” 65
2.2 Friends Very often the value attached to friendships is comparable to that of kin relationships, and thus it was not surprising to find out that the reaction expressed by the friends of Maltese interviewees, more or less, mirrored that of the latter’s relatives.
[Tania:] “…sħabi, l-imgħallem tax-xogħol, kif saru jafu li ħa niżżewġu, qalli, ‘Ħa tagħmel żball. Dak biex iġib il-passaport Malti’, u ħafna minn dawn…”113
This was explicitly manifested when it was discovered that they also shared the same stereotyped image of the dark, Muslim Arab. This can be discerned from typical comments such as: ‘He doesn’t look like an Arab!’
[Esther:] “Darba ltqajt ma’ waħda, u qaltli, ‘Lanqas tidher li int miżżewġa Għarbi!’ Le, naħseb li, prattikament, kollha aċċettawh il-ħbieb tiegħi… Fil-bidu kienu jgħiduli, ‘Iii! Ma jidhirx li hu Għarbi’, forsi għax ma kienx ismar.”114
However, it must be remarked that the degree of apprehension expressed by practically all the Maltese interviewees’ friends was considerably milder than that of the relatives. There was only one case in which the Maltese friends, instead of apprehension showed hostility towards the Arab partner; this actually led to the end of their friendship. The Maltese interviewee stated that, on looking back, she realizes that, after all, she was wrong in considering them as friends because they never were.
[Sonia:] “Jiena, bħala ħbieb li kelli qabel, m’għandi l-ebda ħbieb. Aħna, meta żżewwiġna, għamilna party tal-familja u stidint lill-ħbieb li ħsibthom li huma
113 “My boss and my friends kept telling me that I was about to commit a grave mistake. They argued that he was only after the acquisition of a Maltese passport.” 114 “Once I met a woman who told me, ‘You don’t look like being married to an Arab.’ Otherwise all my friends seem to have accepted him. At first they used to say, ‘He doesn’t look like an Arab!’ That’s probably because he is not dark.” 66
ħbieb. Jien alkoħol ma kellix jiġifieri, …min ħsibt li hu ħabib, sa ġab l-alkoħol fil-handbag u jiġifieri jixrob l-alkoħol, jiġifieri, waqt dan il-party... U mhux talli hekk, talli x-Xiħ [l-Imam], jiġifieri, qagħdu ġo kamra għalihom, bil-familja u n- nisa bil-ħaġbin…sa kien hemm min libes apposta, litteralment, qasir, u daħal fil-kamra jiżfen fejn lanqas biss kien hemm mużika…jiġifieri, minn dakinhar, daqshekk, ma bqajniex f’kuntatt…”115
Moreover, Maltese friends tend to ease their concern sooner than relatives. Incidentally, in the case of the Libyan female informant, this cooling phase was virtually non-existent because she was immediately accepted by her Maltese spouse’s friends.
[Fatimah:] “…anki ħabu,s hekk…laqgħuni ħafna…Le, le qatt ma kelli problemi. In-nisa ta’ ħabus kienu jfittxuni ħafna, u kont inħossni parti minnhom…jiġifieri mhux dik il-ħaġa li ‘Ma rridhiex!’ u hekk…, fhimtni? Inħossni tajba magħhom, hekk…anzi nħossni magħhom qisni ilni ħafna, u dik il-ħaġa għamlitli kuraġġ kbir.”116
Actually, albeit at a measured pace, all the Arab spouses, except for the one mentioned above, succeeded in winning over their respective spouses’ friends.
[Grace:] “…imma issa, dejjem ifittxuh. Anki jkunu fuq il-monti, imorru jfittxuh.”117
115 “I can’t say that I have any real friends. When we got married, we threw a family party and invited my friends…or better that was what I thought. There weren’t any alcoholic drinks, but these supposed friends brought alcohol in their handbags and drank in defiance. Some even came dressed in a deliberately provocative manner, and entered the room where the Imam and his family were gathered. They started dancing in their presence even if there was no music. That was the end of it. Henceforth we severed all contacts.” 116 “No, I never had such problems. His friends made me feel welcome. I have an excellent relationship with their wives. I really feel at home, as if I have known them for ages. That filled me with courage.” 117 “But now they seek his company. When they go to the Monti they give him a call.” 67
Apart from these friendships, the majority of Arab spouses claimed that, though with great difficulty, they managed to build a few sound friendships even outside their respective spouses’ circle of friends, very often at their workplace.
[Omar:] “Jien, fuq ix-xogħol il-ħbieb, wara xahar, jgħidli, ‘Jien ma nafx kif kellimtek! Jien ma nafx kif sirt ħabib tiegħek! Ustra, għax jien ma naħmilhomx l-Għarab!”118
[Rashid:] “…għandi ħbieb Maltin…anki ħbieb fin -negozzju, ġieli niltaqgħu mmorru nieħdu drink bil-mara u t-tfal…”119
2.3 At the workplace
2.3.1 The employer Generally, Arab people in Malta are employed in secondary sector jobs, mainly in construction, plumbing, tile laying, and the like. They are rarely, if at all, employed in the service sector because, according to the informants, many employers are afraid this would have an adverse effect on their clientele.
[Firas:] “Meta darba mort għal xogħol ta’ salesman, l-employer qalli, ‘Ħeqq, taf li int Għarbi hux?! Il -prodott ġdid u meta jarawk, in -nies, ħeqq…jitilfu l - interess fil-prodott…Jiddispjaċini, imma le, ma nistax inqabbdek.’”120
118 “After one month one of my colleagues told me: ‘I don’t know how I came to speak to you. I can’t believe that we’ve become friends. In real fact I despise Arabs.’” 119 “I have Maltese friends and business partners. Sometimes we go out together for a drink, children and all.” 120 “Once I sought employment as a salesman, but the boss told me: ‘Well, you know, you’re an Arab and our product is new. Clients will be warded off. Sorry…but I can’t give you the job.’” 68
[Isma'il:] “Għamilt żmien naħdem ta’ kok f’restaurant magħruf, u s-sid kien jgħid li l-kok, jien jiġifieri, kien Taljan, għax kien jgħid, ‘…Inkella n -nies ma jiġux.’”121
According to what the interviewees stated, very often, they are employed by contractors until they finish a particular construction job and as soon as it’s all over they are sacked.
[Karim:] “Għamilt żmien naħdem ma’ mastrudaxxa, pereżempju, kellu lott kbira ta’ xogħol…u kif lesta l-lott li kellu, qalli, ‘M’għandix bżonnok aktar.”122
Besides, such jobs seem to be ideal for those who do not have a work permit. Needless to say, such a condition makes them very vulnerable to exploitation. In fact, most of the informants remarked that the lack of a work permit automatically leads to abuse, as employers argue that one would prefer to be employed with a small salary rather than being unemployed.
[Omar:] “Jekk ma jkollokx karti, jippruvaw japprofettaw ruħhom, pereżempju l- Athena Hotel, jaħdmu ħafna Libjani…Malti Lm15…Libjan Lm5…jekk trid taħdem, OK,… jekk ma tridx itlaq. Li jippruvaw japprofittaw ruħhom, żgur mhux forsi. Żgur!”123
[Yusuf:] “Darba kien ħa jħaddimna wieħed Malti… kien ħa jisraqna, jiġifieri b’nofs prezz, pereżempju, jekk int taqla’ Lm100 fil-ġimgħa, hu ried iħaddmek
121 “I spent some time working as a chef in a restaurant. My boss used to tell everybody that I was Italian; he argued that otherwise he’ll loose his clientele.” 122 “I spent some time working with a joiner. We had to deliver a huge consignment. As soon as we finished our job he just said, ‘I don’t need your services any more.’” 123 “If you don’t have the necessary [work] permits, they’ll take advantage of you. The Athena Hotel* employs a lot of people. For the same job, the Maltese are paid LM15 but the Libyans are paid LM5. Take it or leave it! They’ll exploit you, that’s for sure.” * The name of the hotel was altered for ethical purposes. 69
b’Lm50. Ma nistax ngħidlek li kulħadd hekk, imma jkun hemm min irid iħallsek ftit…jgħidulek, ‘Jew taħdem jew titlaq.’”124
Nevertheless, things do not differ much when Arab nationals have the necessary documents. They are still considered as work machines. Moreover, it is very common for Maltese employers to tell their Arab employees that they should be grateful to have been employed despite being a foreigner.
[Karim:] “…darba qalli, ‘Irringrazzja ’l Alla li int barrani u sibt xogħol Malta…għax aħna konna nidħlu naħslu l-ajruplani wkoll…qalli, ‘Irringrazzja ’l Alla li int barrani u daħħaltek s’hawn!’”125
[Salim:] “Jiena kont nidħol l -airport duty free bil-badge ta’ l-ABC, dawk tad- duty free, dawn l-ispirits u hekk, u nidħol isfel wa ħdi kont, u meta jiġi l-guard jiċċekkja u jsibni jibda jitkellem miegħi, taf int, imbagħad jibda jistaqsini, ‘Int min fejn?’, u hekk…Jgħidli, ‘Int x’tagħmel hawn, kif dħalt, kif sibtu dax - xogħol?’, qisu jgħidlek, ‘Int kif stajt tiġi hawn?.. għax il-Libjani mhux hawn suppost, għax jiena l -Libjani ma kontx nafhom illi suppostġu ji dal -postijiet, suppost pereżempju jkunuħdmu ja fil -…ma nafx, f’postijiet differenti.’ Ghalhekk, imbagħad ma jridx jemmen, allavolja tkun int ħdejh, imma ma jistax ikun, ‘Kif tkun hawn int?’”126
Overall, the majority of the Arab interviewees claimed that, very often, the treatment they received when employed left much to be desired.
124 “Once we tried to get a job from a Maltese employer. He wanted to employ us on half wages. Instead of the say LM100 per week, he insisted on paying us LM50. Not all Maltese are like that, but they often tell you: ‘Take it or leave it!’” 125 “Once he retorted: ‘You, a foreigner, should thank the Lord for finding work in Malta.’ We used to wash aeroplanes. He made me feel grateful for letting me in that far.” 126 “I used to enter the airport’s duty-free area wearing the ABC badge. I used to chat with this security guard who often came down to watch the place. He asked about my nationality and how I managed to get the job, as if he was saying: ‘How could you be trusted in this area? Libyans ought to be working somewhere else, not here.’ He found it hard to digest the situation.” 70
[Salim:] “Kif kont trattat fuq ix-xogħol? Kont trattat ħażin, imbagħad bdejt għaraft vera min huma l-Maltin!”127
The exception to this point of view comprised one who worked within a hotel whose owners were family friends.
[Isma'il:] “L-ewwel darba ħdimtli hawn kont ġo lukanda, u kont normali…Mill-ewwel aċċettawni għax kont ħabib tal-familja tal-lukanda…”128
2.3.2 Colleagues From what the Arab interviewees have stated, it is evident that Maltese-Arab workers’ relations are often characterized by antagonism. All Arab informants have commented that among Maltese workers there is a widespread belief that they are job usurpers.
[Nasir:] “…jgħidulek, ‘Għax ma bqajtx f’pajjiżek?! Tieħu xogħol ħaddieħor!’”129
Obviously, such perceptions lead to barrier formations. In fact, most of the informants have complained of a sense of aloofness manifested towards them by their Maltese colleagues.
[Yasar:] “You feel there is something. You feel you are different, alright?! …They’ll treat you like a foreigner, pereżempju confidence m’għandniex.”130
[Omar:] “…dejjem jiġbdu lura…u dik il-ħaġa,.…ma jagħtux kunfidenza.”131
127 “How was I treated at work? I was treated really badly. Then I came to know who the Maltese really are.” 128 “I had my first job here in a hotel. I felt accepted as I was a friend of the hotel owners.” 129 “Some tell you: ‘You should have stayed back home; here you’re taking over our job.’” 130 “You feel there is something. You feel you are different, all right?! …They’ll treat you like a foreigner; for example, they keep their distance.” 131 “They always keep their distance…always.” 71
Moreover, the evident stereotyped image of Arabs held by the latter induce them to make generalizations and attack their Arab work mates whenever it is heard that an Arab national has committed an offense. This is done irrespective of whether the offender’s nationality matches that of the fellow worker, i.e. they do not distinguish between a Tunisian, a Libyan, a Moroccan, etc. Without doubt, this hostile situation reached its culmination after the 11th September terrorist attack. All the Arab interviewees, who at that time were employed in Malta, remarked that apart from being accused of the attack as if they were personally involved, they were often called Bin Laden.
[Mahbub:] “Wara l-11 ta’ Settembru,…qisu tort tiegħi…anki l -klandestini jgħodduhom Għarab.”132
[Karim:] “…li jiġu jgħa jruk Bin Laden, u ħiduli,jg ‘Aħjar noqtlu l -Għarab kollha!’…eħe, dak kien perjodu ikrah ħafna. L-aktar li kienu jgħiduli hekk fuq ix-xogħol.”133
Essentially, one particular informant has categorized Maltese workers in two groups: the bullied and the bullies. He remarked that, when they are not being observed, the former kind of workers tend to sympathize with Arabs because, having experienced harassment at first hand, they could identify themselves with them. Otherwise he specified that the second group of workers (i.e. the bullies), when speaking to him, never taunted him personally but rather his compatriots in general.
[Salim:] “…Il-Maltin għandkom kelma li jgħidulha ‘jaqbad’, jaqbad ma’ xi ħadd…iħobbu, biex jgħaddu l-ħin b’xi ħadd…Issib li dawk li huma weak…fil- gupp, jissimpatizzaw miegħek, … imma l -oħajn, dawk li jaqbdu anki ma’ l-
132 “Following the events of 9/11, [my situation worsened]; they made me feel it was my fault. Even illegal immigrants are considered to be Arabs.” 133 “They call me ‘Bin Laden’ and tell me Arabs would be better off dead. Yes… those were very hard times. They repeated such insults at my place of work.” 72
oħajn, jattakkaw lilek ukoll. Il-Maltin two goups…Dawn meta kienu jitkellmu miegħi, ma kinux jattakkaw lili, as such, imma kienu jattakkaw Libjani,…jgħidulek, ‘Għax il-Libjani jiġu hawn jiżżewġu, għax jiġu hawn biex jemigraw, għax jaħarbu.’ Jiġifieri, mhux jattakkaw lili as such, ‘għax int hekk u hekk’, imma kienu jgħiduli, ‘…għax intom tiġu hawn…’ ‘għax intom’, fhimt?, mhux ‘għax int.’”134
In point of fact, the latter remark was pronounced by practically all the Arab interviewees, except for the Libyan female who have always worked in a Libyan agency.
2.3.3 The self-employed Facing such conditions, the majority of Arab informants (10 out of 15), opted for self-employment.
[Nathalie:] “…bħala esperiment, sibna li l-aħjar li jkun waħdu.”135
Their jobs varied from tile laying, plastering, and whitewashing to street hawking and importing of goods. Nevertheless they still reported negative encounters. Those who embarked on the first kind of jobs claimed that it was difficult to be assigned work by Maltese clients, unless other Maltese recommended them.
[Yusuf:] “Meta tlaqt ħdemna għal rasi, niksi, nqiegħed il -madum, u hekk,…kienet naqra diffiċli għax insib, imma jrid ikun xi ħadd jafek biex itik ix-xogħol…pereżempju jekk ikolli lil xi ħadd jafni u jgħidilhom, ‘Ara lil dan
134 “The Maltese like to pick on individuals. They can be divided in two groups. The weak members of the group usually sympathize with your predicament, but the others are quite aggressive. The latter do not attack me personally; usually they target Libyans in general. They claim that Libyans come to Malta to marry or just to flee their country. They always address me in the second person plural.” 135 “He felt it was much better for him to be self-employed.” 73
tista’ tqabbdu’, ok. Imma jekk tmur, hekk ċumbum, … ma jħaddmukx, għax ma jafdawkx…”136
Besides, Maltese clients expect Arab employees to charge less than their Maltese counterparts. However, according to the interviewees, recommendations are still essential as without them, even if an Arab employee charges less, he would still not be employed due to lack of trust on the Maltese clients’ side.
[Firas:] “Ħaġa oħa, …qatt ma smajt lil xi Malti jgħidlek, ‘Ma ssiblix xi Għabi?’, meta jkollu xi biċċa xogħol fid -dar?…Taf għalfejn?…għax lilna jħallsuna bil- loqom, għalhekk ta.”137
Incidentally, those who engaged in street hawking, by and large, experienced the same kind of attitude. The Arab hawkers interviewed complained that many of their Maltese clients, as soon as they realize that the market hawker is an Arab, insist on having articles for an unreasonably reduced price.
[Karim:] “Ix-xogħol tiegħi, jiena, nbigħ il-ħelu. Ġieli jiġi xi ħadd, u meta nkellmu, jgħidli, ‘Mela int barrani?! U ejja naqqasli.’”138
One of the latter Arab informants argued that the Maltese behave in this way because they presuppose that Arabs engage in black-marketing.
[Firas:] “Meta tiġi biex tbigħ, kif jaraw li int Għarbi, mill -ewwel jaħsbu li kutrabandu, u jekk ġġetto jiswa Lm10, ituk lira tiegħu. Jaħsbu li ma rridux nieklu wkoll!”139
136 “When I set off working on my own initiative – plastering, laying tiles, and all that – I found the going quite tough. To get the job you ought to have contacts and go-betweens. These people will guarantee your clients that you are reliable enough. Otherwise it would be difficult to win their trust.” 137 “One other thing – the Maltese look for Arab labourers only to get the necessary job done for peanuts.” 138 “I am a candy hawker. As soon as my clients realize that I am a foreigner, they expect me to lower the selling price.” 74
On the other hand, the Arab interviewee who deals in goods importation stated that though his Maltese business partners trust him, he knew that as soon as they are assured that the deal has been sealed, they would not think twice to by-pass him.
[Butrus:] “Lili jafdawni ħafna fin-negozzju u l-flus għax jien qatt ma raw ħażin minn għandi…Meta jiġi l -business lest, meta jista’ jaqlgħani, jaqlagħni mill - ewwel.”140
Furthermore, his wife remarked that many of his past Maltese business partners only used him to make advantageous contacts. Thus, it can be deduced that self-employed Arabs still remain susceptible to some kind of abuse.
2.4 Neighbours In Malta, conventionally, neighbours are regarded as busybodies.
[Omar:] “Il-Maltin għandhom…din il -biċċa hekk, kif jgħiduha…izekzku, ‘…dik min hi li ħarġet minn hemm?…għalfejn libset hekk?…għalfejn tkellmet ma’ dak?…ara naħseb ħassret…naħseb iżżewġet…’”141
At first glance, the accounts given by the interviewees in regards of their neighbours seem extremely contradictory. Nevertheless, when carefully examined, a pattern can still be outlined. This seems to suggest that
139 “As soon as they realize that you’re an Arab, they will automatically think that you’re meddling in contraband. They expect me to let off items for one tenth of the marked price. Do they realize I want to make a decent living as well?” 140 “They trust me in business and money matters, as I always played the game fairly. But, still, when they feel that a good deal has been secured, they do not bother to exclude me from the proceedings.” 141 “The Maltese have a weakness for gossip. They are always eying their neighbours, scrutinizing their private lives.” 75 neighbours, who are nosey parkers, are more concentrated in certain areas of Malta, particularly in the South.
[Abigail:] “…però lejn dawn l-inħawi tal-Fgura u hekk, iktar qiegħda, milli lejn ta’ Tas-Sliema u Buġibba u…”142
Incidentally, one of the interviewed couples, which have lived in both areas, argued that comparatively speaking they were much more accepted by their neighbours when they resided in the north then in the south. Actually almost all interviewees who lived in the south have complained of the negative attitudes adopted by their neighbours, ranging from gossiping and apprehension to utter rejection.
[Tania:] “…għax ma baqgħux jarawni spiss għand il-mummy,… ‘ir-raġel telaq…ħadli t-tfal, tela’ bihom l-Eġittu,…u ħallieni bħall-Erbgħa fost il- Ġimgħa….’ Jien dak li jweġġagħni, ilsien in-nies.”143
[Omar:] “Meta ssib flat, wara jumejn…ċikk ċikk il -pulizija, għax mill-ewwel iċemplu l-ġirien, mill-ewwel!”144
The sole exception was that of the Libyan female-Maltese male couple who, despite living in the south, claimed to be on excellent terms with their neighbours.
[Fatimah:] “Mall-ġirien qatt ma kellna problemi, anki nkun sejra għax-xogħol, filgħodu, kollha, ‘Bonġu, bonġu’”145
142 “But this seems rampant only in these areas (Fgura and the southern harbour area), rather than elsewhere (Sliema and Bugibba).” 143 “When they noticed that I had not been calling on my mother so often as before, they immediately concluded that my husband had absconded to Egypt with my children. That’s what hurts me most – their poisonous tongues.” 144 “As soon as you move in a new flat, police officers will be knocking at the door. Your neighbours will immediately report something or another.” 76
However, this should not be given too much weight as this couple has proved to be an exception in almost every aspect; their case indicates that the gender variable must be determinant. The majority of the South- residing interviewees argued that relations improve, if at all, only after a significant period of scrutiny. [Omar:] “…qisu jistudjawk fil-bidu…jekk ikunu jafu li inti tifel sewwa, daqshekk ma jaqbdux miegħek…jekk jarawk toħroġ fis-sebgħa ta’ filgħodu, tiġi fl-erbgħa bil-ħwejjeġ tax-xogħol, ikunu jafu li qed taħdem,…”146
[Grace:] “In-nies t’hawnhekk jittrattawh tajjeb, imma issa, ilu jgħix hawnhekk. Mhux ħa ngħidlek eżattament mill-bidu mill-bidu, imma issa drawh…u kulħadd ikellmu. Qabel… mhux ħa jieħdu gost, daħal Għarbi . Għall-ewwel kienu naqa kesħin, imma issa drawh.”147
On the other hand, though the North-residing interviewees did not exclude the possibility of being studied, they maintained that apart from never having problems, they have very good relationships with their neighbours.
[Maria:] “…allright ħafna ħafna. No m’għandix problemi xejn mal-ġirien. Ma nafx x’għamlu fil -bidu, jekk qagħdux jistudjawna, imma naħseb le. …mal - ġirien no poblem.”148
[Sonia:] “Mal-ġirien għandu ħbieb aktar minni…hawn waħda hawnhekk, ix- xiħa li toqgħod hawn, taqbadlu fuq il-Libja, u kif int?…u meta jkun temp ikrah tar-ramel toqgħod taqbad miegħu, u hekk…jiġifiei mal-ġirien allright.”149
145 “I always had good relations with my neighbours. On my way to work, each morning, they bid me good morning.” 146 “They study you for a while. If you seem to be a decent guy, then they will not bother you. If you go out each morning and return home in your worksuit, then they will know you are making an honest living.” 147 “The neighbours treat him justly, but he has been around for some time by now. To tell you the truth, it wasn’t like that from the beginning, but now they know him quite well and speak to him in an amicable way. At first, when they realized he was an Arab, they behaved rather haughtily, but now it’s ok.” 148 “I don’t have any problems with my neighbours. I can’t say whether they studied us or not, at first, but I don’t think so. Everything seems to be all right.” 77
The latter relationships are characterized by mutual help and respect. This difference in attitudes could be the result of two other main differences, which distinguish the North from the South, namely the higher level of education and lower unemployment rate found in the North compared to those of the South.
2.5 Children: Relationships with teachers and schoolmates For the majority of children, the first days of school seem to be traumatic because they have to leave the protective atmosphere of their parents’ home and spend eight straight hours with new guardians in a new environment. Nevertheless, after a few weeks or so, they usually overcome this initial shock. As they make friends, their original perception of an alien school atmosphere changes to a more familiar one. Being aware of the crucial role played by school friends, all Maltese-Arab couples expressed concern about their children’s school experience, as it was feared that they would be isolated and called names.
[Sarah:] “…nibża’ li tkun bullied l-iskola…meta jiġu biex jgħidu t -talb, ma tgħidx magħhom, ara x’ħa jgħidu t-tfal!”150
[Angela:] “Dejjem kont nibża’ nibgħatha skola tal -gven għax ikun hemm xi discrimination peress li missierha Libjan.”151
The origins of these fears were mainly rooted in the negative incidents either endured by their friends’ children or, in two particular cases, witnessed by the Maltese spouse who is a teacher herself.
149 “He has a lot of friends in the neighbourhood, actually much more than I do. An old lady likes to tease him sometimes, but jokingly. No complaints.” 150 “I’m afraid she’ll be bullied at school. When she doesn’t join in prayer, what will be their reaction?” 151 “I always refrained from sending my daughter to a government school. I always feared she would be picked upon, as her father is Libyan.” 78
[Zafar:] “Jien għandi ħbieb tiegħi, it -tfal tagħhom imorru l-iskola…għandhom problema kbira - jgħajruhom it-tfal.”152
[Esther:] “Jiena facilitator fi skola u rajt b’għajnejja u smajt b’widnejja…minn tfal żgħar… ‘dak l -Għarbi’, ‘dak it-tifel ta’ l-Għarbi’, ‘dak l-iswed’, …smajthom!”153
Consequently, 3 out of the 13 couples that had children opted for a Muslim school because apart from wanting their children to be taught Islam, they wished to guarantee a safe environment.
[Esther:] “Għażilna l -iskola Musulmana, l-ewwelnett ħabba r -reliġjon, dik kienet prioity. It-tieninett, jien ma xtaqtx indaħħlu skola t’hawn…naħseb hawn wisq discrimination, wisq bullying, wisq racism…anka minn tfal żgħar.”154
However, they admitted that the fact that their children at the age of 11, have no option but to go to a state school, preoccupied them a lot. On the other hand, apart from financial reasons, the remaining couples chose state schools because they believed that as their children would have the opportunity to mix with other Maltese pupils from an early age, the process of integrating in Maltese society would be much easier. Actually, of all those informants who sent their children to a state school, only one couple claimed that schoolmates have taunted their son, who incidentally is Christian.
152 “Some of my friends’ children attend government schools. Their class-mates keep calling them names.” 153 “I am a school facilitator. I had first hand experiences of such verbal abuse. I heard with my own ears very young children referring to their mates as ‘the offspring of that black Arab’ or something to that effect.” 154 “We chose the Muslim school first of all on religious grounds. That was certainly a priority. Secondly I did not want him to attend a government school because I think there is a lot of discrimination, bullying, and racism going on, even among young children.” 79
[Lina:] “…jiġi jgħidli [ibni], … jibdew jgħidulu kliem ħażin fuq Muħammed…Jgħidli, ‘Jien x’jimpurtani minn Muħammed. Ma jafux li jien għamilt il-Praċett u l-Griżma?!…”155
All the others stated that their children never complained of any discrimination, neither on the teacher’s part nor on their schoolmates’.
[Habib and Carmen’s eldest son:] “Le, jien qatt ma kelli poblemi la mat- teachers, u lanqas mat-tfal. Meta jkun ir-Ramadan joqogħdu jinkuni bl - ikel…imma naf li biex jiċċajtaw u mhux biex iweġġgħuni.”156
[Grace:] “S’issa, s’issa normali. Minn dejjem kellhomħbieb, m’għandix xi ngħid…anki jagħżluh biex jirreċta fi plays…kelli ċans indaħħalhom l-iskola tal- moskea imma ma kellix għalfejn.”157
Moreover, they said that the good friendships that their children succeeded in building at school are manifested by the fact that they are often invited to parties and other communal activities which do not have anything to do with the school.
[Grace:] “…imorru l-attivitajiet tat-tfal ta’ Fr. Edgar u hekk, fil-fatt it-tifel itir għal għandu.”158
Nevertheless, one of the latter informants, basing her argument on a first hand experience, remarked that the fact that their children do not sit for the
155 “[My son] tells me that his mates often offend Mohammed as to insult him. He keeps saying: ‘I don’t have anything to do with Mohammed. Don’t they know that I’ve received Holy Communion and Confirmation?’” 156 “No, I never had any real problems, neither with my teachers nor with my class-mates. During Ramadan they often tease me about the food, but I know they are just pulling my leg and do not intend to hurt me.” 157 “Up till now, everything seems to be ok. I cannot complain; they have a lot of friends. They are sometimes chosen to act in school plays. I could have enrolled them in the Muslim school, but there was no need for that.” 158 “They frequent Fr Edgar’s meetings [a local priest]. One of my boys is so enthusiastic about it.” 80 religion exam could lead to unintended discrimination in regards of price winning.
[Angela:] “Darba rrealizzajt li tfal oħra kellhom inqas marks fl-eżami, u kienu mniżżlin li ħa jieħdu prize, u t-tifel ġab marks daqshom, u anki aktar minnhom, u għidt, ‘Kif ma tawhx prize?’ Meta mort għand il -headteacher, qaltli li għax m’għamilx ir-reliġjon…”159
[Angela:] “Meta għamel l -exam tal-common entrance, kellli nagħmel ittra biex nispjega li mhux ħa joqgħod għar-reliġjon, u ma kontx naf, u spiċċa plejsja lura ħafna. Meta mort u għamiltha, minn 1033 ġie 434…kellu għażla għall- iskola.”160
Thus, it was suggested that the education authorities should invest more attention in adjusting the current system to avoid such incidents. However, despite the rather conflicting points of view regarding encounters at state schools, to a certain extent, interviewees showed optimism about their children’s future in Maltese society.
[Carmen:] “…milli deher s’issa m’għandhomx ikollhom problema biex jintegraw fis-soċjetà Maltija.”161
[Esther:] “Meta jiġi jikber [it-tifel], ma naħsibx li ħa jkollu problemi għax hu ħa jkun għex magħhom, u jkun jaf kif għandu jmur magħhom.”162 [Fatimah:] “…hi [it-tifla] taf tkun Maltija meta trid, u Libjana meta trid…”163
159 “Once I realized that other students had obtained fewer marks in the exam, and yet they were set to receive the school prizes. My son obtained equal, if not higher, marks but was totally ignored. When I complained with the head teacher, he explained that it was due to his failure to sit for the religious knowledge exam.” 160 “When he applied for the common entrance exams, I had to write a letter to explain why he was not sitting for the religious knowledge part. But I didn’t know about this formality, and his overall placing was very poor. When I finally submitted the letter, he leap-frogged from the 1033rd place to the 434th place.” 161 “They should not have any difficulties to integrate in Maltese society, at least from what has transpired till now.” 162 “I don’t think he’ll have any problems when he grows up. Having been raised in this society, he’ll be able to cope quite well.” 81
3. Religion According to Durkheim, the main function of religion is to provide people with a set of values and beliefs; the sharing of which will result in a state of collective conscience and, subsequently, in the prompting of social solidarity. Consequently, religion, or perhaps the lack of it, forms an essential part of everybody’s identity. Actually particular religious manifestations can mark communities and sometimes even whole nations. For instance, all interviewees remarked that the Maltese, in general, do not distinguish between Arabs and Muslims; for them all Arabs are Muslims and all Muslims are Arabs.
[Maria:] “Il-Maltin ma jagħmlux differenza bejn Għarab u Musulmani!”164
Thus, in such a context, it is not surprising that, initially, the majority of those Maltese parents whose married daughters have converted to Islam reacted in a strongly negative way to such an event. Also one of the informants herself claimed to have been told that converting from Christianity to Islam, in Malta, constitutes a defection from Maltese to Arab identity.
[Habib:] “…min hu Musulman Malti, jgħidulu, ‘Int Għarbi!’…‘Dik Għarbija’…għax huma Muslim, qisha she betrays her country…”165
As a matter of fact, those interviewees who converted to Islam but did not find the courage to inform their relatives about it confessed that the latter reasoning was the main motive behind their decision, as they feared that the news would break their bond with the family.
163 “She [my daughter] knows how to be Maltese or Libyan as the circumstances dictate.” 164 “The Maltese do not differ between Arabs and Muslims.” 165 “Maltese Muslims are regarded as Arabs. Converting to Islam is deemed equivalent to betraying your country.” 82
[Sonia:] “Jiena bdilt ir-reliġjon, però għandi diffikultà…ommi, għadha sal- ġunata tal-lum ma tafx, għax huma, tant ir -reliġjon…jekk inti speċi tinbidel, ħa tinqata’ minn mal-familja…minn kollox. Allura speċi peress li jien għandi t - tfal…ma rridhomx jinqatgħu…”166
Nevertheless, the accounts of how things have proceeded, given by Maltese Muslim informants whose parents know of their conversion, indicate that eventually Maltese relatives come to terms with the idea of having a Muslim as a blood relative.
[Angela:] “Lill-ġenituri, kif sa naqbad ngħidlek, ma qgħadx ngħidilhom li sirt Musulmana; ma qgħadx indoqq qniepen. Qishom bl -attitudni tiegħi, meta ġejt mil-Libja, bqajt it-tifla tagħhom.”167
[Elaine:] “Ara l-mummy kemm kienet hekk; imma issa ommi ma tgħid xejn.”168
This was confirmed further by the fact that even the relatives of those Maltese interviewees who remained Christians, and who at first despaired at the prospect of their grandchildren being raised as Muslims, sooner or later, came to accept it.
[Nathalie:] “Il-mummy ħaditha bi kbira l-fatt li t-tifel mhux mgħammed…u jiġifieri bkejna...u jiġifieri dik ħaditha bi kbira. Però aċċettatha meta tkellimna fuqha, u fhemetha...”169
166 “I embraced another religion but I do have problems. My mother has, up till this very day, remained ignorant of the fact. In their eyes, abandoning your faith translates into severing family ties and all that. I don’t want my own children to severe these ties.” 167 “I didn’t bother to inform my parents that I had converted to Islam. When I returned from Libya, they obviously realized what had happened, and, being their daughter, they seem to have come to terms with the idea.” 168 “My mum was initially very upset but now she has accepted my decision.” 169 “My mum could not digest my decision not to baptize my child. She actually cried. But when I explained all the circumstances, she accepted the situation.” 83
On the other hand, facts show that where blood relations do not exist, matters do not follow the same path. For example, Muslim interviewees remarked that though they are not allowed to leave the workplace on Friday to perform their obligatory hour of prayers at the mosque, the majority of employers did give them permission to perform their prayers on site.
[Habib:] “B’mod ġenerali, kull min għandu Musulman jaħdem miegħu jtih il - permess li jsalli; ftit li huma ma jħalluhomx. Biss, il-kwistjoni ta’ Friday…jista’ jkun li jtihċ i -ċans li jsalli imma ma jtihx iċ-ċans li jitlaq minn fuq ix- xogħol.”170
Yet, they claimed to feel restrained from fully practicing their religion because a number of their workmates are often ready to taunt them while praying.
[Yusuf:] “Ċertu nies, ovvjament, jidħku. Hawn wieħed jgħidlek, ‘Isabbat rasu mat-tapit…isabbat rasu ma’ l-art.’”171
[Karim:] “Kont naħdem f’fabbrika; tlaqthom għax kuljum jaqbdu miegħi, jidgħu, joffenduni bir-reliġjon tiegħi…jien waslat nibki…niġi hawn nibki. Jien raġel ta’ 33 sena wasalt nibki…tifhem x’jiġifieri?”172 Due to such situations the Muslim informants stated that, as expected, they only feel at ease either in the mosque or in their own home.
[Ibrahim:] “Le, le, jiġifieri mmur il-moskea u daqshekk, imma.”173
170 “Generally speaking, local employers let their Muslim workers carry out their obligatory daily prayers. Only a few withhold permission. On Fridays, they allow them to exercise their religious duties but are not willing to grant them temporary leave of absence.” 171 “Some people, obviously, laugh. Some describe Muslim prayer as a head banging session.” 172 “I used to work in a factory and I had to leave since they [my work-mates] used to insult me day in, day out. They swore at my religion and offended my beliefs. I used to go back home crying…literally. Do you envisage a 33 year old man crying?” 173 “I just go to the mosque, and that’s it!” 84
[Fatimah:] “Aħna nippruvaw insallu fid -dar tagħna għax ma rridx noqgħod indejjaq in-nies.”174
A very common complaint made by both Maltese and Arab Muslim interviewees was that Muslims in Malta cannot manifest their religious identity freely because, quite often, they end up being ridiculed. This also applies to those Maltese who became Muslims.
[Omar:] “Hawn Malta, bis-serjetà kollha, ma tantx jirrespettaw ir-reliġjon ta. Eżempju r-reliġjon Musulmana ma tantx jirrispettawha…xejn, xejn.” [Abigail:] “Iwaqqgħu kollox għaċ -ċajt. Billi tinżel ma’ l-art? Ma jgħidux, ‘Niżlet quddiem Alla.’”175
[Firas:] “Biex tipprattika r-reliġjon, skond fejn tkun. Imma b’mod ġenerali l- Maltin iħossuhom superjuri…aħjar minna bħala reliġjon. Lilna, ħafna drabi, iwaqqgħuna għaċ-ċajt.”176
All female Maltese Muslim interviewees remarked that locals in general find it really hard to understand how one of their compatriots became a Muslim. [Omar:] “Din meta tilbes il-velu…jekk fis-sajf: ‘Illustra x’bard!’ jew ‘Kemm niżel silġ u xita llejla!’”177
[Angela:] “Jiddispjaċini ngħid…hawn Malta, jekk tkun bl -iscarf, in-nies ħa jħarsu lejk.”178
174 “We try to pray at our own home because we don’t want to bother others.” 175 “Here, in Malta, the Muslim religion is not that respected, or rather not respected at all.” [Abigail:] “They [the Maltese] tend to ridicule everything. What’s wrong with kneeling down and pray to God? Does this bother them so much?” 176 “It all depends where you are. But in general the Maltese have this sort of superiority complex when it comes to religion. They usually ridicule Muslims.” 177 “When a Muslim woman wears a headscarf in summer, the Maltese say [ironically]: ‘How cold it is! It’s raining and snowing!’” 178 “I’m sorry to say that here in Malta whenever you wear a headscarf you’ll attract undue attention.” 85
According to them, foreign Muslim women are comparatively more tolerated than their Maltese counterparts.
[Sonia:] “…imma ħallg -Maltin, li jien Maltija u tilbsu [il-hijab] hi hekk…taffettwahom, għax issa l -Libjani drawhom jilbsuh, imma jekk ikunu jafu li jien Maltija u libset l-iscarf, ħarsui għax jiskantaw kif saret Musulmana.”179
This was confirmed by the Libyan-Muslim interviewee herself, whose description of her stay in Malta turned out to be a really positive one. Incidentally, her Maltese husband affirmed that his conversion to Islam was not opposed by any of his relatives. His friends and neighbours, probably reflecting the general attitude, did not raise any eyebrows either. This could be explained by the fact that he does not wear any distinctive garb, as female Muslims do.
[Nicholas:] “Meta għedtilha lil ommi li qlibt ir-reliġjon, qaltli, ‘Issa inti għandek l-età tiegħek.’ Qaltli, ‘Isma’, meta kont żgħir għallimniek, u hekk, imma issa inti taf.’”180
The latter difference in attitude suggests that Maltese people associate Islamic manifestations, such as the wearing of hijab, exclusively with Arabs, and consequently they want to disassociate themselves from, and actually despise, anything that has to do with Arabs. They definitely do not share Dom Mintoff’s notion of Arabs being ‘our blood brothers’. Inferentially, following Durkheim’s line of thought, social solidarity is significantly threatened, as in this case, religion, instead of uniting people, seems to be dividing them.
179 “The Maltese have come to accept a Libyan girl wearing a headscarf; but, if they realize that the girl is herself Maltese, they’ll be perplexed. They cannot accept the fact that she has actually embraced Islam.” 180 “When I informed my mother that I had changed faith, she retorted: ‘You are a mature man. When you were young, we educated you the way we thought best, but now it’s up to you.’” 86
4. Media Certainly the fact that every kind of mass media follows a particular political agenda is an overstatement. Nevertheless, this is often ignored. Being conscious of the great influence mass media have on people, all Arab interviewees claimed that the local mass media play a crucial role in the formation of their stereotyped image, which ultimately leads to anti-Arab sentiments.
[Angela:] “Ma jkunux jafu daqshekk Libjani…kif qegħdin ngħidu jieħdu n - knowledge fuq il-Libjani u l-Għarab through t-televixin and the media, u jiġifieri ħażin għax ġieli jgħidu l-ħażin biss…mhux ġieli, most of the time.”181
It was often remarked that reports of crimes committed by Arab nationals, when compared to those committed by Europeans, contain much more detail.
[Omar:] “Il-Libjani, jekk jinqabdu fuq ħaġaxi l -airport, jew hekk, tista’ tagħmel għaxart ijiem fuq l-aħbarijiet…iġibuh kuljum. ‘Libjan, jismu hekk u hekk, qabdu għandu hekk u hekk.’ Libjan…ġimgħa sħiħa żgur. Hemm ieħor mill-Olanda, lanqas ġurnata ma ġabuh fuq it-televixin. Ma deher xejn…xejn ma deher, u hemm qiegħed il-ħabs.”182
This was confirmed by the present researcher when carrying out newspaper analysis. Moreover, the latter analysis revealed that, contrary to crime reports of European transgressors, those of Arab ones had more striking headings, often including the offender’s nationality. The informants also criticized the local mass media for their tendency of generalizing, as they explained that,
181 “The Maltese gather their bad impression of Libyans (and Arabs) from the media. They do not actually know a lot of Arabs, but often the media provides them with only prejudiced views. That’s what happens most of the time.” 182 “When a Libyan is caught in some shady affair, the newsmen keep harking on the event for a whole week, or even for ten days. In such cases the media are always keen to provide all the details. But a Dutch offender was not even mentioned. He is in prison, but no details were put out.” 87 generally, these reports do not specify the offender’s nationality; they just state ‘of Arab nationality’.183
[Zafar:] “Ma jgħidux ‘Tuneżin’, ‘Libjan’…jgħidu ‘Għarbi.’ Kollha jgħidulhom ‘Għarab’, mhux bħal tal-pajjiżi ta’ l-Ewropa.”184
[Nasir:] “Jien li ddejjaqni ta’ l-aħbarijiet…meta jgħidu, ‘Inqabdu ħames Għarab bid-droga’…u dik ittini veraġewwa. Mela jekk qabdu Taljan, Ingliż , u Ġermaniż, ma jgħidux ‘Ewropej’ jew ‘Ewropew’…jekk kienu Libjani għandhom jgħidu li kienu Libjani; jekk Marokkini jgħidu li Marokkini; jekk Tuneżini jgħidu li Tuneżini, imma mhux Għarab. Din vera ninħaraq, għax inti qed tiġbed lil kulħadd…u mhux fair hu!”185
In so doing, reporters perpetuate the local convention of not distinguishing between Arab nationals. However, what was claimed to be most offending and worrying is that local reporters, on particular occasions, showed lack of professional ethics by publishing crime reports, including photos, of Arab people who later turned out to be innocent.
[Ibrahim:] “Milux kien hemm każ li akkużaw Libjan b’rape; imbagħad, sabu li kien Malti. Ġabu r-ritratt tiegħu u xandruh ma’ kulħadd u ma kienx hu.”186
For instance, one of the interviewees stated that he was one of the latter victims. This Libyan interviewee related how a local journalist had made up and published an incriminating report, including photos of his restaurant, according to which he had been using his business activity as a screen for
183 This confirms Calleja’s remark that the local media do not distinguish between Libyans, Tunisians, etc. (p.. 54). 184 “Tunisians, Libyans, and all are termed Arabs. But this is not the case of Europeans.” 185 “I am incensed whenever the media relay news that ‘five Arabs have been apprehended for drug trafficking.’ But Europeans are individualized as Italians, Englishmen, and Germans. Hence Arabs should also be individualized as Libyans, Moroccans, Tunisians, and so on. It’s utterly unfair to label all Arabs indiscriminately.” 186 “Some time ago a Libyan was accused of rape; then, it transpired that the offender was, after all, Maltese. The Libyan was obviously innocent, but his photo [in the papers] had already exposed him publicly.” 88 bringing Libyans to Malta and then help them enter other European countries illegally.
[Isma'il:] “Insomma, dak iż-żminijiet kienu jaqbdu miegħi. F’ħames snin anki fuq il-gazzetta ġabuni li jien inħarrab in -nies fuq il-vapur u li nġib l -Għarab minn hemm [?] u nħarrabhom... Ġabu ritratt tal -ħanut fuq il-gazzetta, u jien ma naf b’xejn.”187
He remarked that though through legal action, the reporter had published an apology and denied what he had formerly reported, the business activity still suffered some repercussions. Another point, which was frequently raised during the interviews, regarded the enhancement of Arabophoia by the local media. This remark was commonly illustrated by the negative image of Maltese-Arab marriages given by newspaper articles. They argued that such marriages are frequently depicted as ones of convenience, characterized by wife battering and child kidnapping by the Arab spouse. While admitting that there are, in fact, some Maltese-Arab marriages which correspond to such description, they maintained that there are other inter-racial marriages which do so, and yet are never mentioned.
[Zafar:] “Jitfgħu ħafna velenu; dejjem jgħidu kontra…kontra. Issa kemm Ingliżi kellhom problema mal-Maltin meta żżewġu u telqu. Kemm? Ħafna. Xi darba tkellmu? Dejjem ħidulek,jg ‘Oqogħdu lura…l -Għarab jiżżewġu n-nisa; imbagħad, joqogħdu jsawtuhom. M’hemmx Ingliż li jsawwat il-mara tiegħu? M’hemmx Taljan isawwat il-mara tiegħu? M’hemmx Malti?”188
187 “In those days, they used to pick on me. They even framed me for using my take-away outlet as a cover for trafficking Arab immigrants by boat. They published a photo of my shop in the papers without my knowledge.” 188 “The media is poison for us. They keep blemishing our reputation. Now how many Englishmen had problems with their Maltese wives and left the country? A lot! But did the media ever publicize these cases? They keep admonishing the locals to beware Arab nationals, as they are notorious wife-beaters. Aren’t there any wife-beaters among the English, the Italians, and the Maltese?” 89
Once again, this idea of articles warning against Maltese-Arab marriages was verified through newspaper analysis.
“Ma nistgħux nibqgħu ma ngħidux lil ħutna Maltin bil-konsegwenzi ta’ wieħed jiżżewweġ Musulman…u lil min jiżżewweġ Musulman, irridu ninfurmawh li…”189
“Another unfortunate situation with these mixed marriages is, that nowadays, these marriages are between Maltese and North Africans, who are mostly Moslems…we are Catholics, and above all, Christians, while they are Moslems. Their offspring will be Moslems… In future we are going to have an ethnic problem here in Malta, like there is in Europe…God forbid if one day Malta gives Christianity away. Bit it will happen, perhaps not in our lifetime, if the authorities do not do something about it now.”190
Nonetheless, the latter analysis revealed that, albeit infrequent and generally written by the same author, articles which portray and criticize the treatment of Arabs in Malta do appear as well, especially in the English dailies. One such article, written by Ariadne Massa, consists of an interview with a Maltese-Libyan couple that appealed to Maltese people to do away with anti-Arab sentiments.191Another case in point is Joseph Muscat’s letter entitled ‘Apartheid Maltese Style’, in which he argued that in a number of places in Paceville, what he calls ‘apartheid within apartheid’ is being exercised against Arabs. He explained how ‘people looking like North Africans’, as long as they do not turn out to be Maltese, are not let in. Muscat claimed that the same thing applied to black people who are not ‘British, French, or Americans’. He concluded by stating that ‘these people have a
189 Anna Mallia, ‘Il-Musulmani f’Malta’, L-Orizzont, 25/09/02, 11. 190 Joseph Muscat, as quoted by another Joseph Muscat in ‘Apartheid Maltese Style’, The Malta Independent, 10/8/99, 12. 191 Ariadne Massa, ‘Maltese-Libyan couple speak out against anti-Arab sentiment’, The Times, 14/07/04, 4. 90 problem with Arabs and Africans.’192 When compared to the Maltese dailies, the local English-language dailies take a relatively more balanced standpoint. Yet, affirmations such as those made by Simone Zammit Endrich and Dr. N. Megally tend to sound like valid justifications of Maltese Islamophobia, and this can easily lead to the neutralization of all the efforts made by other sympathetic writers.
“The problem with Muslim people is that most of them refuse to adjust. They carry their culture along with them wherever they go and look upon any Western culture with contempt…It is this culture shock that makes the Maltese worry…Maltese people had suffered four centuries of Arab rule. Their caution is not imagined – it is innate with good reason too. History habitually repeats itself”.193
“...[Islamophobia] has been created by Muslims themselves when a mujahid (fighter in the name of Islam) ferociously kills another mujahid in Afghanistan, when Muslims slay other Muslims in Algeria...when Colonel Gaddafi himself, leader of the World Islamic Leadership, has opposition from Islamic Fundamentalists...”194
Almost all Arab interviewees asserted that this anti-Arab sentiment expressed by the local media indicates its pro-Jewish affiliation resulting from the Maltese obsession to be associated with Europeans.
[Habib:] “Din is-sistema influwenzata mill-Ewropa li tappoġġja l-Iżrael.”195
They remarked that this is evident from the lack of local media coverage to the Palestinian issue, reducing Palestinian afflictions to a non-event.
192 Joseph Muscat, ‘Apartheid Maltese style’, The Malta Independent, 10/08/99, 22. 193 Simone Zammit Endrich, ‘Inverse racism’, The Malta Independent, 10/9/01, 12. 194 N. Megally, ‘Islam and Christianity-past and present’, The Malta Independent, 20/10/99, 12. 195 “This is a system influenced by Europe which backs Israel.” 91
[Omar:] “Fuq il-Palestina…ara kemm mietu nies kuljum…fuq l-aħbarijiet ma jġibuhomx fuq Malta, ta; anki fuq il-gazzetti. Istra, kuljum imutu n-nies il- Palestina…kuljum. Hawnhekk ma ġibuhiexj l -aħabrijiet. Saret qisha normali. Mela dawk mhux bnedmin?”196
[Yasar:] “The media makes the whole issue. The media itself… jiena…I don’t blame these people [the Maltese]; I blame the media li jisimgħu mit-T.V. Why? Because the media, by itself…meta jmut xi ħadd il -Palestina…tfal…they don’t make a lot of fuss about it. Mhux qed ngħid li tajjeb li ġara fil-11 ta’ Settembru, but at the same time, the media makes the whole issue about something so that they make them hit Islam and the Arabs.”197
Moreover, the informants stated that the poignant and long coverage given of the September 11th attack is an excellent example of how the local media, following the heels of Europeans, grasp every opportunity to generalize and attribute such horrific acts to all Muslims in order to antagonize Arab nations.
[Habib:] “Il-11 ta’ Settembru affettwat lill-Maltin minħabba l-mod kif xandruha fil-mezzi tax-xandir. Bħalma dejjem sar, ħadu ċans biex jimlew lin-nies kontra l-Għarab. Dik kienet u għadha, sfortunatament.”198
All of the above statements, made by Arab interviewees and supported by their respective Maltese spouses, manifest unanimity in accusing the local media of fomenting anti-Arab sentiments.199 However, the present researcher believes that, as those involved in local media are practically all Maltese
196 “Just consider how many Palestinians have died. But the local TV news and papers do not bother to mention these daily casualties. It’s as if nothing has happened. Aren’t they human beings as well?” 197 “The media make the whole issue. I don’t blame these people [the Maltese]; I blame the media. Why? The media fails to mention the death of Palestinian children. I am not trying to justify what happened on 9/11; I’m only implying that the biased media make a lot of fuss out of events that harm Islam and the Arabs.” 198 “9/11 made an impact on the Maltese by the way it was relayed by the media. As usual they exploited the opportunity to foment hatred against Arabs. That’s the same old story, unfortunately.” 199 Moreover, these perceptions explain why many of the interviewees were initially concerned about the possibility of being exposed in the media. 92 nationals, it would be more appropriate to blame them for perpetuating, rather than producing prejudices against Arabs. Actually, from the analysis of both interviewees’ accounts and newspapers, it transpires that the mass media are both the cause and effect of local anti-Arab sentiments.
5. The overall situation For every immigrant in Malta, an unofficial requirement is, at least, some basic knowledge of the English language. Otherwise, she/he would have to face a great communication barrier which, inevitably, leads to isolation. A much bigger asset would be a good grasp of the native tongue. It follows that, for the immigrant, speaking Maltese should be a benefit which promotes his/her integration in local circles. For some reason this does not seem to be the case of Arab nationals. For instance all Arab interviewees are able to speak relatively good Maltese and they claimed to have learned it practically within a month or two. Despite this, they argued that, overall, Maltese nationals still made them feel as foreigners, and quite often as undesirable persons.
[Butrus, lill-uffiċjal ta’ l-ajruport:] “Għidtlu jiena, ‘Mhux suppost tagħmel din il-biċċa miegħi. Jiena mhux barrani. Jiena għidli Malti.’ U qalli, ‘Le, int mhux Malti.’ U kien hemm pulizija smajtuħid, jg ‘ Go back to your fucking country!’”200
[Firas:] “Iva, bqajt inħossni barrani; kull ġurnata li tgħaddi n -nies iġagħluni nħossni li jien barrani.”201
[Karim:] “Ma nistax ninsa li jien barrani għax in-nies ma jħallunix.”202
200 [Butrus to an airport official:] “‘You cannot do such a thing to me; I am not a foreigner. You should regard me as Maltese.’ He said: ‘No, you aren’t Maltese.’ I heard a policeman, standing nearby, adding: ‘Go back to your fucking country!’” 201 “Yes, I still consider myself much of a foreigner. Everyday the people make me feel so.” 202 “I cannot forget that I’m a foreigner. The people make sure you won’t, anyway.” 93
These informants stated that even: 1. having Maltese citizenship, 2. being married to Maltese women, and 3. having lived in Malta for, at least, the past four years, did not change the Maltese perception of Arabs.
[Yasar:] “Meta għidtlu, ‘Don’t our neighbours pray inside? We, bħala Maltese, ukoll…’ Qalli, ‘U le, le, x’Maltese Maltese’ Għidtlu, ‘I am Maltese!’ but he insisted that I am not pure Maltese.”203
[Yasar:] “Pereżempju fuq ix-xogħol jitkellmu fuq politics…jien ħa nitkellem fuq Malta jekk hi tajba jew ħażina. Issa jekk jiena… I criticize, they say, ‘Don’t criticize, you’re not Maltese.’ So hekk ħa jiġġieldu, ta f int, Malti ma’ Malti, Labour vs Nationalist, jista’ jitkellem, imma jekk jien ħa niġi nitkellem, jgħidli, ‘Mur pajjiżek lura,’ u jien ħid, ng ‘Inħossni li jien Malti… why shouldn’t I criticize?’…Imma hemm min-nies jgħidulek, ‘Għaliex ma tmurx lura pajjiżek?’ Unfortunately dawn huma l-maġġornaza.”204
According to what the interviewees have said, for the Maltese, Arabs always remain people who must not be trusted, as they perceive them as seekers of marriages of convenience, drug pushers or traffickers, thieves, and criminals.
[Mahbub:] “Waħda, għax ratni Għarbi semmietli d-droga.”205
203 [Yasar, to the police commissioner:] “‘Don’t our neighbours pray inside? We, as Maltese [also have that right].’ He replied, ‘No you’re not Maltese!’ I persevered: ‘I am Maltese!’ But he kept insisting I’m not pure Maltese [sic.].’” 204 “For example my friends, as expected, talk politics at work. Whenever I dare to pass judgement on some issue, they instruct to shut up: ‘Don’t criticize, you’re not Maltese.’ Nationalists and Labourites can have their heated arguments but I cannot express my opinion. They usually snap: ‘Go back to your country!’ But I regard myself as Maltese; hence, why should I stay silent? Unfortunately the majority of the Maltese thinks otherwise.” 205 “As soon as one woman realized that I am an Arab, she started talking about drugs.” 94
Naturally, such perceptions lead to Arabophobia. In fact, almost all Arab interviewees declared that they are profoundly offended by the overtly vigilant behaviour of the majority of locals in their regard. [Butrus:] “Ilu ftit rajt tifla fuq l-istage u waqqaftilha u rikbet u telgħet fuq wara. Kif soqt u bdejt nitkellem u ħarfitnig mill -lingwa tiegħi li jien barrani, ħadet xokk…Għidtilha, ‘Isma’, jien tajtek lift, inwasslek fejn sejra, għidli fejn, u jien nitlaq, ta!’”206
[Omar:] “Imma n-nies l-ewwel ħarsa li jħarsu lejk, istra, li int bniedem mhux sewwa. Dik l-ewwel ħaġa, fhimt?…Mill -ewwel hekk…Jgħiduli, ‘Ma tantx tidher li Għarbi’…imma, eżempju, inkun fuq tal -linja…tkun int u ieħor …ma nkunux nidhru liħna a Għarab…Jekk, eżempju, inkunu qed nitkellmu u jindunaw li aħna Għarab, istra, daqshekk ta. Ara tista’ taħseb, jekk xi ħadd poġġa quddiemna jmur ipoġġi post ieħor aktar ’il bogħod…ix-xjuħ speċjalment…istra, mill-ewwel jibdew jitkellmu fuqna, fhimt? Quddiemna stess ipaċpċu…”207
This kind of labeling also makes Arab nationals in Malta vulnerable to abuse by certain law enforcers. In fact, a number of interviewees have related incidents experienced by themselves or by some of their friends. For instance, one of the interviewees stated that it is quite common for an Arab national who has been erroneously accused of an offense to be told by the police officers concerned to declare himself guilty so that his sentence would be reduced.
[Ibrahim:] “Meta Għarbi ġie akkużat intortament, għax baqa’ jinsisti li mhux hu, il-pulizija qalulu, ‘Inti ammetti,ħax g flok għoxrin sena teħel
206 “Some time ago, I gave a lift to a young lady. She dropped in and sat at the back. As soon as she realized I was an Arab from my speech, she panicked. I told her, ‘I only mean to take you wherever you like, that’s all.’” 207 “Just by your looks, people will automatically label you as some kind of scoundrel. In fact, some tell me that I do not look like an Arab at all. If they hear you talking Arabic to a friend on the bus, they react immediately. Some old people even change places to sit as far away as possible. They do not hesitate to discuss their biases in our presence.” 95
sebgħa’….dejjem hekk jagħmlu…‘Inti ammetti biex ma tiġikx il-piena l- kbira.’”208
Another often cited example of such harassment was that of policemen entering and searching an Arab’s apartment without even showing a search warrant, while behaving disrespectfully.
[Omar:] “Malta, normali…jiġifieri biex jiġi jħabbatlek il -bieb…mhux iħabbatlek il-bieb…ikissirlek il-bieb u jidħol , fhimt? Kemm-il darba…jiġifieri. Imbagħad hemm l-iskuża li jkollok id-droga ġod -dar jew ikollok hekk…u inti ma jkollokx is-saħħa li tgħidlu ‘Ok, tini karta bl-avukat li int stajt tidħol id - dar.’”209
The stereotyping of Arabs leads to other alienating practices; for example, the locals often wonder how a pretty or educated Maltese girl ‘ended up’ marrying an Arab.
[Abigail:] “Imbagħad hemm dik il -mentalità li jekk it-tifla tkun ta’ l-iskola, pereżempju jkollha ċerta pożizzjoni, jien naf,…forsi aktar ħa jgħi du n-nies, ‘jaħasra’, ‘miskina’, ‘x’jaħasra’, fhimtni?”210
[Esther:] “…Però kont kellimt qassis ieħor…kien qalli, ‘Int xiex, ħandikappata? Ma kontx kapaċi ssib Malti?’ Qalhieli f’wiċċi jiġifieri…fhimt?”211
Unsurprisingly, all interviewees, especially the Arab ones, remarked that such attitudes generate in them negative feelings towards the locals.
208 “An Arab was wrongly accused. When he protested his innocence, the policemen advised him to plead guilty to mitigate the potential sentence (say, 7 years instead of 20). They always resort to this ploy so that you can [gratefully] avoid the full penalty.” 209 “The police often force their way in our houses, smashing rather than knocking at our door. They often claim you are suspected of harbouring drugs. You can’t even ask them to provide a search warrant.” 210 “Most Maltese think that a well-educated local girl who marries an Arab should be pitied the more.” 211 “I had this conversation with another priest who thought I was mentally deficient: ‘Weren’t you able to find a Maltese partner?’ He just said it in my face.” 96
[Firas:] “Imbagħad, inti stess, istra, timbrahom dan-nies [il-Maltin]. Bis-serjetà kollha qed ngħidlek. Timbrahom…taf għala?…għax, istra, dak kellu problema hawn Malta, imma ħafna kellhom problema. Imma l-biċċa qiegħda fuqna biss… Jekk tidħol f’ħanut kulħadd jibda jħarislek bl-ikrah…”212
[Omar:] “Hawn min jibqa’ qisuħa jpattiha għax ħbieb tiegħi jibqgħu jgħiduli, ‘Għax qalu fuqna’ u ‘Għax għamlulna hekk.’”213
As they themselves have suggested, this could lead to retaliation from the Arabs’ side, which in turn precipitates more hostility in Maltese people. It is a no-win situation. This implies that for Arab nationals to be completely accepted, if they will ever be, within Maltese society, a substantial period of years has to elapse. The prevailing uncongenial circumstances can only be rectified through a thorough educational programme conducted in schools and in the local media.
212 “You’ll come to despise these people [the Maltese]. They think that we are the only troublemakers in this country. Are we? Even if you go in a shop, you can only observe scornful eyes.” 213 “Arab nationals are naturally put off by such downbeat attitudes, and hence yearn to have their revenge.” 97
Chapter 5
98
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Perhaps the postmodernist affirmation that every action is a manifestation of power appears too categorical. But when it comes to racist behaviour, it surely holds ground, even though the issue is understandably not that simplistic. Race relations involve a conspiracy of factors, but the central component of the whole intricate network is, undeniably, power. In fact, Robert E. Park claims that in a racially heterogeneous society, the craving for power by opposing groups, unavoidably, leads to competition and conflict. 214 The present work shows that locals, in general, tend to utilize every possible means to resist anything that could bring about changes in their accustomed social life. For the majority of Maltese people, ‘normality’ constitutes their religion, culture, race, and nationality. Precisely due to tangible deviations from these sacrosanct norms, Arab nationals in Malta are considered to be a highly potential menace to the deep-rooted Catholic tradition. Locals identify Maltese culture, race, and nationality with Catholicism, and at the same time equate Arab culture, race and nationality with Islam. In fact all Maltese female interviewees remarked that the objections (to their relationships) raised by their relatives and friends regarded their partners’ Arab nationality which, as they explicitly stated, was automatically linked with Islam. This study indicates that, in Malta, when locals convert to Islam, they are regarded as if they have changed their nationality and become Arabs. Consequently, Maltese society, being essentially conservative, is characterized by Arabophobia. Following E. Ellis Cashmore’s argument, such circumstances conduct locals to resort to a particular self-defense mechanism, i.e. adoption of racist attitudes, ranging from mere prejudices to actual discrimination.215 Through
214 Stone, Racial Conflict In Contemporary Society, 87. 215 Cashmore, as paraphrased by Haralambos & Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives, 702. 99 such behaviour the Maltese manifest their presumed superiority, and in a way, generate a kind of ‘internal colonialism’. 216 This is evident from both the underprivileged status normally attributed to Arab nationals and their frequent exploitation, especially at the workplace, by Maltese employers. For instance, during this study, it was repeatedly remarked that generally, the Maltese consider the employment of Arab nationals as an act of benevolence or generosity; in fact, they often take every opportunity to make the latter feel grateful for being gainfully engaged. Furthermore, it is clear that conflict, resulting from the superiority complex manifested by Maltese co-workers, characterizes Arab employees’ relationships with their local counterparts. Such an attitude is the consequence of what Arab informants claimed to be a widespread belief among Maltese workers that Arabs are stealing their jobs. This inevitably precipitates a split labour market situation, delineated by frustration on both sides. Arab nationals will eventually come to expect equal pay and conditions of work. On the other hand, Maltese employees persist in believing that Arabs are stealing jobs from the locals. Following Edna Bonacich’s neo-Marxist line of thought, the initial tendency for Arab nationals to accept low wages enhances the aforementioned antagonism, as this reduces considerably the bargaining power of Maltese workers. Consequentially, Arabs in Malta are regarded as the undesirable ‘others’. Such perception leads to the construction of stereotypes, conveniently linked to a number of criminal acts committed by Arabs in Malta. Actually, the experiences related during the interviews indicate that Maltese people, in general, show a particular symptom of Adorno’s authoritarian personality, i.e. inflexible stereotyped thought patterns. These stereotypes serve to justify racism and thus help in the maintenance of the
216 Internal colonialism [as used by race relations theorists] is the underprivileged status and exploitation of minority groups within the wider society. Abercrombie Nicholas, Stephen Hill, and Bryan. S. Turner, The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology, 183. 100 locals’ power. This is particularly evident in the questionable treatment police officers, in general, reserve to Arabs in Malta.217 A comprehensive description of the stereotyped image of Arab nationals held by the Maltese would be: ‘Dark, Muslim men who often engage in delinquent or criminal behaviour, and who seek to contract a marriage of convenience in order to settle in Malta, and escape the several restrictions imposed in Arab countries.’ This brand of racism has a sexist edge, since the aforementioned notions are not usually held vis-à-vis Arab, Muslim females. The latter remark is clearly illustrated by the huge differences that emerge between the Libyan female interviewee’s mostly positive account of her stay in Malta and the bitter experiences recounted by the majority of Arab male interviewees. This is confirmed further by a number of newspapers articles in the local press, hyping the dire consequences of marrying Muslim men. As it was clearly outlined throughout the present research, these prejudiced perceptions have a considerably negative impact on Maltese-Arab relations in general. In this framework, Arab men have to struggle to gain the trust of the locals in every aspect of social life, ranging from renting an apartment to marrying a Maltese girl. Arab informants argued that the biased local media represented a substantial obstacle for the attainment of this goal. Hence, the role of mass media in the perpetuation of such prejudiced notions should not be overlooked. Institutionalized racism should not be underestimated either. John Richardson argues: “regardless of the original intentions of the personnel involved, there is little doubt that their policies – or sometimes lack of policies – nevertheless have damaging social consequences for the less powerful ethnic and racial minorities.” 218 Institutionalized racism in Malta
217 Cf. Calleja, Aspects of Racism in Malta, 53. 218 Richardson, as paraphrased by Haralambos & Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives, 692. 101 does not seem to be rampant. In fact the only two reported circumstances in which it was clearly observed, involved: 1. citizenship acquisition; and 2. prize giving in state schools. Nevertheless, the authorities concerned are duty bound to minimize, with all possible means, such racist attitudes as the latter significantly compromise the possibility of healthy Maltese-Arab relations in Malta; otherwise, what are mere stereotyped images of others can turn out to be self-fulfilling prophecies. For instance, the Education Department can have a very important role to play in this regard; for example, by excluding ‘racist’ texts, usually included in the National Curriculum, which inappropriately tend to stereotype Arabs. Moreover, government organizations should educate the locals in not expecting complete assimilation on part of Arab nationals. It is only in this way that what Sheila Patterson calls ‘pluralistic integration’ can be achieved; 219 as Maltese people in due course would come to accept Arab immigrants as a permanently settled group retaining its distinctive culture.
Conjectures This study can make one reflect on the possibility that such local racist attitudes are negatively affecting the fate of a significant number of Maltese- Arab marriages in Malta. It can also make one ponder the possibility that the problematic behaviour of certain Arab nationals is being triggered by overt anti-Arab sentiments and prejudices. Another suggestion that transpired from this research, and which according to the present writer deserves more profound investigation, is that anti-Arab sentiments in Malta are gender based, i.e. expressed towards male Arabs. While acknowledging that these are only inferences, the present researcher believes that they are valid cues which merit further research.
219 Patterson, as cited by Haralambos & Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives, 669. 102
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Bibliography
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Back, Les. ‘Reading and Writing Research.’ Researching Society and Culture. Ed. Clive Seale. London: Sage, 2002. 285-296. Bagley, Christopher and Loretta Young. ‘The Welfare, Adaptation and Identity of Children from Intercultural Marriage (1).’ Race Relations and
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Cultural Differences. Eds. Gajendra K. Verma and Christopher Bagley. Kent: Croom Helm, 1984. 247-258. Banton, Michael. ‘Race Relations.’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings. Eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976. 187-191. Cox, Oliver Cromwell. ‘Caste, Class and Race [1].’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings. Eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976. 48-61. Cox, Oliver Cromwell. ‘Caste, Class and Race [2].’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings. Eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976. 176-180. Cragg, Kenneth. ‘A Christian-Muslim Perspective.’ Beyond Tolerance: The Challenge of Mixed Marriage. Ed. Michael Hurley. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1975. 9-20. Edwards, John. ‘Language, Disadvantage and Minority Education.’ Race Relations and Cultural Differences. Eds. Gajendra K. Verma and Christopher Bagley. Kent: Croom Helm, 1984. 87-98. Enloe, Cynthia. ‘Religion and Ethnicity’ Ethnicity. Eds. John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith. Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. 197- 202. Hamalian, Arpi. and Bhatnagar, Joti. ‘The Education of Children of Immigrant Groups: A Comparative Perspective of Britain, France, The Netherlands, The Federal Republic of Germany and Sweden.’ Race Relations and Cultural Differences. Eds. Gajendra K. Verma and Christopher Bagley. Kent: Croom Helm, 1984. 99-142. Hastings, Adrian. ‘Intermarriage and the Wider Society.’ Beyond Tolerance: The Challenge of Mixed Marriage. Ed. Michael Hurley. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1975. 1-8.
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Park, R.E. ‘Race and Culture.’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings. Eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976. 35-36. Rex, John. ‘Race Relations and Sociological Theory.’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings. Eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976. 112-120. Seale, Clive ‘Qualitative Interviewing.’ Researching Society and Culture. Ed. Clive Seale. London: Sage, 2002. 202-216. Silverman, Nicholas. ‘Analysing Conversation.’ Researching Society and Culture. Ed. Clive Seale. London: Sage, 2002. 261-274 Simons, H. ‘The Paradox of Case Study.’ Cambridge Journal of Education, 26(2) (1996): 225-240. Simpson, G. and Yinger, M. ‘Intermarriage: Interracial, Interfaith and Interethnic.’ Race and Ethnic Relations Sociological Readings. Eds. Gordon Bowker and John Carrier. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1976. 353- 376. Stake, R. E. ‘Case Studies.’ Handbook of Qualitative Research. Eds. N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln. Thousands Oaks, CA: SAGE, 1994. 236-247. Stone, John. ‘Internal Colonialism’ Ethnicity. Eds. John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith. Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. 278- 281. c. Theses
Camilleri, Christopher. Racial Discrimination Against Immigrants in Malta: An Inquiry into the Socio-political Issues and Policies. Unpublished thesis, B.Com. (Hons.), University of Malta, 2001. Camilleri, Nicolette. Maltese Youth in Mixed Marriages. Unpublished dissertation, Dip. Youth Studies, University of Malta, 1997.
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Falzon, Mark-Anthony. An Encounter with the Maltese-Indian Community. Unpublished thesis, B.A. (Hons.) Anthropology, University of Malta, 1996. Farrugia-Borg, Denise. Minority Beliefs Systems in Malta: Integrated or Isolated? Unpublished thesis, B.A. (Hons.) Social Studies, University of Malta, 2003. Haleal, Livnat. The Influence of the Media on Racism and Minority Groups in Malta. M.A. Human Rights Thesis, 2001. Vella-Gauci, Joe. Islamic Law and Mixed Marriages. M.A. Dissertation, University of London, 1991. Wadi, Ramona. Muslim Marriage in Malta: Assessing the Case for Legal Recognition. Unpublished thesis, B.A. (Hons.) Social Administration, University of Malta, 2003. d. Internet Sites
Gerber, Gerold. ‘Interviews as Cross-cultural Encounters in Malta’, (Paper presented at the European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) Conference in Copenhagen, 14-17 August 2002, in the workshop "Stuck Between Inside and Outside - Hybrid Identities and Anthropological Methodology") http://www.anthrobase.com, 1-13. Schembri, Karl. ‘Will Malta be a bridge to the South?’, Europe Magazine, 09/05/2004, http://www.maltatoday.com.mt, 1-4. e. Newspapers articles
Anon. ‘Jiżdied in-Numru ta’ Maltin li Jiżżewġu ma’ Musulmani’, Il-Ġens, 06/09/2003, 1-2. Anon. ‘Maltese Fear the Arabs, Xarabank Survey Finds’, The Malta Independent on Sunday, 04/07/2004, 13. Anon. ‘Riħa ta’ Razziżmu?’, It-Torċa, 13/01/2002, 27.
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Anon. ‘Muslim Prisioners Appeal for Permission to Celebrate Ramadan’, The Malta Independent, 10/11/2000, 3. Azzopardi, Mario. ‘Kontrokurrent: Żwiġijiet mal -Musulmani’, In-Nazzjon, 12/08/2004, 16. Abood, S. ‘Muslims and Catholics’, The Sunday Times of Malta, 25/07/2004,17. Bartolo, Gillian. ‘Crossing the Crescent: When a Catholic Marries a Muslim’, ‘First Sunday,’ The Malta Independent Magazine, May 1996, 12-14. Bonello, Jesmond. ‘Residents Protest Judicially Against “Illegal Mosque”’, The Times, 07/02/2004, 4. Borg, Christine. ‘Catholic-Muslim Marriages’, The Sunday Times of Malta, 26/12/1999, 15. Caruana Galizzia, Daphne. ‘Paperino Bang-bang’, The Malta Independent, 08/02/1998, 20. Darlington, Shasta. ‘Vatican Warns Catholics Against Marrying Muslims’, The Times, 15/05/2004, 19. El Sadi, Muhammed. ‘Islam Forces Nobody to Embrace It’, The Malta Independent, 09/08/1999, 12. Farrugia, Joseph. ‘Unequal Partners in Marriage’, The Malta Independent, 12/05/1996, 24. Galea, Tonio. ‘L-Islam Hu Reliġjon ta’ Paċi u Tolleranza – Il-Kap tal- Komunità Islamika f’Malta’, Il-Mument, 31/10/2004, 24. Gatt, Caroline. ‘Il-Musulmani f’Malta u Anna Mallia’, L-Orizzont, 26/10/2002, 11. Grech, Michael. ‘Il-Kattoliċiżmu Malti u l-Ħidma għall-Paċi’, It-Torċa, 12/09/2004, 28. Grech, Michael. ‘L-Islam Theddida?’, It-Torċa, 19/09/2004, 28. Grech Orr, Karl. ‘Consent to Indissoluble Union Required’, The Times, 24/03/2003, 21.
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Mallia, Anna. ‘Il-Musulmani f’Malta’, L-Orizzont, 25/09/2002, 11. Mangion, Sandro. ‘Report Warns of “Reasons for Concern” over Spread of Local Muslim Community’, The Malta Independent, 14/06/1999, 7. Massa, Ariadne. ‘Maltese-Libyan Couple Speak out Against Anti-Arab Sentiment’, The Times, 14/07/2004, 4. Megally, N. ‘Islam and Christianity – Past and Present’, The Malta Independent, 20/10/1999, 12. Muscat, Joseph. ‘Apartheid Maltese Style’, The Malta Independent, 10/08/1999, 12. Peralta, Hugh. ‘Should Maltese Muslims Give an Account of Themselves?’, The Times, 13/12/2001, 9. Schembri, Karl. ‘Prisioners End Hunger Strike Following Mediation’, The Malta Independent on Sunday, 21/01/2001, 10. Seychell, Anġ. ‘Iż-Żwiġijiet Insara-Musulmani’, Il-Ġens, 12/06/2004, 11. Toutoungi, M. ‘Dar tal-Islam’, The Malta Independent on Sunday, 21/03/2004, 25. Xuereb, Daniela. ‘Dramatic Increase in Civil Marriages Involving Foreigners’, The Malta Independent on Sunday, 16/02/2003, 5. Zammit Endrich, Simone. ‘Inverse Racism’, The Malta Independent, 10/09/2001, 12.
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Appendices
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APPENDIX I a. Interview guide
1. Treatment of Arab partner as soon as he/she arrived in Malta
2. Access to leisure venues
3. Job opportunities and encounters (a) relationships with employers (b) relationships with colleagues
4. Property acquisition (a) leasing or buying? (b) problems with bank loans
5. Incidents in governmental departments
6. Maltese spouse’s parents and other relatives (a) reactions (b) present relationships
7. Relationships with neighbours
8. Maltese spouse’s friends (a) reactions (b) present relationships
9. Children (a) choice of school (b) relationship with teachers and schoolmates (c) their future in Maltese society
10. Degree of freedom to practice Islam
11. Feeling included or excluded in local society
12. Did the 11th September attack on the US influence Maltese attitudes towards Arabs?
Note: All interviews were conducted in Maltese.
112 b. Personal details form
Name of Arab spouse: …………………
Age: …………………
Nationality: …………………
Occupation: …………………
Years in Malta: …………………
Years of marriage: …………………
Residence: …………………
Name of Maltese spouse: …………………
Age: …………………
Occupation: …………………
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APPENDIX II a. Profiles of informants
Omar and Abigail Omar and Abigail reside in the South Eastern region of Malta. They got married a year ago and are expecting their first child. Omar is employed in the construction sector and Abigail is a teacher. They are both Muslims. Omar and Abigail showed willingness to participate in the present study from the very first contact. In fact they did not hesitate to give their consent to be tape-recorded. During the interviewing sessions they felt at ease even though the experiences they related, on the whole, were negative ones.
Ibrahim and Angela Ibrahim and Angela reside in the Western region of Malta. They got married 19 years ago and have 3 children – a 15-year-old girl, an 11-year-old boy, and a 7-year-old boy. Their children go to state schools. Ibrahim works as a translator at the law courts and Angela is a housewife. The whole family is Muslim. When they were contacted for the first time, Ibrahim and Angela were quite concerned and before giving their consent they asked a lot of questions, especially regarding anonymity. Nevertheless they still consented readily to be tape-recorded. Understandably, at first they felt quite self-conscious but this lasted only a few minutes; in fact, they did not only overcome their self- consciousness but succeeded to establish an excellent rapport with the interviewer which led them to invite the latter for an Arab traditional dinner. Moreover the interviewer offered her help in a school project to the eldest child.
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Salim and Sonia Salim and Sonia reside in the Northern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 6 years ago and have a 4-year-old boy. They send their son to the Muslim school. Salim is an engineering graduate and works as a consultant with a local firm, and Sonia is a housewife. They are both Muslims. Salim and Sonia accepted immediately to take part in this research and were quite glad to participate. Both of them felt at ease while relating their experiences and did not mind at all being tape-recorded. Their sincere readiness was also manifested in inviting the researcher to visit them whenever she happened to be around and to phone again in case she needed further help.
Isma’il and Catherine Isma’il and Catherine reside in the Northern region of Malta. They got married 16 years ago and have 4 girls – a 14-year-old, an 11-year-old, a 9- year-old, and a 7-year-old, all of whom go to state schools. Isma’il is self- employed, involved in house maintenance works such as plastering, whitewashing, plumbing, etc. Catherine is a housewife. Both spouses are Muslims but Catherine remarked that she is not a strict practicing Muslim. Initially they felt somewhat concerned about being interviewed, as they feared being exposed. Nevertheless, they eventually accepted to participate and their reluctance to be tape-recorded vanished after a short, informal chat, just before starting the actual interviewing session.
Nasir and Lina Nasir and Lina reside in the Northern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 12 years ago and have 4 boys – an 11-year-old, a 9-year-old, an 8- year-old, and a 5-year-old, all of whom go to state schools. Nasir is self- employed; his work consists mainly in plastering, whitewashing, tile laying,
115 and the like. Lina is a housewife. Nasir is a non-practicing Muslim and Lina is a practicing Catholic. In regards to their children’s religious education they decided to raise them as Catholics. Though initially they showed some concern about being tape-recorded, after being reassured complete confidentiality, Lina gave her consent. Nevertheless Nasir maintained that he still preferred not to be tape-recorded, as he could not overcome his uneasiness.
Zafar and Sarah Zafar and Sarah reside in the South Eastern region of Malta. They got married 5 years ago and have a 2-year-old girl. Zafar is self-employed; his work consists in whitewashing, plastering, tile laying, and the like. Sarah is a housewife. Both spouses are Muslims. Zafar and Sarah easily accepted to be interviewed as Zafar had come to know the researcher in a particular course he had followed some time before, and thus the researcher had already gained their trust.
Yusuf and Elaine Yusuf and Elaine reside in the Northern region of Malta. They got married 3 years ago and have 2 children – a 1-year-old girl and a 2-month baby-boy. Yusuf is self-employed; his work comprises tile laying, plumbing, plastering, etc. Elaine is a housewife. Both spouses are Muslims. On first contact, Yusuf and Elaine hesitated before accepting to be interviewed because they feared being exposed. However after being guaranteed complete anonymity they consented to be interviewed and even tape-recorded.
Rashid and Grace
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Rashid and Grace reside in the South Eastern region of Malta. They got married 8 years ago and have 4 children – a 7-year-old boy, a 6-year-old boy, a 5-year-old boy, and a 3-year-old girl, all of whom go to state schools. Rashid works as a market hawker and Grace is a housewife. Rashid is Muslim and Grace is Catholic. In respect to their children’s religious education they chose to communicate both faiths; the children, as adults, will then decide for themselves. On initial contact Rashid and Grace stated that though they would like to help, they feared being exposed through the media. Thus, when they were assured that there was no risk involved, they accepted immediately. In regards to tape-recording they did not present any objections; however, initially Grace felt self-conscious but as in other cases this lasted only a couple of minutes.
Mahbub and Tania Mahbub and Tania reside in the Southern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 10 years ago and have 2 children – a 6-year-old boy and a 4-year-old girl. They send their children to the Muslim school. Mahbub is self-employed, and like most of the other Arab spouses he works as a tile layer and plasterer. Tania is a housewife. They are both Muslims. On very first contact Mahbub and Tania said they were glad to help a student who had shown interest in a topic which affects them at close hand. In fact they did not make any objections to be tape-recorded. The rapport established with this couple was among the most rewarding ones. For instance, during the interviewing session, they even showed the researcher their wedding album and lent her a book about the place of women in Islam. Their willingness to cooperate was shown throughout the whole interview.
Butrus and Maria
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Butrus and Maria reside in the Northern region of Malta. They got married 11 years ago and have no children. Butrus holds a degree in English literature and works as a businessman, while Maria is a bank clerk. Butrus is Muslim and Maria is Catholic. Butrus and Maria were very willing to participate in this study and they did not present any objections to be tape-recorded. Actually the pity was that Butrus had so many accounts to relate and provided so much detail in the telling, that it was impossible for the researcher to cite all the examples he had given, and quite often she faced an embarrassment of choice.
Habib and Carmen Habib and Carmen reside in the Northern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 20 years ago and have 3 children – a 16-year-old boy, a 14-year-old girl, and a 10-year-old boy, all of whom go to state schools. Habib is a university graduate and a businessman, while Carmen is a housewife. They are both Muslims. Habib and Carmen showed willingness to take part in the present research from the very first contact. Moreover the couple stated that they appreciated the researcher’s interest in such a delicate topic.
Yasar and Esther Yasar and Esther reside in the Northern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 5 years ago and have 2 children – a 3-year-old boy and a 2-year-old girl. The boy goes to the Muslim school. Yasar works as a laboratory analyst in a local hospital. Esther, presently, is a housewife, but she used to work as a facilitator. They are both Muslims. When contacted, Yasar and Esther accepted immediately to participate in this study. The idea of being tape-recorded concerned neither of the spouses.
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Firas and Ruth Firas and Ruth reside in the South Eastern region of Malta. They got married 8 years ago and do not have children. Firas is self-employed and performs house maintenance tasks such as whitewashing and plastering, while Ruth is a teacher. Firas is Muslim and Ruth is Catholic; nevertheless, both of them do not practice their respective religions. On first contact Ruth said that she had to talk it over with her husband before consenting because he is very sensitive to the investigated issue. Eventually she phoned the researcher back and accepted to be interviewed together with her husband. However Firas emphasized the point that he would not consent to be tape-recorded. Firas was very passionate while disclosing his experiences, so much that when his wife said that he tends to give too much importance to what others think or say, he maintained that even his wife finds it hard to understand how he and his co-nationals feel.
Karim and Nathalie Karim and Nathalie reside in the Northern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 4 years ago and have a 2-year-old boy. Presently they are expecting their second child. Karim is a market hawker and Nathalie is a teacher. Karim is a Muslim and Nathalie is a non-practicing Catholic. They have agreed to relay their son both religions so that when he grows up he will choose the faith he deems right for his well-being. This couple accepted immediately to participate in this research, and did not have any problems with being tape-recorded. Their willingness to disclose important information was further appreciated, considering the fact that though their son was constantly calling for attention they kept on relating their accounts undisturbed.
Nicholas and Fatimah
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Nicholas and Fatimah reside in the Southern Harbour region of Malta. They got married 6 years ago and have a 2-year-old girl. Nicholas works as a clerk with a local firm and Fatimah is employed as a secretary in a local Libyan agency. They are both Muslims. Nicholas and Fatimah were also very willing to help from the very beginning and they did not hesitate to consent to be tape-recorded.
Note: All names have been changed for ethical purposes.
120 b. Table: ‘Facesheet’ information
Maltese Spouse Arab Spouse Name Age Name Age Nationality No. of yrs in Malta Abigail 24 Omar 29 Libyan 6 Angela 45 Ibrahim 50 Libyan 23 Sonia 34 Salim 40 Libyan 9 Catherine 37 Isma'il 40 Libyan 18 Lina 35 Nasir 39 Syrian 13 Sarah 32 Zafar 35 Syrian 6 Elaine 23 Yusuf 32 Syrian 4 Grace 42 Rashid 49 Egyptian 9 Tania 38 Mahbub 48 Egyptian 11 Maria 39 Butrus 40 Egyptian 12 Carmen 42 Habib 47 Palestinian 26 Esther 31 Yasar 29 Palestinian 14 Ruth 44 Firas 34 Tunisian 8 Nathalie 37 Karim 33 Tunisian 5 Nicholas 38 Fatimah 35 Libyan 6
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