Maltese-Arab Marriages A Measuring-Rod of Maltese Racism Deborah Cassar A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) at the University of Malta Sociology Department April 2005 1 Abstract Anti-Arab sentiments in Malta are tangible in the various aspects of social life. As the main aim of this study was to qualify rather than quantify the degree of racism against Arabs in Malta, deliberations focus on Maltese-Arab married couples, due to their multifaceted experiences in this regard. The research consisted in interviewing sessions intended to explore manifestations of racial prejudices and discrimination; namely at the workplace, public venues, and governmental departments; and by relatives, friends, neighbours, and the local media. The analysis of local newspapers was employed as an additional source of information in order to support or refute affirmations made during the interviews. This work betrays the fact that religion is definitely a crucial factor, which affects thoroughly Maltese-Arab relations in Malta. On the other hand the local media has proved seminal in producing and perpetuating anti-Arab sentiments. Through scrutiny of the latter considerations the researcher tried to (i) outline the real causes of Arabophobia and, accordingly, (ii) evaluate the possibility of pluralistic integration of Arab nationals in Maltese society. 2 Acknowledgements Primarily, I would like to express my gratitude to my tutor, Profs. Dr. Mario Vassallo, for his assistance throughout the preparation of this study. I would also like to thank Mr. Muhammed El Sadi (Imam of the Muslim Community in Malta) and Mrs. Carol Gatt for their crucial help in the process of contacting the informants. Special thanks go to my informants who were really cooperative, responsive, and welcoming. I am also very grateful to Mrs. Maria Psaila for typing my work. Sincere thanks also go to Dr. Giovan Mamo and Mrs. Carmen Mamo, Mr. Michael Buhagiar, Dr. Adrian Grima, Mrs. T. Baluci and her colleagues at INFORMA (Current Affairs Research Agency), and my adorable mother, who in one way or other have provided me with valuable help. My heartfelt gratitude to my loving husband, Mario, can hardly be stressed enough, not only for proofreading my dissertation but also for constantly supporting me throughout the whole course of my research. Finally, I thank God for his indispensable assistance. 3 Author’s declaration I certify that I am responsible for the work submitted in this dissertation and confirm that this work is original and that none of the material contained in this research has been submitted for publication or as part work for a degree. Deborah Cassar Prof. Dr. Mario Vassallo 4 I dedicate this work to my treasured husband Mario, and my cherished parents and brother for their endless support. 5 List of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction …………………………………………………………………2 Chapter 2: Literature Review ……………………………………………….…………..6 Historical Background………………………………………………………...7 Race as lineage………………………………………………………………..7 Race as type.…………………………………………………………………..8 De Gobineau and the Superior (type of) race …………………….…………10 Race as subspecies…………………………………………………………...11 The impact of social change(s) on race relations……………………………13 Sociological analysis of interracial relations………………………………...14 Interracial conflict and its consequences…………………………………….15 Theories of racism…………………………………………………………...19 Researching Maltese ethnic relations………………………………………..23 Chapter 3: Methodology………………………………………………………………...27 Why qualitative research?…………………………………………………...27 Newspaper Analysis…………………………………………………………28 Choosing the participants……………………………………………………29 Acknowledgement and minimization of limitations………………………...29 The interviews……………………………………………………………….31 Data analysis…………………………………………………………………34 Ethics………………………………………………………………………...35 Chapter 4: Data Analysis……………………………………………………………….39 First Encounters At the airport………………………………………………………………...39 At leisure venues…………………………………………………………….43 Access to property…………………………………………………………...45 In government departments and public places………………………………47 Establishing relationships 6 Relatives……………………………………………………………………..50 Friends……………………………………………………………………….56 At the workplace The employer………………………………………………………………...58 Colleagues…………………………………………………………………...61 The self-employed…………………………………………………………...63 Neighbours…………………………………………………………………..65 Children: Relationships with teachers and schoolmates…………………….68 Religion……………………………………………………………………...71 Media………………………………………………………………………...76 The overall situation…………………………………………………………82 Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusions………………………………………………..88 Conjectures…………………………………………………………………..91 Bibliography………………………………………………………………...93 Appendix 1 Interview guide……………………………………………………………..100 Personal details form……………………………………………………….101 Appendix II Profiles of informants………………………………………………………102 Table: ‘Facesheet’ information…………………………………………….109 7 Chapter 1 8 INTRODUCTION Anti-Arab sentiments in Malta can be traced in popular literature, oral traditions, and pseudo-historical chronicles. When the Maltese say ‘qisu Għarbi’ (‘he looks like an Arab’), they can only mean a thick or ill-mannered person. When they speak of someone as ‘rasu marbuta’ (literally ‘turbaned head’) they are suggesting a tardy or retrograde person. To describe a swarthy or dark-skinned person they say ‘Għarbi bej’ (‘black as an Arab’). Maltese historical novels dating from the last quarter of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century (e.g. the cross and crescent romances of Ġużè Musact Azzopardi) usually depict Arabs (and Turks) as merciless marauders and barbarous heathens. Many Maltese, up to this day, still do not make an ethnic distinction between Arabs and Turks. In their uncritical eyes they are just their common Muslim foes, who in the dark past used to plunder the island and carry off the locals into slavery. Thoroughly unhistorical descriptions of Arab rule in Malta (870–1091) teem with stories of oppression and constant humiliation. Recent academic studies by more scrupulous and objective scholars, has somewhat redressed this partisan view, but as everyone knows, myths, whatever their nature, die hard. Hence, it seems that Arabophobia and Islamophobia are still embedded in the Maltese collective imaginary. Malta hosts only two ethnic minorities – Indians and Arabs – and so, it cannot be considered as a multi-racial country. Nonetheless Maltese-Arab relations in Malta present quite a hot issue. On the other hand, Maltese-Indian relations are relatively good; this does not necessarily mean that Indians have been completely integrated in the Maltese society, but somehow they are accepted by Maltese people. The considerable number of successful Indian 9 families’ businesses (mostly concentrated in the capital city, Valletta) testify to this.1 However for some reason the same thing cannot be said of Maltese- Arab relations. A considerable number of articles and letters, written by the Maltese, witnessing negative perceptions and sometimes even showing hostility towards these people, appear often in local newspapers.2 Negative sentiments towards Arabs are also evident in the way Maltese people, generally, answer survey questions about this issue.3 Observations of such attitudes led the present researcher to formulate the hypothesis that Maltese people suffer from Arabo/Islamophobia, which leads them to act in a questionable manner towards this ethnic group. Thus this research will be focused mainly on three aspects: 1. causes of Arabophobia, 2. the consequences of this phobia, whether limited to prejudices or extended to actual discrimination, and 3. the possibility of a healthy ‘pluralistic’ Maltese society. The data, gathered from semi-structured interviews with Maltese-Arab married couples, will be scrutinized to substantiate and qualify the aforementioned aspects. Their experiences will be analyzed in order to investigate the Maltese people actual attitude towards Arabs. This in depth analysis will cover: 1. the treatment they receive in public places such as government departments, private agencies, banks, and leisure venues, 1 “Being a Sindhi in Malta means being a member of a much-respected, affluent business elite. It is worth repeating that L-Indjani are synonymous with business, and successful business at that.” Mark Anthony Falzon, An Encounter with the Maltese-Indian Community, unpublished thesis, B.A. (Hons.) Anthropology, University of Malta, 1996, 108. 2 See ‘Data Analysis’, Section 4, ‘Media’, 84-86. 3 “The race/nationality that was least welcome was the Arab one, with 40.6% of the respondents saying that they would react badly if an Arab became their neighbour…The highest percentage of those who said that their reaction would be a negative one [if their daughter or son married a foreigner] was for the Arab spouse 69.5% [sic.].” ‘Maltese fear the Arabs, Xarabank survey finds’, The Malta Independent on Sunday, 04/07/2004, 13. 10 2. their freedom of practicing their religion and adhering to their culture, and 3. their relationships with Maltese relatives, work colleagues and employers, Maltese friends, and neighbours. When possible, their children’s experiences at school, that is, their relationships with teachers and mates, will also be included in the analysis. From this analysis, the present researcher will also try to outline explanations (presented as reasons by the people concerned) for the way Maltese people behave towards