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The Democratic Split During Buchanan's Administration
THE DEMOCRATIC SPLIT DURING BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION By REINHARD H. LUTHIN Columbia University E VER since his election to the presidency of the United States Don the Republican ticket in 1860 there has been speculation as to whether Abraham Lincoln could have won if the Democratic party had not been split in that year.' It is of historical relevance to summarize the factors that led to this division. Much of the Democratic dissension centered in the controversy between President James Buchanan, a Pennsylvanian, and United States Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The feud was of long standing. During the 1850's those closest to Buchanan, par- ticularly Senator John Slidell of Louisiana, were personally antagonistic toward Douglas. At the Democratic national conven- tion of 1856 Buchanan had defeated Douglas for the presidential nomination. The Illinois senator supported Buchanan against the Republicans. With Buchanan's elevation to the presidency differences between the two arose over the formation of the cabinet.2 Douglas went to Washington expecting to secure from the President-elect cabinet appointments for his western friends William A. Richardson of Illinois and Samuel Treat of Missouri. But this hope was blocked by Senator Slidell and Senator Jesse D. Bright of Indiana, staunch supporters of Buchanan. Crestfallen, 'Edward Channing, A History of the United States (New York, 1925), vol. vi, p. 250; John D. Hicks, The Federal Union (Boston and New York, 1937), p. 604. 2 Much scholarly work has been done on Buchanan, Douglas, and the Democratic rupture. See Philip G. Auchampaugh, "The Buchanan-Douglas Feud," and Richard R. -
NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev
NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 BLACK JACK BATTLEFIELD Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Black Jack Battlefield Other Name/Site Number: Evergreen Stock Farm; Pearson, Robert Hall, Farm; Sites #04000365, 04001373, 04500000389 2. LOCATION Street & Number: U.S. Highway 56 and County Road 2000, 3 miles east of Baldwin City Not for publication: City/Town: Baldwin City Vicinity: X State: Kansas County: Douglas Code: 045 Zip Code: 66006 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): ___ Public-Local: X District: ___ Public-State: ___ Site: X _ Public-Federal: ___ Structure: ___ Object: ___ Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing 0 6 buildings 3 0 sites 0 3 structures 0 6 objects 3 15 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register: 6 Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 BLACK JACK BATTLEFIELD Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this ____ nomination ____ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. -
Dred Scott</Em>
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 82 Issue 1 Symposium: 150th Anniversary of the Article 4 Dred Scott Decision December 2006 Dred Scott and the Crisis of 1860 Louise Weinberg Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Louise Weinberg, Dred Scott and the Crisis of 1860, 82 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 97 (2007). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol82/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. DRED SCO7T AND THE CRISIS OF 1860* LOUISE WEINBERG* INTRODUCTION: A PROVOCATIVE VIEW In recent work, Mark Graber, a participant in this Symposium, argues provocatively that Dred Scott v. Sandfordi was a "centrist" decision when handed down.2 In Graber's view, most Americans were comfortable with Dred Scott. He points out that Congress, and indeed the whole country, had repeatedly looked to the Taney Court to settle the -issue of slavery in the territories, and argues that the country was happy to abide by whatever the Court decided. Graber's main point is that Dred Scott was a needed compromise that sustained the Democratic Party's North-South coalition, and in that way sustained the Union itself. Graber argues that the conflict between North and South became irreconcilable when it became wholly sectional, with the breakup of the Democratic Party into separate Northern and Southern fac- tions. -
CHAPTER 14 the Coming of the Civil
CHAPTER 14 The Coming of the Civil War ANTICIPATION/REACTION Directions: Before you begin reading this chapter, place a check mark beside any of the following seven statements with which you now agree. Use the column entitled “Anticipation.” When you have completed your study of this chapter, come back to this section and place a check mark beside any of the statements with which you then agree. Use the column entitled “Reaction.” Note any variation in the placement of check marks from anticipation to reaction and explain why you changed your mind. Anticipation Reaction _____ 1. While a literary and theatrical success, Harriet _____ 1. Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin had little impact on public opinion toward slavery. _____ 2. The Kansas-Nebraska Act provoked a strong reaction _____ 2. because it proposed a more radical solution to the problem of slavery in the territories than had the Compromise of 1850. _____ 3. The Republican party founded in 1856 was the _____ 3. political voice of northern radical abolitionists. _____ 4. The Dred Scott decision implied that slavery could _____ 4. be legal anywhere in the United States. _____ 5. The Lincoln-Douglas debates were a public airing _____ 5. of the antislavery versus proslavery positions taken by the North and South before the Civil War. _____ 6. Lincoln’s election in 1860 was a popular mandate in _____ 6. support of emancipating southern slaves. _____ 7. The primary reason the South seceded in 1861 was to _____ 7. defend slavery. LEARNING OBJECTIVES After reading Chapter 14 you should be able to: 1. -
Constitution Hall the Kansas Free State Capitol Topeka, Kansas
CONSTITUTION HALL THE KANSAS FREE STATE CAPITOL TOPEKA, KANSAS HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION AND HISTORIC SITE PROPOSAL WILLIAM SEALE, HISTORIAN COMMISSIONED BY FRIENDS OF THE FREE STATE CAPITOL GRANTED BY THE NATIONAL PARK SERVICE FUNDED BY THE NATIONAL UNDERGROUND RAILROAD NETWORK TO FREEDOM PROGRAM AND THE CITY OF TOPEKA, KANSAS COMMEMORATING THESE 150TH ANNIVERSARIES KANSAS TERRITORY TOPEKA, KANSAS 1854 –1861 1854 – 2004 C o n t e n t s Introduction 1 CONSULTANT REPORT Present View 2 Rendered Historic View 3 1. Historical Significance 4 2. Authentication of the Site 11 3. Present Condition of the Building 19 4. Recommended Use 21 5. How the Building Might Look 25 6. Collections 29 7. Interpretation 31 D.A.R. Commemorative Tablet Inscription 34 END OF REPORT William Seale, PhD 35 Partners in this Report 36 Committee to Restore Constitution Hall 37 Friends of the Free State Capitol 37 Major Supporters 38 Membership 40 2 Constitution Hall-Topeka 1856 INTRODUCTION To restore Constitution Hall in Topeka, the Kansas Free State Capitol at present-day 427-429 S. Kansas Avenue, we have benefited from an initial grant by the Kansas Legislature in 1998. The City of Topeka, the National Park Service, and private donors have contributed stabilization funds. To fulfill our responsibility as property stewards, we sought the professional services of a nationally known historian for an unbiased investigation that could authenticate the building, describe its present condition, relate its historical significance, and recommend its use. No one more completely fills that role as William Seale PhD, retained by the Kansas Legislature as architectural historian for the current restoration of the Kansas Statehouse. -
The LHS Newsletter Archive Volume Seventeen, Issue Number 1
The LHS Newsletter Archive Volume Seventeen, Issue Number 1 Originally Published in Lecompton, Kansas : Spring 1991 Digitally Archived August 2006 ~ ~;d UR£1' ERe£~ VOL. 17 'NO. 1 LECOMPTON, KANSAS SPRING 1991 KANSAS TERRITOR Y: AMERICA IN 1857 1857 The "New York Times" of November 11, In Kansas Ter.ritory in 1857 there were 1990, contained a review by Hugh Brogan of many e1ecti ons and governmental meeti ngs. the book, AMERICANIN 1857, A NATIONONTHE People were extremely polarized in their BRINK,by Kenneth M. Stampp. The fact that views concerning slavery, and in their Lecompton was menti oned several ti mes in views of the slavery question in new states the article, aroused the interest of to be admitted to the Union. Po1i ti ca 1 Senator Wint Winter, Jr., who sent a copy parties were in flux. A partial listing of to the Lecompton Historical Society. elections and conventions, mostly in 1857, follows: ~ The book proved to be most interesting . ~as it led the reader to believe that the 1855 October 23 to November 11. Topeka ~events which occurred during the year 1857 Constitution framed by Free-Staters. were big contributing factors in the cause 1857 January 6. Topeka Legislature of the Civil War. Accordi ng to thi s book Convened. Prominent members arrested there were numerous reporters from Eastern by Pro-Slavery forces, taken to cities in Lecompton during the crisis, Tecumseh. Legislature adjourned until representing their newspapers, reporting June 9. the events, particularly during the 1857 January 12. Lecompton Pro-Slavery Lecompton Constitutional Convention. The Convention and Legislature. -
Remembering 1857
RALPH JAMES MOONEY* Remembering 1857 “We the people of the State of Oregon to the end that Justice be established, order maintained, and liberty perpetuated, do ordain this Constitution.”1 hat a time it must have been! Statehood! To become fully Wparticipating citizens of the young and growing nation. To select their own government officials, replacing unpopular presidential appointees from elsewhere. Perhaps even to become such an official—governor of the new state, supreme court justice, or even U.S. senator. On August 17, 1857, sixty elected delegates—thirty-three farmers, eighteen lawyers, five miners, two newspaper editors, and a civil engineer—met in Salem to draft a constitution for what they hoped would become the thirty-third American state.2 All were recent arrivals—primarily from New England and New York; from Old Northwest states like Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa; or from “border” states 3 like Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee. * Kaapcke Professor of Law, University of Oregon. My thanks to Audrey Walther for exemplary research assistance. 1 OR. CONST. pmbl. 2 The breakdown by profession appears in a 1902 address by former delegate John McBride to the Oregon Historical Society. See THE OREGON CONSTITUTION AND PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1857, at 483–84 (Charles Henry Carey ed., 1926) [hereinafter THE OREGON CONSTITUTION AND PROCEEDINGS]. McBride, from Yamhill County, was himself a “lonely voice” at the convention—its only Republican, a “forthright opponent of slavery,” and “uncompromising” on temperance. DAVID ALAN JOHNSON, FOUNDING THE FAR WEST: CALIFORNIA, OREGON, AND NEVADA, 1840–1890, at 162 (1992). 3 See JOHNSON, supra note 2, app. -
Bleeding Kansas | June 2012
Essential Civil War Curriculum | Nicole Etcheson, Bleeding Kansas | June 2012 Bleeding Kansas By Nicole Etcheson, Ball State University Bleeding Kansas was a violent clash over slavery in a place that had few slaves. From the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the settlement of Kansas Territory had less to do with whether slavery was viable economically in that locale than with the balance of political power between the North and the South, between free labor and slave labor systems. People in both sections convinced themselves that far more was at stake than mere power. They believed that the fate of liberty for the nation and of the honor of their section was under attack. These convictions made resolution of the conflict more difficult and raised the importance of Bleeding Kansas until it became a national crisis. Until 1854, the region that became Kansas Territory was off limits to slavery. The prohibition had been put in place as part of the Missouri compromise in 1820. As western settlement pressed against the boundary of the region, however, both Iowans and Missourians wished to see the territory opened to their people. A number of territorial bills had failed in Congress, however, and the northern part of the Louisiana Purchase remained unorganized. Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, chairman of the Senate’s committee on territories, took up the matter in the winter of 1853-54. Without the support of Southerners in Congress, however, an organization bill would likely fail. Southerners had no interest in organizing free territory that would enter the Union as free states, shifting the political balance of Congress and the Union further against their section. -
“Slavery All the Time, Or Not at All”
Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains 21 (Autumn 1998): 168– 187. “Slavery All the Time, Or Not At All” The Wyandotte Constitution Debate, 1859–1861 by Gary L. Cheatham lavery in Kansas was controversial from the moment the Kansas–Ne- braska Act was conceived. This controversy continued throughout the territorial period as two debates were waged simultaneously over the slavery question in Kansas. One debate, which at times turned bloody, was waged in Kansas Territory between proslavery and antislavery settlers. The second, more influential, debate was a national dispute fought largely on the floors of an irresolute Congress over whether the national government had Sthe authority to prescribe the expansion of slavery into Kansas. Fuel for the ongoing congressional debate was replenished by the Supreme Court in 1857 when it handed down its infamous Dred Scott decision. Proslavery members of Congress interpreted Dred Scott to support the view that “Congress cannot prohibit slavery in a Ter- ritory,” while congressmen opposed to the expansion of slavery concluded that the Supreme Court “had no ju- 1 risdiction” in the matter. As a dispassionate Costa Rican diplomat accurately reported in 1858, the perpetual Gary L. Cheatham, a native of Wichita, Kansas, is an assistant of professor library services at Northeastern State University, Tahlequah, Oklahoma. The author wishes to acknowledge the Faculty Research Committee, Northeastern State University, Tahlequah, Oklahoma, which provided support for this project. Thanks are also due to Calvin Keeton for the map drawing. 1. “Kansas A Slave State,” De Bow’s Review 20, 2d ser. (January 1856): 741–43; Charleston (S.C.) Mercury, February 28, 1860; Stephen A. -
E KANSAS STATEHOOD History & Statehood*Territory United States
e KANSAS STATEHOOD History & Statehood*Territory United States Senator Stephen Douglas, a politician who engaged in some famous, heated debates with Abraham Lincoln, introduced the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which allowed Kansas and Nebraska to become territories. (Douglas County was named for him.) Andrew Reeder was appointed as the first governor of the Kansas territory by President Franklin Pierce in 1854. The original Kansas territory, organized on May 30, 1854, spanned over 600 miles west of Missouri. Kansas' western border stretched as far as the summit of the Rocky Mountains. In fact, Colorado's capital city was named after Kansas Governor James W. Denver, since it was located within the boundaries of the Kansas territory. The eastern, northern and southern boundaries were the same as they are today. The Kansas territory was a moral testing ground in America. People living in the territory fought about the morality of chattel slavery and whether it should be allowed in the trans-Missouri West. Another conflict arose between white settlers and the Native Americans who had been living in the Kansas territory for countless years before the whites arrived. The result was a complex array of policies that enforced the transfer of Indian land rights to the white settlers, pushing the Indian tribes onto small reservations. Once Kansas became a territory in 1854, settlers began to discuss the creation of a state constitution. Four different state constitutions were proposed. The Topeka constitution (1855), the Lecompton constitution (1857), and the Leavenworth constitution (1858) were all similar in their objectives. However, the Wyandotte constitution (1859) was the only version calling for more restricted state boundaries that came to be known as "Little Kansas." The other three constitutions supported the inclusion of the land stretching to the Rockies in modern-day Colorado and the annexation of southern Nebraska as far as the Platte River. -
Bleeding Kansas 1 Bleeding Kansas
Bleeding Kansas 1 Bleeding Kansas --173.54.190.237 (talk) 00:26, 29 March 2011 (UTC)--173.54.190.237 (talk) 00:26, 29 March 2011 (UTC)--173.54.190.237 (talk) 00:26, 29 March 2011 (UTC) Bleeding Kansas, Bloody Kansas or the Border War, was a series of violent events, involving anti-slavery Free-Staters and pro-slavery "Border Ruffian" elements, that took place in the Kansas Territory and the western frontier towns of the U.S. state of Missouri roughly between 1854 and 1858. At the heart of the conflict was the question of whether Kansas would enter the Union as a free state or slave state. As such, Bleeding Kansas was a proxy war between Northerners and Southerners over the issue of slavery in the United States. The term "Bleeding Kansas" was coined by Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune; the events it encompasses directly presaged the American Civil War. The United States had long struggled to balance the interests of slaveholders and abolitionists. The events later known as Bleeding Kansas were set into motion by the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854, which nullified the Missouri Compromise and instead implemented the concept of popular sovereignty. An ostensibly democratic idea, popular sovereignty stated that the inhabitants of each territory or state should decide whether it would be a free or slave state; however, this resulted in immigration en masse to Kansas by activists from both sides. At one point, Kansas had two separate governments, each with its own constitution, although only one was federally recognized. On January 29, 1861, Kansas was admitted to the Union as a free state, less than three months before the Battle of Fort Sumter which began the Civil War. -
Freedom's Struggle
Freedom’s Struggle i ii Freedom’s Struggle On the cover: This 1983 illustration by artist Hugh Brown depicts a dragoon escorting a wagon train across the prairie. The wagon ruts that remain today at such sites as Mount Mitchell near Wamego are a testament to the state’s history and how its stories are imbedded in the landscape. Illustration: courtesy ofHugh Brown and the National Park Service, Harper’s Ferry Center iii Topeka Capital-Journal ©2016. All Rights Reserved. These articles ran in the Topeka Capital-Journal between February 2015 and January 2016. They are reprinted here with permission of the Topeka Capital-Journal. This book was printed on an Espresso Book Machine at Woodneath Press, Woodneath Library Center, Mid-Continent Public Library, in Kansas City, MO. Freedom’s Frontier National Heritage Area, PO Box 526, 200 W 9th Street, Lawrence, KS 66044 www.freedomsfrontier.org iv Contents Contents ..................................................................... v Forward ..................................................................... ix About Jan Biles .......................................................... xi Scope of Project ........................................................ xii Freedom’s Frontier National Heritage Area Timeline .................................................................. xiii Freedom’s Frontier: Heritage area borne from struggle – ‘Bleeding Kansas’ proposal ruffled Missourian’s feathers (February 11, 2015) ..................................................... 1 Free or slave Kansas?