INTRODUCTION Legacies of ’68: Histories, Geographies, Epistemologies

Sarah Hamblin and Morgan Adamson

here’s little that academia loves more than an anniversary. TPull the annals for the common fractions of any centen­ nial, and you’ll find a plethora of essays, conferences, journal articles, and roundtables dedicated to reflections on the signifi­ cance of that historic moment. The year 1968 is no exception, and the fiftieth anniversary of this momentous date did not pass by without numerous commemorations, reminiscences, and reflections.1 This kind of historical remembrance is more than thematic opportunism or melancholic nostalgia, however. The fiftieth anniversary of 1968 presented a timely opportunity to revive discussions of this rich and complex period of global transformation and to seriously reconsider how we understand its scope and significance, as well as its legacies and rele­ vance for the Left today. Rather than allowing this reflection to lapse until the next major anniversary, this issue offers a more sustained interrogation of the questions raised by the semi­ centennial through wrestling with the overlooked, divergent, and sometimes contradictory legacies of what has been called the long 1968 or, more broadly, the long 1960s. As evidence of the contested meaning of 1968, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut (1990: 34 – 38) identify eight categories of his­ torical interpretation of the period that range from conspiracy to adolescent rebellion to a crisis of civilization. By the twenti­ eth anniversary, interpretations highlighting hedonistic excess had come to dominate, working, as Peter Foot (1988) argues, to reduce the period to one of youthful antiauthoritarian

263 Cultural Politics, Volume 15, Issue 3, © 2019 Duke University Press DOI: 10.1215/17432197-7725409

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intemperance. Thus, as the cultural et al. 1984: 2, 7). For the editors, this excesses of the youth movements — hippie reassertion responded to the New Right’s fashions, avant-garde art, drugs, free love, increasingly powerful grip on culture and esoteric spiritualism — came to dominate their erasure of political and economic the popular imagination, any understanding radicalisms from historical consciousness, of the radicalism of these cultural forms thus effectively burying that which had was obscured. Thus, the political and eco­ once threatened such control. Fifty years nomic foundations of the long 1968 — its later, we find ourselves in an eerily similar sophisticated critiques of capitalism, epoch of conservative rebirth in which Soviet-style communism, colonialism, the same right-wing touchstones that imperialism, patriarchy, and racism — were the Social Text editors saw themselves all but erased. These caricatures of 1968, responding to have come to once again rehearsed with each anniversary, have dominate the political and cultural land­ come to overtake what the long 1960s scape,2 while the neoliberal agenda set in actually signify: nearly two decades of play during Ronald Reagan’s administration struggle that transformed the postwar has come home to roost with the current global order. Commencing in the 1950s corporate presidency, the ascendency of with events like the Cuban revolution, the finance capitalism, and the revival of white Battle of Algiers, and the Montgomery ethnonationalism. Thus current right-wing bus boycotts, the long 1960s included campaigns rest on once again burying not only students, but also Black Power, the 1960s to assert their hegemonic gay liberation, and workers, women’s, and authority. Witness the media response peasant movements that endured through to the physical attack on Silvio Berlusconi the 1970s across the globe (Denning 2004: in 2009 when Il giornale attempted to 8). The mainstream focus on the counter­ link the mentally ill suspect to the cattivi culture also obscures what was a genuine maestri to curry favor with the beleaguered cultural revolution in which antiauthori­ prime minister (Samuel 2007), or Nicolas tarian, anti-imperialist, and anticapitalist Sarkozy’s comments during his 2007 politics were used to critique everyday life presidential campaign when he stated that while simultaneously creating profoundly les soixante-huitards were the root cause new epistemologies. of all of France’s current ills, and the only Given that the narrative of failure cast way forward was to “liquidat[e] once and its shadow over 1968 almost as soon as for all” the legacy of 1968 (Hooper 2009). the decade ended, critics and scholars Once again, it seems, any challenge to the 15:3 November 2019

have found themselves in the position of current conservative hegemony rests, at • fighting to reclaim the revolutionary aims least in part, on reviving the long 1968 as a and transformative energies of the long period of radical anticapitalist, anti-imperial, 1960s. Perhaps the first major attempt to and antiauthoritarian revolt.

POLITICS reassert the radicalism of the period, how­ Running across all the contributions to

ever, is the Social Text special issue, “The this issue, then, is a shared commitment Sixties without Apology,” which presented to contesting historical revisionism that the decade as a “great historical upsurge” would reduce the 1960s to a self-indulgent

CULTURAL in which “the global domination of capital adolescent rebellion whose only legacy was challenged from within on a more has been to produce the “snowflake

264 serious scale than ever before” (Sayres generation.” Nor is the issue invested in

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affirming the narrative of failure that has interrelated sets of questions concerning come to dominate leftist accounts of 1968, the memory and legacy of 1968: mummifying it as a lost moment that can Histories and Geographies: What does only be consumed nostalgically as the 1968 typically refer to as a periodizing root of Wendy Brown’s left melancholia. term? What is at stake in our historio­ Rather, it takes up the projects of 1968 graphic approaches to its periodization? radicalism as genuine and profound chal­ What movements, histories, and philos­ lenges to the economic, political, social, ophies have been left out of this history? and cultural structures of the time that What are the links between the various have had significant and lasting impacts global movements of the long 1968 that on contemporary thought and experience. have been occluded by dominant histori­ Particularly, it focuses on genealogies that cal accounts? What does it mean to think examine the coconstitution of thought and 1968 transnationally or globally? How struggle, teasing out the untapped possibil­ does this alter our understanding of 1968 ities of 1968’s legacy. As such, this special and its historical, cultural, and political issue revisits not only how the histories significance? and geographies of 1968 are framed and Epistemologies and Legacies: How did remembered by scholars but also how the politics and philosophies of 1968 shape legacies of critical thought that survive the methodologies of critical inquiry? How from this era impact our orientation to the do the epistemological frameworks of the world today. period continue to impact contemporary This is not, however, to uncritically cultural analysis? What’s at stake in the celebrate the long 1968 or to ignore its continued comparison to 1968 for contem­ limitations or aporias. Indeed, as several porary oppositional movements? What essays in this issue make clear, both the lines can we draw between 1968 and our philosophy and praxis of 1968 suffered for neoliberal present, and what existent lines their inadequacies, while their progressive might be erased? What, if any, relevance ends have fallen to the inevitable forces does 1968 carry for revolutionary strategy of co-optation and deradicalization that today? accompany their institutionalization. As such, following Kristen Ross (2002), we Histories and Geographies are not necessarily concerned with the Over the past fifty years, the long 1968 “lessons” of 1968, to revive its politics has undergone a series of contractions. wholesale or elucidate its failures to map What was once a decade-long wave of out a contemporary radical agenda. Rather, uprisings and insurgencies the world over this issue reopens the discussion around has since been reduced to a month of 1968 to present new arguments concern­ student protests in Paris and New York. ing its historical significance and cultural In popular culture, the fiftieth anniversary

and epistemological legacies from the seemed to further consolidate this version POLITICS

vantage point of contemporary politics. As of 1968 with remembrances that atom­ such, it examines the manifold and contra­ ized moments of upheaval and contained dictory ways that 1968 continues to shape them within discrete historical narratives

political, cultural, and social discourse. To about events long past.3 Not only are the CULTURAL this end, “Legacies of ’68: Histories, Geog­ Third World and the Eastern Bloc most

raphies, Epistemologies” takes up two often erased from these histories, but 265

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the interconnections between the nation­ nature of the systems against which these alist liberation struggles in Africa, Latin various rebellions mobilized, while also America, and Indochina; the fight against marking the desire, in the West at least, bureaucratic communism in the Soviet to find in the Third World other models of Bloc; and the myriad radical movements social and political organization that would that opposed capitalism, authoritarianism, spread revolution in the First. and the military-industrial complex across Building on Jameson’s work, the most Western Europe, the United States, and recent wave of engagement in the long Japan are similarly obscured. Thus what 1968 expands the global scope of the was truly a moment of global revolutionary period by focusing on geographical con­ possibility has since been repackaged as a texts eclipsed by the typical over­emphasis set of disconnected uprisings. on France and America. Memories of These atomistic narratives have 1968: International Perspectives (Cornils shaped the legacy of 1968, at times and Waters 2010) engages Mexico along­ eclipsing its global scope and diminishing side discussions of France, Germany, the its historical significance. Pushing back United States, and Italy; The Third World against this reductive impulse, schol­ in the Global 1960s (Christiansen and ars have traced the global connections Scarlett 2013) focuses on student move­ between the various national movements ments in China, India, Brazil, Zimbabwe, that collectively constitute the long 1968. (then) Zaire, Indonesia, and Mexico; and Perhaps the most well-known articulation 1968: Memories and Legacies of a Global of this kind of global engagement with Revolt (Gassert and Klimke 2009) and The the politics of the 1960s is once again Global Imagination of 1968: Revolution and found in “The Sixties without Apology.” Counterrevolution (Katsiaficas 2018) each In his seminal essay for that special issue, have chapters on revolutionary events in Fredric Jameson (1984: 180) claims that over thirty countries. “Legacies of ’68: the origins of revolution in the West can be Histories, Geographies, Epistemologies” traced back to the Third World. Put simply, continues in this vein by further dislocating Jameson argues that this relationship can the West, even in Western struggles. As be seen in the adoption of non-Western such, it attempts to break what the editors revolutionary ideology taken from wars of The Long 1968 refer to as the “canonical being fought in the Third World. treatment” of the period that is “quite alien Thus for the editors of the issue of to the spirit of the age” (Sherman et al. Social Text in which Jameson’s influential 2013: 2). 15:3 November 2019

essay appears, the 1960s are defined by a However, this special issue aims to • burgeoning global perspective in which the do more than expand the geographical various calls for liberation were “something boundaries of 1968 by including essays more than political and economic indepen­ on different national contexts as the

POLITICS dence: while stressing international solidar­ works above do. Important as this kind

ity, [they were] simultaneously a denunci­ of specific nationally bounded analysis is, ation of homogeneity as such” (Sayres et “Legacies of ’68” is invested in tracing al. 1984: 7). In this light, the tenets of 1968 the international connections between

CULTURAL take on a fundamentally international dimen­ these various geographical centers, sion that runs through both the proliferation charting new historiographic connections

266 of protests across the globe and the global and alliances as well as mapping the

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transnational circulation of ideas across global engagement with the 1960s that the period. To this end, Michael E. Gar­ the Social Text issue began, “Legacies of diner examines the “politics of boredom” ’68” at the same time works to compli­ in the long 1960s through a comparative cate some of the periodizing frameworks approach that tracks the consequences of that Social Text launched. To do so entails the different deployments of the term in contesting some of the fundamental France and Italy. Similarly, Isaac Kamola historiographical narratives that surround explores how struggles in African universi­ 1968, especially those that would paint it ties — particularly Makerere University and as a singular rupture or event. To this end, the University of Dar es Salaam — allow Evan Calder Williams and Alberto Toscano us to articulate a Third World – centered challenge both predominant historical narrative of international student move­ narratives and Jameson’s periodization ments in France and elsewhere. Looking by foregrounding the Italian experience of at struggles around internal colonization in the long 1960s, often referred to as the the United States, Morgan Adamson also “creeping May,” which lasted well into the examines how decolonial movements in 1970s. Arguing for a more nuanced tempo­ the Third World inspired the remapping of ral framework in relation to the Italian case, struggles for racial liberation in the United Williams and Toscano call attention to the States, while Eli Meyerhoff charts the political stakes of revisiting accepted his­ influence of liberation struggles in Africa torical accounts and attending to the local and Asia on the development of the Exper­ contexts and themes that run throughout imental College and the subsequent Ethnic the issue. Studies School and Black Studies Depart­ ment at San Francisco State. In these and Epistemologies and Legacies other examples, “Legacies of ’68” takes While conservative historical narratives seriously the influence of Third World pol­ have sought to diminish both the geo­ itics and ideology on First World rebellion graphical scope and revolutionary signifi­ to highlight the fundamental processes cance of 1968, the political and academic of exchange — of philosophies, strategies, discourses from which these narratives figureheads, and materials — that structure emerge are themselves, somewhat iron­ the long 1968. As Michel Foucault (1991: ically, rooted in the political upheavals of 136) himself commented, “It wasn’t May the long 1960s. Seeing 1968 as more than of 68 in France that changed me; it was a series of historical events, this issue is March of 68 in a third world country.”4 This invested in understanding how the 1960s special issue thus positions the long 1968 articulated new ways of knowing the as a truly interconnected global web of world, fundamentally shifting the political uprisings, at once foregrounding the con­ inclinations of the postwar global order nections and exchanges between these to contend with emergent subjectivities

movements/moments to affirm the inter­ that arose in and through struggle, what POLITICS

nationalist frameworks that have always George Katsiaficas (1987: 3) calls the New been central to leftist revolutionary thinking Left’s “expanded base of revolution.” and are all the more pressing today in the Arguably, the long 1960s fundamentally

face of finance capitalism and the declining enlarged the concept of the political, as CULTURAL power of the state. well as what constitutes valid academic

More than just expand the nature of inquiry. Attending to forms of academic 267

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and artistic knowledge production that became standard modes of analysis across were forged in this period — including the political spectrum, the relationship feminist, utopian, Black Power, and Third between contemporary modes of inquiry Worldist — this issue highlights how the and the politics of 1968 has been lost. 1960s brought into being new categories Much like its global scope and revolution­ of political thought that intersected with ary significance, the broader epistemologi­ and disrupted, in important and lasting cal legacies of 1968 have been occluded. ways, the traditional categories of marxist Thus, while the dominant discourses critique and that still reverberate today on of the long 1968 may work to diminish its both the left and the right. epistemological importance, “Legacies The specter of 1968 continues to of ’68” highlights how, on a fundamental haunt not only our political imaginations level, 1968 continues to think through us. but also the epistemological frameworks To this end, Meyerhoff examines how that structure our modes of analysis as the Third World students’ strike at San thinkers of culture. In fact, the discipline of Francisco State College opened up a new cultural studies itself is arguably unimag­ orientation toward study, arguing that the inable without the critiques of culture and student movement’s inclusivity ultimately the everyday that emerged from 1968 challenged liberal understandings of edu­ (Denning 2004). The same could be said cation that resonate today, while Kamola for affiliated disciplines, including gender shows how African anticolonial move­ studies, ethnic studies, film and media ments were crucial to redefining knowl­ studies, and a host of related interdisci­ edge in the context of higher education plinary methodologies that have at their and beyond. Similarly, Gardiner’s essay roots the social movements of the long demonstrates how contemporary inves­ 1960s and have transformed the terrain of tigations into the aesthetic and political academic discourse in their wake. 1968 functions of what Sianne Ngai (2005) has often been described as a moment terms “ugly feelings” are operative in the that put thought into crisis, a period in revolutionary logics of 1968 via Situation­ which anticolonial, student, Black Power, ist and autonomist engagements with and women’s movements, among others, boredom. Moving in a different direction challenged unstated assumptions about to highlight the continuing relevance of center and periphery, teleology, truth, 1968’s conceptual legacy, several of the power, labor, and subjectivity. Indeed, the essays call for a reexamination of essential cultural turn is fundamentally bound up texts and concepts from the period, such 15:3 November 2019

with the political and social transforma­ as Madeline Lane-McKinley’s reevaluation • tions that characterized the decade, while of Shulamith Firestone’s The Dialectic of the theoretical discourses of poststruc­ Sex, in which she argues for the persistent turalism, semiotics, critical race theory, value of second-wave feminism beyond

POLITICS feminist theory, radical historiography, and its caricatures in both popular culture and

the political economies of desire that so academia. At the same time, Adamson fundamentally shaped the epistemological revisits the internal colonization thesis frameworks of cultural analysis over the so essential to the Third Worldism of the

CULTURAL last fifty years owe a debt to the politics United States to argue that, despite being and philosophy of a global 1968. Moreover, discounted by scholars in recent decades,

268 as these theoretical and critical maneuvers it provides a critical political perspective

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that resonates with contemporary social movements are measured.5 While the movements against extractivism and essays that make up this issue are collec­ financialization. Through these articles, the tively at pains to reject the understanding issue takes up the recent claims by Couze of 1968 as nothing more than a credu­ Venn (2018) regarding the significance of lous flash of youthful innocence, at the 1968’s intellectual legacy. For Venn, the same time they are wary of nostalgia and intellectual and theoretical work that 1968 oppose reaffirming 1968 as the pinnacle inspired is one of its principle inheritances, of opposition. Rather, they are invested in as the diverse range of journals and mag­ critically examining the concepts of 1960s azines that it birthed became the principal radicalism that continue to dominate the sites for the development of the major political landscape and evaluating their concepts of political and theoretical inquiry relevance for contemporary leftist strug­ that have determined the course of radical gle. This critical engagement leads Sarah thought ever since. Like Venn, we affirm Hamblin to examine the impact of finance the importance of this history at a time capitalism on the efficacy of montage and when the very ideas and institutions that its attendant mode of active spectatorship such thinking engendered find themselves as a radical film aesthetic. Recognizing its under attack by the ascendency of the centrality to the radical cinema of the long New Right and the neoliberalization of 1960s, Hamblin argues that its political education. potential is exhausted in the current neolib­ While some of the essays collected eral context, thus calling into question its here argue for the revitalization of key continued status as the exemplar of radical ideas from 1968 that have fallen out of film style. Similarly, while Adamson argues favor in contemporary critical theory, that the concept of the internal colony others challenge the persistence of certain still maintains some political value today, concepts, given the significant economic this rests on the fundamental caveat that and political transformations of the last any contemporary engagement with the fifty years. Indeed, in the decades since, concept must address the elision of the colonialism has given way to neoimperi­ dynamics of settler colonialism that charac­ alism, actually existing communism has terized its use in 1960s antiracist activism. been replaced by an even more pervasive At the same time, this more critical and pernicious capitalism, and globaliza­ engagement with the legacies of 1968 tion and neoliberalism have strengthened means unraveling the relationship between free market logic to intensify inequality the New Left and the New Right to explore and increase precarity on a global scale. how neoliberalism finds its roots in an era Despite these major shifts, 1968 still marked by the profound opposition to such looms large in the radical imaginary, conservative economic and social politics. remembered at once as both the height Indeed, the New Right consolidated in

and the limit of leftist opposition. Indeed, reaction to the movements of 1968, its POLITICS

any subsequent uprising — the Seattle rhetoric and analytical frameworks often WTO protests, the Arab Spring, the appropriating the cultural turn, while its Occupy movement, Nuit Debout — is inev­ tactics borrow from the social movements

itably compared to the 1960s such that and counterculture of the long 1960s CULTURAL 1968 functions as a nostalgic benchmark (Lyons 1996; Turner 2006). As Rebecca

against which contemporary anticapitalist Klatch (1999) has shown in her comparison 269

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of the Students for a Democratic Society of 1968 and better understand how they and the Young Americans for Freedom, continue to shape and are reshaped by the Reagan-era conservatives came of age present. during the 1960s too, forming a cultural faction that ossified as the neoliberal Notes counterrevolution took hold. Following this 1. Several recent books take up the long 1968 imbrication of the New Right and New explicitly, including 1968: Radical Protest and Its Left, Hamblin traces how finance capi­ Enemies (Vinen 2018), The Global Imagination talism’s emphasis on risk fundamentally of 1968: Revolution and Counter Revolution (Katsiaficas 2018),1968: The Rise and Fall of the transforms the political function of the New American Revolution (Cottrell and Browne interpretative freedom that 1960s political 2018), and the edited collection 1968 and Global modernist cinema was invested in, ren­ Cinema (Gerhardt and Saljoughi 2018). There dering its use today a contemporary form have also been notable conferences at Stanford of neoliberal pattern hunting, while Quinn University (“Global 1968 in 2018”), Middlebury Slobodian unpacks the origins of neoliberal College (“1968, Fifty Years of Struggles”), Indiana conservatism in opposition to the strug­ University at Bloomington (“Wounded Galaxies: gles of the 1960s. In his critical genealogy 1968 Paris, Prague, Chicago”), University of of the Alt Right, Slobodian underscores South Carolina (“1968 in Global Perspectives”), the ways that 1968 was a time of both University of Notre Dame (“1968 in Europe and revolution and inchoate counterrevolution, Latin America”), Columbia University (“New examining how the attendant cultural turn Perspectives on 1968: Fifty Years after ‘The Revolution’ ”), and Texas A&M (“Global 1968”), shaped the trajectory of neoliberal dis­ not to mention multiple events across Europe and course in the last half century and demon­ beyond. strating further the impact of the episte­ 2. The Social Text editors position their reading of mological challenges brought by New Left the 1960s against “attacks on ‘permissiveness,’ social movements on the reactionary ideas the defense of the old-fashioned nuclear family of the present. While acknowledging the (‘haven in a heartless world’), the return of radical legacies of 1968, Hamblin’s and ‘excellence’ in the schools (the old structured Slobodian’s essays in particular complicate curriculum and authoritarian teaching), short this narrative by addressing the ways its hair and a general turn away from the cultural epistemological and tactical impulses have ‘styles’ of the 60s, strident antifeminism and been exhausted, distorted, and co-opted anti-gay backlash, the rise of an ‘intellectual’ by reactionary forces in the neoliberal era. racism with the new Klan, the almost uncontested acceptance of slogans about ‘fiscal Taking up the complicated legacies of responsibility’ which signify the dismantlement 15:3 November 2019

1968, then, and the ways it continues to • of the welfare state, the financial ‘realism’ shape contemporary cultural life and politi­ brandished in order to bring, by persuasion cal thought, this special issue foregrounds and menace alike, labor to the appropriate areas of education, aesthetics, feminism, ‘givebacks’ ” (Sayres et al. 1984: 8). All of

POLITICS political economy, critical approaches to these things are achingly familiar and arguably

race, utopian imaginaries, and political con­ more intense in the current tide of intensified servatism. Though differing in their object neoliberal economics and Alt-Right fascism. and approach, each of the contributions 3. The Jacobin fought against this tendency by

CULTURAL offers a fresh perspective on long-debated dedicating its spring 2018 issue and its online topics that helps us reframe the histories content to an exploration of 1968 as a global

270 phenomenon. This is in sharp contrast, however,

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to coverage in more mainstream publications like Foucault, Michel. 1991. “Between ‘Words’ and the New York Times, USA Today, and NPR, which ‘Things’ during May ’68.” In Remarks on Marx: all focused solely on the US and French contexts. Conversations with Duccio Trambodori, translated 4. Foucault is referring to the Tunisian student by R. James Goldstein and James Cascaito, protests, strikes, and riots in March – June 1968 135 – 46. New York: Semiotext(e). that he witnessed while a guest professor Garland, Christian. 2012. “A Secret Heliotropism of at the Tunis Faculty of Letters. However, as May ’68.” In Movements in Time: Revolution, several commentators have shown, despite Social Justice, and Times of Change, edited this statement about the centrality of Third by Cecile Lawrence and Natalie Churn, 3 – 16. World radicalism to the development of his own Newcastle Upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars. political thought, little trace of this is found in Gassert, Philipp, and Martin Klimke. 2009. 1968: his writings, which instead tend to privilege Memories and Legacies of a Global Revolt. a Western perspective (see Lazreg 2017 for a Washington, DC: German Historical Institute. detailed engagement with Foucault’s relationship Gerhardt, Christina, and Sara Saljoughi, eds. 2018. to non-Western culture and thought). 1968 and Global Cinema. Detroit: Wayne State 5. In his coverage for the Guardian, Pierre Haski University Press. (2016) compares the Nuit Debout protestors to Haski, Pierre. 2016. “Nuit Debout Protests Are the 1968 uprisings; Immanuel Wallerstein (2011) Confirmation That France’s Political System Is describes the Arab Spring as “the heir of the Broken.” Guardian, April 13. www.theguardian world-revolution of 1968”; Venn (2018) finds .com/commentisfree/2016/apr/13/nuit-debout echoes of the “spirit of 68” in Occupy, Podemos, -france-occupy-wall-street-1968. and Black Lives Matter; and Christian Garland Hooper, John. 2009. “Silvio Berlusconi Poised to (2012: 13) positions the WTO protests in Seattle Win Sympathy Vote after Milan Attack.” as part of a “constellation” of moments after Guardian, December 19. www.theguardian 1968 that were nevertheless “animated” by its .com/world/2009/dec/20/berlusconi-milan spirit. -attack-sympathy. Jameson. Fredric. 1984. “Periodizing the Sixties.” References Social Text, nos. 9 – 10: 178 – 209. Christiansen, Samantha, and Zachary A. Scarlett. Katsiaficas, George. 1987.The Imagination of the New 2013. The Third World in the Global 1960s. New Left: A Global Analysis of 1968. Cambridge, MA: York: Berghahn. South End. Cornils, Ingo, and Sarah Waters. 2010. Memories of Katsiaficas, George. 2018.The Global Imagination of 1968: International Perspectives. Bern: Peter 1968: Revolution and Counterrevolution. Oakland, Lang. CA: PM. Cottrell, Robert C., and Blaine T. Browne. 2018. Klatch, Rebecca. 1999. A Generation Divided: The New 1968: The Rise and Fall of the New American Left, the New Right, and the 1960s. Berkeley: Revolution. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. University of California Press. Denning, Michael. 2004. Culture in the Age of Three Lazreg, Marnia. 2017. Foucault’s Orient: The Conundrum Worlds. New York: Verso. of Cultural Difference, from Tunisia to Japan. New Ferry, Luc, and Alain Renaut. 1990. French Philosophy York: Berghahn. of the Sixties: An Essay on Antihumanism. Lyons, Paul. 1996. New Left, New Right, and the Legacy of the Sixties. Philadelphia: Temple University

Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press. POLITICS

Foot, Peter. 1988. “The Fire Last Time.” New Press. Statesman, April 22. Republished online April 3, Ngai, Sianne. 2005. Ugly Feelings. Cambridge, MA: 2008. www.newstatesman.com/society Harvard University Press. Ross, Kristen. 2002. May ’68 and Its Afterlives.

/2008/04/trade-union-1968-france-world. CULTURAL Chicago: Chicago University Press. 271

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Samuel, Henry. 2007. “Sarkozy Attacks ‘Immoral’ Venn, Couze. 2018 “1968: The Neglected Intellectual Heritage of 1968.” Telegraph, April 30. www Legacy.” Open Democracy UK, July 12. www .telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1550140 .opendemocracy.net/uk/couze-venn/1968 /Sarkozy-attacks-immoral-heritage-of-1968.html. -neglected-intellectual-legacy. Sayres, Sohnya, Anders Stephanson, Stanley Vinen, Richard. 2018. 1968: Radical Protest and Its Aronowitz, and Fredric Jameson. 1984. Enemies. New York: Harper. Introduction to “The Sixties, without Apology.” Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2011. “The Contradictions Special issue, Social Text, nos. 9 – 10: 1 – 9. of the Arab Spring.” Al Jazeera, November 14. Sherman, Daniel, Ruud van Dijk, Jasmine Alinder, www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011 and A. Aneesh. 2013. Introduction to The Long /11/20111111101711539134.html. 1968: Revisions and New Perspectives, 1 – 16. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Turner, Fred. 2006. From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 15:3 November 2019

• Morgan Adamson is associate professor of media and cultural studies at Macalester College. She is the author of Enduring Images: A Future History of New Left Cinema (2018). She has also published on the relationship between culture and finance capitalism. POLITICS

Sarah Hamblin is associate professor of cinema studies and English at the University of Massachusetts Boston. Her research focuses on global art cinema and graphic literatures, emphasizing the relationships between aesthetics, affect, and radical politics. Her work has

CULTURAL appeared in Cinema Journal, English Language Notes, Black Camera, Cine-Files, and Film and History, and she is currently completing a book manuscript on global revolutionary

272 filmmaking in the 1960s.

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