Historical Review
The State Historical Society of Missouri
COLUMBIA, MISSOURI On display until late summer 1971, in the Society's corridor gallery are hand colored engravings by Karl Bodmer (1809- 1893). This magnificent collection was drawn, in the field, to illustrate Prince Maximilian of Wied's Travels in the Interior of North America, 1832-34, published in the early 1840s with editions in French, German and English. The front cover illustration "Bellvue" was Bodmer's depiction of John Dougherty's In dian agency-post, a trading post on the Mis souri River near the mouth of the La Plata River. Bodmer drew the sketch of "Bellvue" in May 1883. Dougherty, at the time, was the agent for the Omaha, Otoe and Mis souri Indians. MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI COLUMBIA, MISSOURI
RICHARD S. BROWNLEE EDITOR
DOROTHY CALDWELL ASSOCIATE EDITOR
JAMES W. GOODRICH ASSOCIATE EDITOR
The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is owned by the State Historical Society of Missouri and is published quarterly at 201 South Eighth Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Send communi cations, business and editorial correspondence and change of address to The State Historical Society of Missouri, corner of Hitt and Lowry Streets, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Second class postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri. The REVIEW is sent free to all members of The State Historical VOLUME LXV Society of Missouri. Membership dues in the Society are $2.00 a year or $40 for an individual life membership. The Society assumes NUMBER 2 no responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. JANUARY 1971 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1959, Chapter 183.
OFFICERS 1968-71 T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield, President L. E. MEADOR, Springfield, First Vice President LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia, Second Vice President RUSSELL V. DYE, Liberty, Third Vice President JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry, Fourth Vice President MRS. AVIS TUCKER, Warrensburg, Fifth Vice President REV. JOHN F. BANNON, S.J., St. Louis, Sixth Vice President ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia, Secretary Emeritus and Consultant RICHARD S. BROWNLEE, Columbia, Director, Secretary, and Librarian
TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City E. E. SWAIN, Kirksville ROY D. WILLIAMS, Boonville
Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1971
LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia R. I. COLBORN, Paris ROBERT A. BOWLING, Montgomery City RICHARD B. FOWLER, Kansas City FRANK P. BRIGGS, Macon VICTOR A. GIERKE, Louisiana HENRY A. BUNDSCHU, Independence ROBERT NAGEL JONES, St. Louis
Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1972
GEORGE MCCUE, St. Louis RONALD L. SOMERVILLE, Chillicothe L. E. MEADOR, Springfield JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry W. WALLACE SMITH, Independence HENRY C. THOMPSON, Bonne Terre ROBERT M. WHITE, Mexico
Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1973
WILLIAM AULL, III, Lexington GEORGE FULLER GREEN, Kansas City WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton * GEORGE H. SCRUTON, Sedalia ELMER ELLIS, Columbia JAMES TODD, Moberly ALFRED O. FUERBRINGER, St. Louis T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The twenty-nine Trustees, the President and the Secretary of the Society, the Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and President of the University of Missouri constitute the Executive Committee.
FINANCE COMMITTEE Four members of the Executive Committee appointed by the President, who by virtue of his office constitutes the fifth member, compose the Finance Com mittee. ELMER ELLIS, Columbia, Chairman WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield * Deceased MMM$MMlMMMfflMM\MMfflMMMmmm
NEW SOCIETY MEMBERSHIPS
The State Historical Society of Missouri is always interested in obtaining new members. For more than seventy years thousands of Missourians who have be longed to the Society have been responsible primarily for building its great research collections and libraries. They have given it the support which makes it the largest organization of its type in the United States, The quest for interested new members goes on continually, and your help is solicited in obtaining them. In every family, and in every community, there are individuals who are sincerely interested in the collection, preservation and dissemination of the his tory of Missouri. Why not nominate these people for membership? Annual dues are only $2.00, Life Memberships $40.00.
Richard S. Brownlee Director and Secretary State Historical Society of Missouri Hitt and Lowry Streets Columbia, Missouri 65201
[SOT§ISIS[§[SIMSIM§I§^ CONTENTS
CHRISTMAS IN EARLY MISSOURI. By Dorothy J. Caldwell 125
His "RADICAL REVERENCE" JOHN H. Cox. By Leslie Anders 139
POPULISM AND SOCIALISM IN THE SOUTHEAST MISSOURI LOWLANDS. By Leon Parker Ogilvie 159
FIGHTING FOR IRISH FREEDOM, ST. LOUIS IRISH-AMERICANS, 1918-1922. By Margaret Sullivan 184
HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS
Society Holds Annual Meeting 207
Errata 209
Views from the Past: Missouri Holidays 210
News in Brief 212
Local Historical Societies 215
Gifts 229
Missouri History in Newspapers 234
Missouri History in Magazines 238
Graduate Theses Relating to Missouri History 241
In Memoriam 242
BOOK REVIEW 244
EDITORIAL POLICY 246
ICE AND SPRING HOUSES USED BY PIONEERS IN PRESERVING FOOD, DRINK—Early-Day Recollections on Refrigeration. By Robert S. Withers 247
FANNIE HURST Inside Back Cover
iv Christmas
in Early Missouri
BY DOROTHY J. CALDWELL*
Yuletide celebrations in early Missouri were patterned after time-honored traditions, many of them of European origin. Christ mas, however, as Missourians had known it in their former homes in the South, East or North, had to be adapted to the frontier en vironment. Christmas in early Missouri was celebrated in as many different ways as cultural background, economic status, religious beliefs, environmental limitations and individual preferences dic tated. For some, observances were rowdy; for others the spiritual meaning of the season was predominant. For most, Christmas was a time of family reunion and the indulgence in some form of gaiety. To the Roman Catholic French, the first white settlers in Mis souri, Christmas was primarily a religious festival. Henry Marie Brackenridge, a boy who lived in Ste. Genevieve in the late eighteenth century, sat in the Ste. Genevieve church for an hour awaiting midnight Mass. Seated on a high stool with a cross in his hand he faced a lavishly decorated altar lighted with the largest wax candles the village could afford. He observed that the entire populace attended Mass and that all thronged to the altar to partake of the sacrament without distinction of color.1 Great was the delight of the people of St. Louis in 1808, when
*Dorothy J. Caldwell is an associate editor of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW. 1 H. M. Brackenridge, Recollections of Persons and Places in the West (Philadelphia, 1834), 26. 125 126 Missouri Historical Review
Father Joseph Marie Dunand, a French Trappist monk newly ar rived from Kentucky, sang midnight Christmas eve Mass in the palisadoed log church, for they had been without a resident priest for almost a year.2 A similar spirit of religious devotion was dis played at the newly built convent of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in 1819 on Christmas eve at Florissant. During the afternoon of De cember 24 Mother Philippine Rose Duchesne and Mother Eugenie Aude completed the transfer of their possessions from the farm of Bishop Louis William Valentine DuBourg, where the convent had been temporarily quartered, to the new quarters. Wading knee deep in snow and driving their cow before them, they made their way with great difficulty from the farm to the village. Mother Du chesne's account of their journey is graphic: The cold deprived us almost of the power of motion. Having tried in vain to lead with the rope one of our cows, I hoped to make her follow us out of her own inclination by filling my apron with maize with which I tried to tempt her on. But she preferred her liberty and ran about the fields and lowlands, where we followed her, sinking deep into the snow and tearing our habits and veils among the bushes. At last we were obliged to let her have her own will and make her way back to the farm. I carried in my pocket our money and papers, but the strings broke and everything, including a watch, fell into the snow. The wind having blown the snow in my gloves, they were frozen on my hands and I could not take hold of anything. Eugenie had to help me pick up my bag and alas my pockets which I was obliged to carry under my arm.8 It was late on Christmas eve when the two nuns arrived at the convent, but after supper they helped to clear the chapel of piled up lumber, hung a sheet over the bare wall and decorated the altar. At eleven o'clock on that Christmas eve the nuns recited Matins and the midnight Mass was followed by a second one, both at tended by the Irish workmen who were building the convent. A third Mass on Christmas morning, and Vespers in the afternoon completed the observance.4 After the midnight Mass it was the French custom for all mem bers of the family to assemble at the home of the head of the family for reveillon or Christmas breakfast. The French adults did not ex change gifts on Christmas day, but the children placed their shoes
2 Gilbert J. Garraghan, Saint Ferdinand de Florissant (Chicago, 1923) , 104. 3 Ibid., 132-133. 4 Ibid. Christmas in Early Missouri 127 on the fireplace hearth to be filled with toys and sweets by the Petit Noel (Christ Child). Although the creche, a carved miniature replica of the Nativity scene was often displayed, no Christmas tree decorated the French home.5 The later German settlers introduced the Christmas tree to the Missouri frontier. Gustave Koerner, author and early lieutenant governor of Illinois, described the Christmas tree which he be lieved to be the first west of the Mississippi. During his visit to Dr. George Engelmann in St. Louis on Christmas day, 1833, they made a "kind of pedestal" out of a young sassafras tree which had some remaining leaves. Koerner remembered: . . . the girls had dressed the tree with ribbons and bits of colored paper and the like, had put wax candles on the branches, and had hung it with little red apples and nuts and all sorts of confectionary. . . .6 He added that his recollection of his dear old home in Germany and the relatives and friends he had left behind gave rise to some melancholy reflections.7 Gert Goebel, who came to Franklin County, Missouri, in the early 1830s, wrote that at Christmas the Americans held no church services, no presents were given and the beautiful German custom of having a Christmas tree was unknown.8 It was not long, however, before both Germans and Americans adopted the Christmas tree as the symbol of Christmas. In 1852 E. Curtis Davis, Columbia editor, in a florid tribute to the Christ mas season, wrote of the Christmas tree with its "festal lights."9 At the Rocheport Academy in 1860, pupils sang a Christmas carol as they gathered around the Chritmas tree decorated with "everything from a silver cup to a candy toy and illuminated with innumerable tapers."10 In Southeast Missouri, where cedar trees grew abun dantly, they were brought in from the woods, hung with bright red berries from wild bushes, red leaves from gum and sassafras trees and yellow leaves from maple trees and topped with dusty miller
5 Wilson Primm, "New Year's Day in the Olden Time of St. Louis," Missouri Historical Society Collections, II (January, 1900) , 12-22; transcription of an address presented to the Society in 1867 by Judge Primm, descendant of one of the first St. Louis French settlers; J. Thomas Scharf, History of Saint Louis City and County (Philadelphia, 1883), 283. 6 Thomas J. McCormack, ed., Memoirs of Gustave Koerner 1809-1896 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1909), I, 330. 7 Ibid. 8 William Bek, "The Followers of Duden," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XVI (April, 1922), 350. 9 Columbia Weekly Missouri Sentinel, December 23, 1852. 10 Columbia Missouri Statesman, December 28, 1860. 128 Missouri Historical Review or peacock feathers.11 Urban dwellers often found it difficult to ob tain trees. It was not until 1882 that cabinet-maker Oswald Karl Lux, a recent German settler, lighted the first full-sized Christmas tree in old Westport. Lux had tried to purchase a tree both in Westport and in Kansas City, but could not find one more than eighteen inches high with branches so fragile that no ornaments could be hung on them. He then conceived the idea of building a tree, using a broomstick for the trunk and the curved staves of a barrel keg for the branches. He fitted the staves into holes cut into the broomstick, wrapped the "branches" in red paper and rolled tinfoil on the tips. From the vicinity of Union Cemetery, in Kansas City, he cut evergreen branches which he draped over the tree. He made tallow candles and secured them to the tree on the points of nails driven through the staves. Many candles were burned as he kept the tree lighted for the neighborhood children to view with wonder. Two years later Westport and Kansas City citi zens were able to buy Christmas trees shipped from Michigan.12 As in all American homes, the legend of St. Nicholas or Santa Claus was perpetuated by early Missourians. In 1843 George Knapp and A. B. Chambers, editors of the Missouri Republican, expressed the hope that their youthful friends had all been good boys and girls and that they had, at early dawn, found their stockings well filled with gifts from St. Nicholas, "sometimes called Santa Claus."13 Included in the editorial column was Clement Moore's classic poem, "Twas the Night Before Christmas." In 1852 Editor Davis remarked on "the kindly superstitions of old 'Santa Claus' riding his chariot over the house tops, and descending the chimney at mid night to dispense favors to all good boys and girls who hang up their stockings to receive them."14 Stockings were often filled with an apple, homemade candy and cookies and nuts from the woods. Gifts too large for the stockings were placed on the mantel, on chairs by the fireplace or on a table. Although in many households it was a Southern custom to be the first on Christmas morning to say "Christmas Gift"15 to all the others in the household, the exchange of gifts was unheeded until
il Jackson Journal, December 23, 1915. 12 Adrienne Christopher, "A First Christmas Tree," The Plaza Magazine (November, 1967) , 12- 13 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 25, 1843. 14 Columbia Weekly Missouri Sentinel, December 23, 1852. 15 Fannie Hunter, Western Border Life (New York, 1856) , 191-192; John E. Baur, Christmas on the American Frontier 1S00-1900 (Caldwell, Idaho, 1961) , 111-113; Versailles Leader-Statesman, January 1, 1960. Christmas in Early Missouri 129
the mid-1830s by the business firms who advertised in early Mis souri newspapers. Early account books, also, do not reveal any sale of Christmas presents.16 Most gifts in Missouri settlements were made by the housewife who utilized the materials at hand. John Hyde Braley, who lived near the Meramec River in Missouri from 1835 to 1857, wrote about gifts as he remembered them during his boyhood: Next came the Christmas presents and they were worthwhile. Everything was homemade—warm knit socks and mittens and caps for the boys, a pretty dress pattern for the girls, for father a bolt of jeans for a suit of clothes, and for mother—she had only love and kisses for nothing could be made, . . . without mother knowing all about it.17 A few advertisements for Christmas and New Year's presents ap peared in the St. Louis newspapers in the 1830s. In 1835 Mead and Adriance, a St. Louis firm, advertised silver snuff boxes, earrings, finger rings and breast pins as suitable gifts.18 In 1840 Hart and Company in Boonville announced that they had "fancy inkstands,
16 Early History of the Northern Ozarks (Jefferson City, 1937), 172. 17 John Hyde Braley, Memory Pictures (Los Angeles, 1913), 39-40. 18 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 12, 1835. 130 Missouri Historical Review
Shooting Wild Turkeys
Port Folios, a Tablet of Futurity or Apollo's Oracle and comic con versation cards for the ladies and dissected maps and splendid toys for the children." Available for young people were such books as Swiss Family Robinson, Aesop's Fables, New Robinson Crusoe and the Young Ladies Book of Elegant Prose.19 In 1849 the Palmyra Temple Bible Society suggested Bibles which they had received from New York as "holy day" gifts.20 Advertised as "holy day" gifts by Wolfe and Hoppe in St. Louis in 1850 were imports from Ger many, France and England of wax and kid dolls, cut glass smelling bottles, alabaster clocks, shell, ivory and pearl pincushions, Paris fans and a variety of other items.21 Food and drink were important in early Missouri Christmas celebrations. The French women baked croquecignolles (crullers or doughnuts) and these, with pies, cakes, cherry bounce, ratafia (semi-distilled rum) and cordial, were served to friends who made calls on Christmas day.22 In the early American settlements it was easy to procure a turkey for Christmas dinner. Henry Rowe School craft, a traveler in the White River Valley on Christmas day 1818, wrote that the hunters were sent out to kill wild turkeys and within an hour they returned with fourteen. He then persuaded his hostess to make a turkey pie with corn meal crust.23 The Christmas dinner menu might include, in addition to the turkey, venison, salted beef, cured ham, dried fruits and vegetables, calf's foot jelly, mince pie and pound cake.24 Editor Davis wrote that he liked "mince pies in the van and calveshead in the rear." He was also fond of the "old
19 Boonville Missouri Register, December 24, 1840. 20 Palmyra Whig, January 4, 1849. 21 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 22, 1850. 22 Scharf, History of St. Louis, 283. 23 Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, Journal of a Tour into the Interior of Mis souri and Arkansas in 1818 and 1819 (London, 1821) , 98-99. 24 Kansas City Times, December 20, 1949. Christmas in Early Missouri 131 family bowl."25 Eggnog was served in some families and in others forbidden. William Carr Lane, St. Louis' first mayor, wrote to his family on Christmas eve from Jefferson City where he was a mem ber of the first legislature, "Tomorrow is Christmas, but it will prove no holiday for us. We meet and do business as usual." On Christmas morning he added a postscript, "The Egg-Knogg is all drank up—the festive salutations of the day have been ex changed—. . . the hour for the house to meet is near."26 Dr. Victor Vaughan, noted biochemist and medical teacher, in reminiscences about his childhood in Randolph County, Missouri, said that as soon as the yule log was lighted his mother stood at the table with an immense bowl of eggnog and that each member of the family, first the whites and then the blacks, in order of age, received from her a glass of the beverage and drank to her health.27 In 1859 a "formula for eggnog" was published in a Kansas City newspaper with the comment that it was good for debilitated persons and consumptives.28 Fresh meat was a scarce item in city markets. In 1840, Jonas Moore, an enterprising St. Louisan, provided fresh beef for cus tomers. He advertised that he intended to kill his "Missouri Calf" on the day before Christmas. The calf was to be driven down Broadway to the City Hotel, then past the courthouse and on to the city hay scales where Moore would have it weighed. He would then drive the calf up Main Street to the slaughter house so that all might have an opportunity to see the animal. He offered the beef for sale on Christmas eve at the Centre Market.29 Oysters, in troduced into the Midwest in the forties and fifties, were also con sidered a great delicacy. Six barrels of fresh oysters were on sale at the Marshall House in Jefferson City in 1840.30 In 1843, J. S. A. Lamalfa of St. Louis, advertised that he had received fifty barrels of fresh Christmas oysters in the shell from the steamer John Aull, which he would sell at his Oyster House on Chestnut Street at twenty-five cents a dozen. Families could purchase them by the barrel or the dozen.31 On the Christmas menu at a St. Louis res-
25 Columbia Weekly Missouri Sentinel, December 23, 1852. 26 "Letters of William Carr Lane, 1819-1831," Missouri Historical Society Glimpses of the Past, VII (January-June, 1940) , 95. 27 The Journal of Laboratory and Clinical Medicine, XV (June, 1930), 908-909. This description was originally written for publication in Dr. Vaughan's autobiography, A Doctor's Message (Indianapolis, 1926). 28 Kansas City Journal of Commerce, December 24, 1859. 29 St. Louis Missouri Argus, December 25, 1840. 30 Jefferson City Jeffersonian Republican, December 26, 1840. 31 St. Louis Old School Democrat, December 26, 1843. $M*j*g
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BOILFD WHITE FISH. SAUCE MAITRE D'HOTEL. f ROAST GOOSE. APPLE SAUCE. BOILED POTATOES. MASHED TURNIPS.
CREAMED PARSNIPS. STEWED ONIONS.
BOILED RICE. LOBSTER SALAD.
CANVAS BACK DUCK.
Christmas Dinner Menu at a CHRISTMAS PLUM PUDDING SAUCE. City Hotel VANILLA ICE CREAM. MINCE PIE. ORANGE JELLY.
DELICATE CAKE. SALTED ALMONDS. 4* CONFECTIONERY. FRUITS. con-n-
taurant in 1850 fried, roasted, broiled, stewed and raw oysters were listed.32 Robert T. Van Horn, Kansas City editor, wrote in 1859 that oysters were the greatest luxury that could be found on any market. He added: On a Christmas or New Year's day, a good dinner—a regular tip top Christmas and Steamboat dinner cannot well be got up without drawing on Baltimore for some of her fresh bivalves . . . .33
32 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 22, 1850. 33 Kansas City Journal of Commerce, December 24, 1859. Christmas in Early Missouri 133
Available in the Kansas City markets in 1852 were a wide variety of meats, including rabbits, squirrels, quails, fish, wild turkeys, prairie chickens, buffalo, venison, opossum and snipe.34 Oranges, filberts, grapes, currants, cranberries and citron were among other items which could be purchased in town markets at mid-century.35 In preparation for Christmas, bread, pies and cakes were baked on the fireplace hearth in a homemade contrivance re sembling a Dutch oven, replaced later by a wood-burning stove.36 Hogs were often butchered a few days before Christmas. John Hyde Braley remembered that the bladders were divided between him and his brother. He wrote: With the greatest care we worked them, finally blew them up as tight as they could bear, then laid them away for our Christmas guns. Christmas morning everybody was astir long before day, each one trying to catch the other's Christmas gift. All was joyous excitement. Jim and I would run out and get some of our hog bladders, lay them down on the ice and with a big paddle strike them sharply. They would make a noise louder than a pop-gun.37 Noisemakers were often a part of the early Christmas celebra tions. A St. Louis newspaper advertised firecrackers for sale in the 1830s.38 Sometimes the children of the household "marched in Christmas" to the music of the horn, the beating of tin pans, the rattling of bits of iron and pieces of wood and the jingling of bells and clapping of hands.39 In the Ozarks, merchants often donated a keg of powder which was carried to the local blacksmith shop on Christmas eve and the firing of anvils was kept up until near midnight. In some Ozark communities, with loaded flintlocks and noisemaking devices, a group of serenaders visited every house. After marching around the house several times firing guns and making all the noise possible, the merrymakers were usually met by the owner who invited them in and passed the whiskey jug or served a treat of apples, cake and taffy.40 At Christmas time in 1830 Samuel R. Curtis attended a festival at Wyman Hall, St. Louis, where "Boys burnt great quantities of gunpowder, ladies
34 Ibid. 35 Columbia Missouri Statesman, December 28, 1860. 36 Kansas City Times, December 20, 1949. 37 Braley, Memory Pictures, 39-40. 38 St. Louis Farmers and Mechanics Advocate, December 20, 1834. 39 Fannie Hunter, Western Border Life, 191-192. 40 "An Ozarks Christmas a Century Ago," Ozarks Mountaineer, I (Decem ber, 1952), 6. 134 Missouri Historical Review attended the Fair and Gentlemen drank wine."41 There were some, however, who objected to the use of noisemakers and gunpowder. In 1849 Hampton L. Boon, editor of the Jefferson City Metropolitan, wished his readers a merry Christmas, but added "In their rejoicings they will please dispense with the use of tin pans."42 At Boonville in 1868 the mayor issued a proclamation forbidding the shooting of firearms and the burning of firecrackers at Christmas time. The editor of the Boonville Weekly Eagle facetiously remarked that the mayor had invaded the rights of "Young America," because it was an inalienable right for young Americans on Christmas and the Fourth of July to burn their firecrackers, frighten horses, put out people's eyes, destroy dwellings and make themselves generally obnoxious.43 Another custom which originated in the South and prevailed extensively on the Missouri frontier was the "schoolmaster riot." John Mason Peck, Baptist missionary who traveled extensively in Missouri in 1818 and 1819, told about the plan of the pupils to turn Mr. O'Flaherty, an Irish schoolmaster, out of the schoolhouse in a town "not a hundred miles from Ste. Genevieve." He said that to prevent such a disaster the schoolmasters often gave the pupils a treat. But Mr. O'Flaherty did much more than was expected of him. Peck wrote: He secured a supply of cherry bounce, whiskey and honey; and while he took his full share, distributed it so generously that one-half of his pupils wrere made 'orful sick!' as their parents expressed it. Some had to be carried home and the doctor called in, while the master required a wide path and made zig-zag tracks in reaching his lodg ing place. He was turned out in fact by indignant par ents.44 Settlers also brought with them from the Upper South the custom of burning the Yule log. As long as the Yule log burned the slaves were allowed a holiday. Dr. Victor Clarence Vaughan de scribed the ceremony in detail as it was carried out on his father's farm before the Civil War: Some months before this holiday the negroes selected a great tree. . . . the negroes were not selecting the tree for
41 Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, VI (October, 1949) , 108. 42 Jefferson City Metropolitan, December 25, 1849. 43 Boonville Weekly Eagle, December 19, 1868. 44 Rufus Babcock, Memoir of John Mason Peck (Philadelphia, 1864), 123-124. Christmas in Early Missouri 135
its value in the market. They were searching for a log which would absorb much water and which would burn slowly .... The question of the size of the log was much discussed. All agreed that size was not everything and that some big logs would burn out quicker than smaller ones of different wood. The tree, having been decided upon, was felled with axes and a section of the trunk measured to fit in the enclosure intended to receive it, was cut out with a cross-cut saw, . . . The log thus prepared, was dragged by oxen to the big pond in the woodland pasture, rolled in, and there permitted to rest in the mud and water until Christmas eve when it was rescued and brought to the kitchen door. After an early and unusually hurried breakfast on Christmas morning all the family, white and black, assembled in the dining room. All the wood, embers and ashes in the great fireplace were drawn and the backlog was rolled into place. . . . the fire was lighted.45 The slaves apparently made the most of the holiday. Editor Van Horn noted in 1859, "the slaves . . . are having a gay time this week. They run all day, dance all night and are "toting" their Dinahs around all the time. No people in the country enjoy the holidays like our Negroes."46 For many Missourians the Christmas celebration was more quiet and decorous. In 1826, Nathaniel Patten, editor of the Fayette Missouri Intelligencer, wrote that "with Christmas comes mirth and rejoicing, relaxation from accustomed business and a participation in all the gay and charming amusements of society."47 It was the one time in the year when the various members of the family came by bobsled, wagon, or on horseback to their parental home. The Dr. James Howard Compton family in Clay County kept sixteen feather ticks stored away, which could be spread on the floor for Christmas guests, who often stayed several days.48 It was a time for leafing through the family album. Editor Davis wrote, "Our an cestors were wont on thy [Christmas] annual return to gather around the great roaring fire and call up the souvenirs of life—to bring up the record of the family and discuss genealogy with the assembled connections of the maternal and paternal lines."49 On Christmas afternoon such play party games as Weevily Wheat, Puss Wants a Corner and Old Dan Tucker amused both children
45 Journal of Laboratory and Clinical Medicine, XV (June, 1930), 908-909- 46 Kansas City Journal of Commerce, December 24, 1859. 47 Fayette Missouri Intelligencer, December 21, 1826. 48 Kansas City Times, December 23, 1938. 49 Columbia Weekly Missouri Sentinel, December 23, 1852. 136 Missouri Historical Review
and adults.50 The men went hunting or engaged in shooting matches and the boys used their homemade sleds.51 Jigs, cotillions and masquerade balls were popular. With the growth of towns, public Christmas events, often re lated to worthy causes, were held. In Liberty in 1841 a series of cotillion parties was inaugurated to provide for the purchase of a town library.52 In 1850 the ladies of the St. Louis Westminster Church held a three-day festival at which they served oysters and "every other delicacy," to provide funds to pay off the church debt53 and the St. Louis Fire Company No. 9 gave a grand ball and tea party, the proceeds to go for the erection of an engine house.54 Other public events were held with no worthy cause attached. In 1840 the first annual cotillion party was held at the Planters' House in St. Louis.55 Three years later the Iowa Indians danced at the
50 Versailles Leader-Statesman, January 1, 1960. 51 John Francis McDermott, ed., Travels in Search of the Elephant; The Wanderings of Alfred S. Waugh, Artist in Louisiana, Missouri and Santa Fe in 1845-1846 (St. Louis, 1951) , 76-77. Waugh, at Independence, Missouri, on Christ mas day 1845, wrote that his friends went wolf hunting. 52 Liberty Tribune, December 26, 1841. 53 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 22, 1850. telbid., December 25, 1850. 55 St. Louis Missouri Argus, December 24, 1841. Christmas in Early Missouri 137
St. Louis Concert Hall on Christmas afternoon and in the evening the squaws raised an Indian lodge, presented to them by William Sublette.56 Christmas lotteries and raffles were popular. In 1831 J. W. McDonald, agent for Yates and Mclntyre, St. Louis, announced the Wellsburgh lottery to be held on Christmas day. Tickets were six dollars, but it was possible to buy a half or a quarter ticket. Mis sourians were told that if they risked a few dollars they might gain a fortune at the commencement of the New Year.57 In 1840 a lottery for the purpose of raising funds to build a Masonic hall in St. Louis was approved by the Missouri General Assembly. The sum of two dollars was charged for a ticket for the drawing on Christmas eve.58 Three years later a Missouri State Lottery was held for the benefit of the St. Louis Hospital.59 In 1849 a raffle of ten "handsome" oil paintings was held at Robbins', opposite the Planters' House in St. Louis60 and ten years later the Western Restaurant in Kansas City raffled jewelry, harness and a fine heifer on Christmas day.61 Other public Christmas events were more serious in nature. In some localities church services were held on Christmas day. The Reverend P. J. Verhaegen preached at Jefferson City in 1836 on the subject, "The Birth of the Saviour."62 The Fayette Methodists announced in 1840 that "Providence permitting" they would hold services on Christmas morning, afternoon and evening for all denom inations.63 In 1841 a juvenile concert and a lecture in St. Louis and a public debate in Columbia were Christmas day attractions.64 Since Christmas was not designated a legal holiday by the Missouri General Assembly until April 9, 1895,65 early Missouri legislators were expected to attend sessions during the Christmas
56 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 24, 1843. 57 ibid., December 25, 1831. 58 St. Louis Missouri Argus, December 23, 1840. 59 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 25, 1843. GO Ibid., December 25, 1849. 61 Kansas City Journal of Commerce, December 25, 1859. 62 Jefferson City Jefferson- ian Republican, December 24, 1836. 63 Fayette Boon's Lick Times, December 19, 1840. 64 St. Louis Missouri Argus, December 23, 1841. 65 Laws of the State of Mis souri Passed at the Thirty- Eighth General Assembly . . . (Jefferson City, 1895), 47. 138 Missouri Historical Review season. In 1842, Calvin Gunn, editor of the Jeffersonian Republican^ commented: As is usual on such occasions, a great disposition pre vails among the members of the Missouri House to have a recess of a few days. The resolution offered in the House was negatived. From the falling off of members we should be inclined to think there would not be a quorum to do business in either House on Monday.66 Business houses published notices in the newspapers about closing. In 1840 the Bank of the State of Missouri closed on Christmas day and in 1843 the St. Louis post office closed at nine in the morn ing.67 Newspaper editors usually issued their papers on Christmas day and observed a holiday the following day. In 1843 the editors of the Missouri Republican announced there would be no paper issued the day after Christmas, with the comment that the old saying "All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy," was true.68 In 1855 R. T. Van Horn, editor of the weekly Kansas City Enter prise, announced that in accordance with immemorial usage, no paper would be published during Christmas week and he hoped his readers would not object.69 Sometimes papers were issued early to allow employees to join in the festivities and often an extra, con taining legal advertisements and a synopsis of the latest news, was substituted for the regular edition. In 1841 the editors of the Mis souri Republican remarked, "Let no hearth be cold, no heart be sad in this hour of rejoicing."70 In 1850 they wished for their readers a Merry Christmas but admonished them to be ever mindful of the poor and destitute.71 The spirit of Christmas was perpetuated by early Missouri settlers with customs which were practical in an area lacking in consumer goods, convenient transportation facilities and diverse forms of organized social life. With ingenuity and hard work, pio neer Missourians used the materials at hand to make the holiday festive and to entertain family and friends. For everyone, Christmas provided a respite from the usual arduous tasks and built morale for the long winter ahead.
66 Jefferson City Jeffersonian Republicajj, December 25, 1842. 67 St. Louis Missouri Argus, December 25, 1840; St. Louis Missouri Repub lican, December 25, 1843. 68 ibid. 69 Weekly Kansas City Enterprise, December 22, 1855. 70 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 25, 1841. 71 Ibid., December 24, 1850. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox
BY LESLIE ANDERS*
* Leslie Anders is a professor of History at Central Missouri State College, Warrensburg. He received an A.B. from the College of Emporia, Emporia, Kansas, and an A.M. and Ph.D. from the University of Missouri, Co lumbia. 140 Missouri Historical Review
His death rated but four lines in the official organ of his denomination. But the overflowing crowds attending the funeral of the late Reverend John H. Cox in the Methodist Episcopal Church of Trenton, Missouri, on Monday afternoon, August 4, 1902, well understood that "one of the pioneers of Missouri Methodism has passed to his reward." And those present for graveside services at the Brookfield, Missouri, Rose Hill cemetery the next day must surely have wished for him a more fitting memorial than an un marked grave.1 At an end was a pastoral career spanning over forty years of Missouri Methodism and touching many sections of the state north of the Missouri River. If Cox was "by birth a Virginian, by choice a Missourian," he took great pains to leave indelible marks of his concern on the military, political and religious annals of his adopted state. Times change, and times change public figures. Many who knew Cox as a young preacher would hardly have known him in his maturer years, but there were nevertheless in his makeup perdurable threads of charity, compassion and humor- flawed by an uncommon capacity for indignation that on rare occasions made him seem less noble than he strove to be. Taking him all in all, he was a man for strenuous times, but it bespeaks the strength of his character that he was able to adapt himself to a quieter age.2 John H. Cox was born November 10, 1833, son of a wagon- maker of Berkeley County, Virginia. When he was two, the family moved to Morgan County, Ohio, where the father died in 1842. The widow moved a year later with her son and three daughters to South Bend, Indiana. Here, while apprenticed to Schuyler Col fax, editor of the Saint Joseph Valley Register, the Cox youth became an avid witness to the sectional conflict that later exploded in civil war. And by the time Editor Colfax was sworn in as Ulysses S. Grant's vice president, his apprentice would have com pleted a political career that would not soon be forgotten in northeastern Missouri. In the meantime, however, Bishop Thomas A. Morris ordained the highly literate youth to the Methodist Episcopal ministry in 1856 and assigned him to the North Attica Mission, on the Wabash
i Kansas City Central Christian Advocate, August 13, 1902; Linneus Linn County News, August 14, 1902; Brookfield Gazette, August 9, 1902. 2 Maryville Nodaway Democrat, August 7, 1902; interview with Lula Powell Barry, Trenton, Mo., November 30, 1968. His "Radical Reverence' John H. Cox 141
River, in the Northwest Indiana Conference. Other appointments followed in Indiana, until in 1860 Morris transferred the young pastor to the Missouri-Arkansas Conference of "northern Method ism." Receiving him "on trial" at the Annual Conference held at Macon City in March 1860, Bishop E. S. Janes appointed Cox to the church at De Soto and rang up the curtain on a pastoral epic.3 During his year at De Soto, "Brother Cox" beheld the sectional feud's breaking-point. The presidential campaign of 1860 did its share to fray the political nerves of Missourians, but the Secession winter that followed finally tore asunder the bonds that had kept an uneasy domestic peace in this border state. By the summer of 1861 civic violence had mounted in many areas to guerrilla warfare. Especially bitter partisan turbulence was building in the northeastern counties near the Des Moines and Mississippi rivers, and into the eye of this storm the Bishop dispatched the solemn young bachelor preacher from Indiana. In March 1861, Cox moved up to Chambersburg, in the heart of Clark County and in a land largely settled by migrants from the Upper South and the Old Northwest. Indeed, Clark County had given sixty percent of its votes to the Constitutional Union and Southern Democratic candidates in the presidential canvass of 1860. Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas had split the remainder, with the lion's share going to Douglas.4 Cox displayed a pulpit manner much too abrasive for some Chambersburgers. For one thing, he stubbornly ignored meaning ful distinctions between the "neutrality" of John Bell's Constitu tional Unionism and the "treason" of John C. Breckinridge's seces sionist brand of Democracy. For another, he could not resist harping on the torment created in "M. E. South" ranks by the secession and slavery controversies. Southern Methodism was strong in the northeastern counties, but so was the "northern" Methodist movement and its German wing spawned by the missionary work
3 Trenton Evening Republican, August 4, 1902; Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church for the Year 1856 (New York, 1856), 167; Minutes of the Fifty-Sixth Missouri Annual Conference of the Meth odist Episcopal Church, Carrollton, Mo., March 18-23, 1903 (St. Joseph, 1903), 177. Hereafter cited as Annual Conference. Extant records do not specify the name of Cox's father, but an examination of the Census Morgan County, Ohio, for 1840 suggests that he was the "Elsy" Cox of Noble Township. 4 St. Louis Central Christian Advocate, March 20, 1861; Floyd C. Shoe maker, "The Story of the Civil War in Northeast Missouri," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, VII (January, 1913), 70. For an authoritative account of the political developments affecting Missouri in 1860-61, readers would do well to consult William E. Parrish, Turbulent Partnership (Columbia, Mo., 1963) , 1-15. 142 Missouri Historical Review of Ludwig S. Jakobi in the 1840s. Agitated by the political fevers there, Cox came to see in Southern Methodism the hand of Satan at the worst or Judas at the best. It took but a few Sundays of such preaching to create a neighborhood uproar. Word came to Cox that "if I attempt to preach again, they will take me out and attend to my case. . . ." After three months of it, Cox abandoned his charge and heatedly announced that "as soon as the civil law can put down mob-law I will preach, for I was sent here by the Lord and Bishop Morris to preach the Gospel and by the grace of God and Colt's arguments I'll try to fill the bill."5 This angry invocation of Colt's name was no mere rodomon tade. Barton P. Hackney, a farmer near Athens, over on the Des Moines, was organizing a Unionist "Prairie Home Guard." By June 18, Captain Hackney had enlisted the services of 104 like-minded men between Chambersburg and Athens and sworn them in for the duration of the emergency. John H. Cox signed as a private, but he proved so valuable to Hackney that within a few days he rose to first sergeant.6 By mid-July, after amalgamation of the Clark and Scotland County Home Guards into a regiment, the fight for northeastern Missouri took the shape of a duel between two strong men. Per sonifying Southern hopes was a State Guard colonel, Judge Martin E. Green of the Lewis County Court, a prominent Southern Meth odist layman who afterwards rose to brigadier general in the Confederate Army and lost his life to Yankee sharpshooting at the defense of Vicksburg. Heading the Union guards was a Clark County merchant, Colonel David Moore of Wrightsville, an Ohioan who had been a company commander in the Mexican War. Moore was in camp at Athens on August 5, 1861, when Green's troops appeared at daybreak on the bluff overlooking the Des Moines. Outnumbered and facing an artillery battery, the iron- willed Moore managed to hold his main body in line long enough to repel the similarly raw and skittish Confederates. Green's flank
5 Charles Elliott, A History of tJie M. E. Church in the South-West (Cin cinnati, 1868), 309f; Frank C. Tucker, The Methodist Church in Missouri, 1798- 1939 (Nashville, 1966) , 90-93; James M. Buckley, A History of Methodism in the United States (New York, 1872) , II, 27, 222; W. M. Leftwich, Martyrdom in Missouri (St. Louis, 1870) , 85f. 6 Home Guard Rolls in the William Bishop Papers, in possession of Clay ton Bishop of Eustis, Florida, transcribed and made available by the late Ben F*. Dixon, San Diego, California; Hawkins Taylor Commission Musters, micro films in the custody of the Adjutant General of Missouri, Jefferson City. His "Radical Reverence' John H. Cox 143 forces, trying to infiltrate through woodlands north of Athens, were met by Hackney's men and repulsed along Stallion Branch. For years community folklore credited much of Hackney's success to the ferocity of Sergeant John H. Cox.7 At any rate, Green's State Guardsmen, save for a few dead or wounded, were gone from the area by 7:30 that morning, and David Moore was well on his way to becoming the "Francis Marion of North Missouri." Since in each other's armed company the Unionists found safety, they stayed together under Moore's command, and since it was safe for Cox to preach to them in his fashion, he stayed on as their chaplain. Moore's guards became the 1st Northeast Missouri Volunteers that October, and Cox remained as chaplain through the first winter of the Civil War. He did find time for some "psychological warfare" lectures on the Iowa side of the Des Moines, but he was usually on hand for Moore's major expeditions against Secessionist guerrillas in Clark, Scotland and Knox counties.8 By this time the chaplain was coming to the attention of Dr. Charles Elliott, the aging but incendiary editor of the Central Christian Advocate of St. Louis. Probably as much a fanatic as a theologian, the stern old Ulsterman cast a benevolent eye toward kindred spirits in his church. Proclaiming Cox a "noble young preacher," he threw open the pages of the Advocate to the younger mans thoughts. "I learn," Cox wrote him on August 28, 1861, . . . that our brethren in the free States complain because our membership remains in this mobocratic state. Let me say to them that a majority of our ten thousand Method ists took their existence here, and they can not dispose of it. Then, we have all been anxious to reestablish our mother Church, and it will be replanted as surely as God is its author. I love it dearly, for she is my birthright, and now that war is waged against her I do and will fight for her.9 The same polemic tone persisted in the chaplain's extensive account of Moore's signal victory at Lancaster, in Schuyler County,
7 Ben F. Dixon, Martin Green's Boomerang (San Diego, 1966), and "Far thest North," 1861 (San Diego, 1969); interview with Kenneth Doud, Athens, Mo., May 28, 1968; Kenneth Doud and Alcene Henn, The Good Old Days: Early History of Northeast Clark County (n.p., 1963) . 8 Keokuk [Iowa] Gate City, September 2 & 25, 1861; St. Louis Central Christian Advocate, September 25, 1861. 9 Elliott, History of M. E. Church, 309f: Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., The Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1928-1936) , III, 95; Tucker, Methodist Church in Mo., 130-132. 144 Missouri Historical Review
Rev. Charles Elliott
on November 24, 1861. Captain John McCully of the State Guard, especially "wanted" by Moore's troops, lost his life in the affair. Reported Cox: Our boys completely 'cleaned out' one traitorous family, old John [McCully], his two sons and a son-in- law's brother. The old sinner was a captain, a wealthy man, and a class leader in the Southern M. E. church . . . Well, I guess he won't 'brush-whack' any more, for he was sent to the 'other side of Jordan,' or to some other unknown locality.10 When in January 1862, orders came from state authorities to consolidate Moore's regiment with Colonel Humphrey M. Wood- yard's Lewis County Home Guards to form the 21st Missouri Infantry, Cox laid down his military ministry for a season. In the newly formed Company H were many of his old friends and parishioners, and a clamor went up for the pastor to assume the captaincy. With no apparent reluctance, Cox strapped on a re volver and the bars of a captain and prepared to go south as a combat infantryman.11
10 St. Louis Central Christian Advocate, January 8, 1862. il Report of the Adjutant General of Missouri for the Year Ending De cember 31, 1865 (Jefferson City, 1866), 184-190; Miscellaneous Papers, 21st Missouri Infantry, in custody of the Adj. Gen. of Mo.; St. Louis Central Chris tian Advocate, April 24, 1862. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 145
Long afterward, an accusation of un-Christian vindictiveness was published against Cox by an exceedingly hostile Baptist clergyman from the Hannibal area. During March 1862, the Rev erend William Cleaveland found himself in Moore's guardhouse, charged with treasonous conduct for preaching a revival in Green's State Guard camp near Monticello in the summer of 1861. Moore, Cleaveland said, sentenced him to nine days of close confinement and "coarse fare," but if we can believe the incensed victim, he was daily forced to crawl up on a cannon to pray for "Old Abe" by "my reverend persecutor, 'Captain Cox,' and his insolent myr midons." Reciprocating such brotherly love as he professed to see in his tormentor, the older preacher expressed sincere regret that Cox had "kept out of harm's way" at the Battle of Shiloh and survived to come again "in the lowly habiliments of Christianity, commissioned ... to teach religion and preach the gospel amongst us "12 In late March the 21st Missouri arrived at Pittsburg Landing, in western Tennessee, where on Sunday morning, April 6, 1862, the regiment was the first to engage the advancing Confederates commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston. Fighting as part
12 Leftwich, Martyrdom in Mo., 297-304.
Pittsburg Landing 146 Missouri Historical Review of the First Brigade of Brigadier General Benjamin M. Prentiss' 6th Division in Grant's Army of the Tennessee, the 21st Missouri lost nineteen men killed outright and forty-six wounded, of whom eighteen died within the weeks immediately following. Some sixty- four others fell prisoners in the classic "last stand" that Prentiss conducted in the Hornets' Nest. Before Captain Cox's men were scattered by the oncoming enemy, Company H lost four killed, seven wounded and nine taken prisoner. His first lieutenant was permanently disabled, his second lieutenant developed "palpitations," and his first sergeant fell into enemy hands. "Our Regiment opened the fight with the enemy on the 6th without any breakfast," Cox wrote Elliott, "and most of us fought for two days without anything to eat." In closing, he revealed that "Colonel Moore was wounded in the leg, and it has since been amputated."13 The role of company commander had lost its savor for the twenty-eight-year-old cleric. On April 13, six days after the Con federates retired from the battlefield to regroup around Corinth, Mississippi, Cox tried to resign from the service, alluding vaguely to "sickness in his family." Colonel Woodyard, commanding in the absence of the wounded Moore, blocked the move, unconvinced that a bachelor had family ties so demanding. "I do not deem it prudent to recommend the acceptance of this," Woodyard wrote division headquarters. But Woodyard had a consolation prize for Cox: The chap laincy had been vacant from the muster-in of the regiment. Would he take it if elected? He would indeed, and on April 22, while in camp on the battlefield of Shiloh, Woodyard convened the officers to ballot on the chaplaincy. There were several preachers in the ranks, but Cox won a clear mandate to resume his military pastorate.14
13 St. Louis Central Christian Advocate, April 24, 1862. Compare "Descriptive Roll," 21st Mo. Inf., Office of the Adj. Gen. of Mo., and "Compiled Service Rec ords," 21st Mo. Inf., MICROCOPY 405, National Archives. Manning F. Force, From Fort Henry to Corinth (New York, 1881), 140-143; War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (130 volumes, Washington, D.C., 1880-1902), Volume X, Part I, 277-285; Reunion Proceedings of the 21st Missouri Veteran Volunteer Infantry Association, 1888- 1902 (Fort Madison, Iowa, 1903), 20-25; Keokuk Gate City, May 15 & Novem ber 14, 1862; Nehemiah D. Starr and Timothy W. Holman, The 21st Missouri Infantry Veteran Volunteers (Fort Madison, Iowa, 1899), 1-11 passim. 14 Regimental Orders 2, Headquarters, 21st Mo. Inf., April 22, 1862, and Letter, Lt. Col. H. M. Woodyard to Commanding Officer, First Brigade, 6th Div April 26, 1862, in Misc. Papers, 21st Mo., in office of Adj. Gen. of Mo.; John H. Cox Service Record, MICROCOPY 405 (Roll 535) and Regimental Papers, 21st Mo., MICROCOPY NNO-448 (978), National Archives. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 147
The chaplain plunged into a busy summer of ministering to the needs of the battered and somewhat demoralized regiment. During May, the 21st Missouri participated in Major General Henry W. Halleck's ponderous advance on Corinth. After the Confederate evacuation of the city at the beginning of June, the 21st Missouri pulled back over the Tennessee line to camp at the little town of Chewalla. Here disease soon outweighed rebel parti sans as enemies of the Missourians, and in addition to the regular "camp complaints" that afflicted Civil War troops there came a smallpox epidemic that soon laid dozens low. The surgeons were swamped, and when the one-legged Colonel Moore came back to duty in July he ordered the creation of a special smallpox hospital about a mile back in the woods. "Chaplain Cox," he ordered, "will assume the management of it."15 By the beginning of September, smallpox had run its course, and the regiment was moved into the area west of Corinth for outpost duty. Southern forces under Major General Earl Van Dorn were preparing an attack on the Corinth defenses, now commanded by Major General William S. Rosecrans. On October 3-4 there would come a mighty clash on northern outskirts of Corinth, from which the Confederates would retire with severe losses. But Chap lain Cox, on sick leave in Missouri, was not on hand to see the Union victory at "Second Corinth." In the last week of October 1862, while Cox was returning to Corinth by train from St. Louis, his regiment was going home to Missouri by boat to rest and recruit. Before returning north, the chaplain toured the scenes of the recent carnage: "Trees and dead horses, felled by cannon shot, lay scattered for miles around, while bloody bayonets, balls, rebel blankets, shell &c., are some of the evidence of a hard fought battle." He visited the military prison, where his animosities were apparently rekindled as he seized upon ... a good opportunity to study human nature among the . . . butternut prisoners of war, who seem to be uncon scious of having done wrong. They are utterly demoralized and in the lowest state of degradation but little better than the untutored Indian, only about one-fourth of them can read, the rest seem to be contented with "blissful ig norance." . . . Some were amusing themselves by whit tling, whistling, singing snatches of rebel songs, while
15 Starr and Holman, 21st Mo. Inf. Veteran Volunteers, 12; Regimental Papers in National Archives. 148 Missouri Historical Review
others were making war with the grey-backs [lice] . . . which inhabit large portions of Southern soil. Being a chaplain with wounded charges still in the hospital, he made pastoral rounds, and his comments revealed another facet of his nature: Here the philanthropist may mitigate the suffering condition of our shamefully neglected sick. That our sick in the hospitals in the field do suffer for the want of kind treatment, but few who have been patients . . . will deny. The inhumanity and brutality of hospital attendants and heartless surgeons has caused the death of many a good soldier whose delicate constitution could not subsist on hard bread and pork, while the sweetmeats, fruits, &c., furnished by kind friends at home . . . have gone to the table of surgeons and attendants, whose interests are in the gratification of appetite and passion instead of their country and its army. There are, however, some honorable exceptions . . . , but I've seen enough to make me heart sick . . . ,16 Cox caught up with his comrades in northeastern Missouri just in time to go south again with them. Their recruiting trip had been a success, as the northern counties were experiencing a wave of patriotic enthusiasm. The prisoners were coming back from the South, and the regiment was approaching full strength. Until the spring of 1863 it camped at various places south of Cairo, Illinois, including Union City, Tennessee, and Columbus, Kentucky. During this time, Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation, issued on the morrow of the Confederate reverse at Antietam Creek in Maryland, the previous September, went into effect. "There was some uneasi ness," Cox wrote Elliott, . . . lest the President might back down from his procla mation . . . , but when it did come, you should have just seen the soldiers, and heard their cute sayings, such as "Bully for Old Abe and his pet lambs," and "Hurrah for freedom in Missouri," to all of which your correspondent heartily responded, Amen. The 21st Missouri are emphat ically a loyal regiment, and nutiny, as the negroes say, is played out. We hail-the proclamation as the wisest measure of the war, and now that the negro is to be free, we want them armed, so that they may fight for freedom, believing as we do, that slavery is the cause of the rebellion.
16 St. Louis Central Christian Advocate, November 20, 1862. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 149
Chaplain John H. Cox, 1863
The chaplain had heard lately of a disease in Southern hos pitals "that baffles the skill of the best rebel surgeons, and which is very fatal; many of the chivalry have died with it. May they all catch the disease, and may the Lord increase the complaint." He was equally ungracious in speculating on the future of the M. E. South Church in Missouri: "Rebel Methodism, too, will die with the rebellion, while primitive Methodism, bloodstained from the battle fields, will live with her Protestant sisters, to convert the world, and Missouri 'shall bud and blossom like the rose.' "17 More and more the chaplain's thoughts were fixed on the political tides running at home. To "keep in touch," he returned to Hannibal in early March to attend Conference. By invitation of Bishop Edward R. Ames, Cox preached at an evening service. Then he went back to his regiment, stationed at Memphis, Tennessee, in that summer that saw Grant's entry into Vicksburg. Increasingly he pondered the future of the black population: "We recognize, in this revolution, the negro as the hand on the dial-plate, and whenever we admit the claims of this poor, un fortunate race upon us, success is the result. On the other hand, when we are deaf to their cries, disaster is the consequence." Yet he could be totally unconscious of his own vestigial racism. He wrote of his meeting with a seven-year-old slave girl with pro nounced Caucasian features. That she was a slave was offensive
17 Ibid., February 19, 1863. 150 Missouri Historical Review enough to Cox, but it doubly horrified him that she was "white as I am . . . ." But, to be fair with Cox in this matter, it should be said that he saw in whiteness of skin no guarantee of superiority or probity: We started out to kill rattle-snakes, and when our en listment expires we expect to go home and kill copper heads, for we don't desire to stop the fight until the rebel lion is wiped out, and Missouri made free; as a long war is preferable to a short peace. We believe that abolition of slavery by emancipation of the slaves is the only true road to peace. I believe in negro equality; that is, a negro well drilled, and they take to military like a duck to water . . . ,18 A long recruiting trip to Missouri the following winter, to gether with a severe attack of dysentery in March 1864, served to convince the chaplain that it was time to return to civilian life. On April 23, 1864, while in St. Louis, he penned his resignation and left for Clark County to take up residence at Athens. That he might have had an additional motive seems likely, for in May he donned his "Sunday best" at Athens to become the husband of 18-year-old Nannie Thompson, a girl from Ohio.19 While Cox did some preaching among old friends in Clark County, his mind was on politics. During June he became excited over a special election for the judgeship of the Fourth Judicial Circuit, in the counties of Lewis, Clark, Scotland, Knox, Schuyler and Adair. Colonel Woodyard, his fellow-Radical, had won the post in November 1863, but had lately died in office. A previous incumbent, James Ellison, a Conservative Unionist profoundly dis dainful of Lincoln and his proclamation, threw his hat into the ring, but Cox's heart belonged to State Senator David Wagner, a Radical-Union "Immediate Emancipationist." Cox spent election day, June 21, at the polls in Athens, and at the close of voting he was overjoyed that Wagner had racked up 115 votes. "Ellison," he sneered, "the rebel, copperhead, pro-slavery, bushwhacking, cut throat candidate, received ten votes."20 The political siren songs were proving too alluring for the late chaplain. The Radicals of his acquaintance, anxious to assemble a ticket of great ideological vigor, prevailed on Brother Cox to
18 Ibid., October 15, 1863; Canton Press, March 12, 1863. 19 John H. Cox Compiled Service and Pension Records, National Archives; Misc. Papers, 21st Mo., Adj. Gen. of Mo. 20 Keokuk Gate Citv, June 22, 1864. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 151
Jesse W. Barrett
announce for the remainder of Wagner's term as state senator from the Fifth District (Lewis, Clark, Scotland, Knox). Consenting, the Radical parson opened his campaign on September 19 at Waterloo, then seat of Clark County, at a general "speaking" for candidates of varied persuasions. Jesse W. Barrett, the very "Conservative" editor of The Canton Press, went up to Waterloo to have a look. A Southern Methodist preacher himself, branded by Dr. Elliott as an "apostate," this Lincoln-hating editor, whose grandson and name sake would one day be a Republican attorney general of Missouri and gubernatorial nominee, in 1936, came to Waterloo in no mood to enjoy the prevailing brand of Republicanism on display there in 1864. It was terrible, Barrett thought, that a Conservative candidate for Congress was hooted off the platform by "a band of rowdies claiming to be soldiers, but instigated and encouraged by Capt. Cox and other would-be prominent citizens," and when Cox rose to speak, Barrett put a double load of acid in his pen: We have known this aspirant for years, but having never before listened to his speech, we had no conception of his vulgar manners or fiendish spirit .... We do not propose to stain our sheet with any report of his abomin able utterances, but shall strive to clothe in decent Ian- 152 Missouri Historical Review
guage some of the sentiments there promulged [sic] that our readers may properly appreciate his claims upon their suffrages. For the rebellion he had but one policy: utter extermination of the people of the South, and the re- peopling of their territory with a mongrel breed, doubtless the legitimate production of his pet schemes of negro enfranchisement and practical miscegenation. For Clark County ... he proposed a like policy. He would kill or drive out every rebel, and he recognized but two parties: radicals and rebels, all Conservatives being, in his estima tion, identified with the latter class. Barrett's reaction may tell more about what was bothering him than what the candidate was actually proposing, but the impact of Cox's sententious partisanship is evident in the smoke and fury of the Canton editor's barrage.21 Much to Barrett's chagrin, the best that the Conservatives could send against Cox was a former provost marshal of Clark County, Thomas J. Matlock. Unlike other Conservatives, this old- time Hoosier Whig legislator and sheriff insisted on endorsing Lincoln instead of George B. McClellan. His platform was simple, consisting of a strong opposition to "the social and political equality of the races," and a defense of "the Constitution and the laws." Even though he straddled, Matlock was "made to order" for a Radical predator, and Cox went in for the kill. On October 27, with a loud editorial sigh, Barrett endorsed Matlock, "commending him to the support of all who condemn the Radical doctrine of negro equality and other kindred measures advocated by his Radical Reverence, Capt. Cox."22 Election day was anticlimactic, since many a Conservative was disfranchised by a stringent loyalty oath required of voters. Lincoln and the Radical gubernatorial candidate, Colonel Thomas C. Fletcher, led their ticket to a landslide victory in Missouri. At Athens, Cox outpolled "my Copperhead opponent" 131-2, but his winning margin was more modest elsewhere. "I am in all probability elected," he correctly prophesied the next day. He had every reason to be jubilant, for he was leading the civilian count—and the soldier vote was yet to report. "In the breaking out of the rebellion," Cox wrote, "there were nine rebels to one Union man" in Clark County. But, said he, "we have made the change by taking the rebellion where 'Cale took
21 Canton Press, September 22, 1864; Folder 12042, Missouri State Archives, Western Historical Manuscripts Collection, Columbia, Mo. 22 Canton Press, January 28 & October 27, 1864. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 153 the hen'; by treating rebels as rebels deserved, and by allowing nothing to exist which existed solely to destroy the Government."23 The day after Christmas, 1864, Senator Cox was sworn in at the capitol, and a busy two-year legislative career began. He became chairman of the Committee on Swamp Lands, and a member of the committees on Accounts, the Blind Asylum and Federal Relations. Only in the latter could he take any enduring pleasure. On the Senate floor he produced his share of "hot pota toes." On January 19, 1865, he introduced a resolution urging Governor Thomas Fletcher to "pardon all the military prisoners and soldiers now in the Penitentiary who are held as such by sentence of copperhead courts martial and treasonable civil authorities, for the trivial crime of killing rebels and bushwhackers, for which the Government called men into service." The proposal must have pro voked much fear and illness, for it lost by 13-8, with 11 senators missing from the floor at roll call. One week later, Senator Cox was at it again. A new measure by the gentleman from Clark County instructed Missouri's con gressmen to vote "for an amendment to the Federal Constitution, forever prohibiting slavery and securing to all men, without regard to race or color, absolute equality before the law." In the floor fight that ensued, friends of the resolution were unable to summon the votes to pass. When the opponents failed to defeat it, this Radical skeleton was sent to rattle in the closet of the Judiciary Committee.24 At the "adjourned session" of 1866, Cox broke even. On Feb ruary 3 he sponsored a resolution endorsing the maintenance of military rule in the states of the late Confederacy. The measure, a little too hot for careful handling, was referred to the Federal Relations Committee and allowed to die a quiet death. But on March 9 Cox introduced the bill to create the probate court of Clark County, and ten days later it was on Fletcher's desk.25 With his legislative term expiring in 1866, Senator Cox for swore further political ambitions and returned to the real work of his life. At the annual Conference held at Louisiana in March 1866, he was appointed to the Second Methodist Church of Union, in Franklin County. Other appointments followed: Truxton (1867),
23 Ibid, November 17, 24, December 1, 1864; Keokuk Gate City, November 10, 1864; Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, 178-196. 24 Journal of the Senate, Mo. 23rd General Assembly (Jefferson City, 1865), 4, 42f, 119, 163. 25 ibid., Adj. Sess. (Jefferson City, 1866), 623, 370f, 750. 154 Missouri Historical Review
Danville (1868), Monroe and Palmyra (1869), Clarksville and Bowling Green (1870-71), Linneus (1872-73), Carrollton (1874-75), Plattsburg (1876), Kidder (1877-78), Cameron (1879-1880), Mo berly (1881-83, 1894-95), Brookfield (1884-85), Maryville (1886- 88), Trenton (1889-93), Mexico (1896), Laclede (1897-99), Bos- worth (1900-1901 ).26 As the onetime Radical firebrand left the political arena, he also left behind the rancors of the 1860s. True, when the Grand Army of the Republic became highly popular with the aging vet erans, Cox joined the Sedgwick Post at Maryville on August 5, 1886, and kept his membership there the rest of his life. To this casual extent did he keep alive the memories of his army days, but he shunned annual reunions of his old regiment. He became a dedi cated binder of wounds left from the antagonism and violence of Civil War times. He must have seen in children the long-range hope for reconciliation of Missourians, for he devoted himself to them. A little boy of Trenton, after telling Brother Cox he could not come to Sunday school because he had no dress shoes, suddenly found himself in a shoe store, where the kindly pastor bought him a pair. Cox opposed gift-exchanges around the church's Christmas tree simply because he could not bear to see the little ones disappointed when they got nothing. Overruled by an official board and much affronted by the action, Cox on one occasion stomped off to the store and personally bought enough toys and candy for every child in the congregation. It was his invariable custom, when meeting a child, to shake hands solemnly and then produce a piece of candy or a picture card as a token of cordiality toward the younger person. "The children loved him dearly," wrote a conference official, "as he loved them." His pleasure in children began at home, as the tall parson's hair grayed and chin-whiskers appeared. His elder child, Mary Gladdice, was born on January 9, 1868, while he was preaching at Truxton. Miss Gladdice proved herself a "chip off the old block," for she grew tall like her father and displayed a full measure of his good humor and independent intellect. A splendid singer and devoted churchwoman, she also dared to pilot a bicycle through the streets of Trenton in the 1890s, while dowagers still wondered if it was "ladylike." But tragedy enough to break a doting husband and father struck on the Sabbath morning of August 3, 1884, while Cox was
26 Annual Conference (1903), 177; Louisiana Journal, March 17, 1866. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 155 pastor at Brookfield. Nannie Cox, unwell for several years past but carrying on as secretary of the Women's Foreign Missionary Society of the Hannibal District, breathed her last, two hours fol lowing the birth of their second child. The grieving father named the motherless babe for her departed parent and afterwards per mitted loyal friends, Mr. and Mrs. Asa K. Lane of Brookfield, to raise Nan as their own. "An archer has smitten my charioteer," Cox wrote with an air of desolation that compels our sympathy across the vale of years, "and she lies in the dust. The tower of my strength has fallen. I feel Like one who treads alone Some banquet hall deserted." He marked her grave with a tall obelisk, which has long since toppled from its base.27 From the earliest days of his ministry, Cox took a strong inter est in "temperance," an issue which claimed much attention among Methodists after the Civil War. Through the 1870s and 1880s he was frequently named chairman of or at least a member of the Temperance Committee of the Missouri Conference. Convinced that abolition of the liquor traffic was as necessary as the abolition of slavery had been, Cox was willing to countenance woman suf frage to hasten the dawn of prohibition. But unlike many latter-day temperance people, he maintained a sly good humor about it all. Amused Methodists of Moberly long remembered the day that Brother Cox found a drunk lying in a gutter, before the tavern where his sorrows had been forgotten. "Tenderly assisting the inebriate to his feet, [Cox] walked him into the resort and in formed the saloon keeper that his sign had fallen down."28 The longest and most memorable of his pastorates was at Trenton. Appointed to this charge in March 1889, while the annual Conference was sitting at Cameron, Cox stayed for five years. This sojourn was of lasting significance to the Cox family and to the congregation. Through the youth activities of the Conference, Miss Gladdice had made the acquaintance of the dynamic young editor of the Quitman Herald, Charles D. Morris. The young man was on the threshold of a career that would make him postmaster of Tren-
27 Interview with Lula Powell Barry; Lula Powell Barry, A History of the Methodist Church of Trenton, Missouri (Trenton, 1965) ; Brookfield Gazette, August 7, 1884; letter from Mrs. Evelyn Sheets, Trenton, to the author, No vember 10, 1968; Annual Conference (1885) , 20f. 28 Compare Annual Conferences (1873), 5 and (1887), 102. Moberly Evening Democrat, August 5, 1902; Trenton Daily Evening Republican, February 21, 1890. 156 Missouri Historical Review ton during the McKinley-Roosevelt era, editor and publisher of the Trenton Tribune and the St. Joseph Gazette, Republican state chairman, and the loser in a memorable struggle for the Republican nomination for governor in 1916. Himself the child of a Civil War chaplain, he found much in common with Miss Gladdice; so much, in fact, that he married the preacher's daughter on Christmas day, 1889. The bride's father gave her in marriage in the crowded sanc tuary, as well-wishers stood in line for a block in each direction from the church door.29 Thanks to its pastor's urging, the official board at Trenton agreed to build a larger church. The popularity of the minister could only be dealt with by constructing adequate facilities. Sun day school at times topped five hundred, and whenever charismatic Brother Cox staged a "camp-meeting," hundreds came from miles around—and new memberships resulted. The board approved a large brick building costing $20,000 and construction began in the faith that the money would materialize. As luck would have it, the building was ready for dedication in 1893, although only $13,000 was in sight. Large crowds gathered, and distinguished Methodist divines came to grace the ceremony. Much troubled, Cox spent a sleepless night in prayerful meditation on the eve of the dedication, and the next day his nocturnal supplications were answered. A sub scription service brought pledges of $4,000; a second service raised $2,500 more; and then the ladies' organization promised the re mainder. "Too much praise cannot be given Brother Cox for his untiring efforts in the cause of Christ in Trenton," a local historian said. The sanctuary that resulted from his inspiration won official praise as "one of the best church buildings in the Conference, if not the best," and it remains in use to the present day.30 The autumn of his career brought many satisfactions. Three grandsons came to the family circle, and he felt himself secure in the love of his kin and of Methodists across northern Missouri. Some of the old embers still burned beneath the surface, and he was capable of outbursts of temper. The annual conference at Mary ville in 1890 faced a ticklish problem created by Brother Cox's "expurgation" of the church rolls at Trenton. The church desperate ly needed to prune away dead wood, Cox explained, certain that
29 Walter Williams, ed., A History of Northwest Missouri (Chicago, 1915) , II, 713f; Trenton Republican, January 2, 1890; St. Joseph Gazette, November 11, 1940; Barry, History of the Methodist Church, Trenton. 30 Annual Conference (1903), 177; Barry, History of the Methodist Church, Trenton. His "Radical Reverence" John H. Cox 157
"love of numbers and wealth makes the church a palace car to furnish fashionable transportation to perdition for a lot of godless church members." One expelled couple, backed by a local attorney, carried the case to Conference. The committee of inquiry made Cox take the plaintiffs back in, but it refused to pronounce any reflection on "the character of J. H. Cox . . . ." The pastor went home in triumph to a special welcome by the congregation, having been "gloriously vindicated," as one of his partisans declared. A Trenton newsman suggested that "some of his methods may be eccentric and savor of the sen sational," but there was no doubting that he was a widely pop ular and "indefatigable worker" whose "peculiarities" posed no threat to the "standard of christian theory and practice." Nor did the fearlessness with which he had taken charge of the smallpox hospital at Chewalla in 1862 fade away with the passing years. While pastor at Brookfield, he answered a call to offer prayer at the bedside of a person dying of the disease. Should Cox go into that house, city officials warned, they would have to quarantine him. He went—and they did.31 At the Conference which met in St. Joseph in March 1900, Cox was assigned to his last charge, at the Carroll County town of Bosworth. Through no fault of the Methodists of Bosworth, this last charge ushered in the most tragic period of his life. On May 4, 1901, Nannie Cox Lane died of scarlet fever at the age of 16 in the home of her adoptive parents in Brookfield. Then, barely eight weeks later, Charles Cox Morris, the 11-year-old pride and joy of Grandfather Cox, drowned in the Grand River at a Sunday school picnic. The old man was never the same again. He and the boy, wrote Mr. Morris, "were together constantly, thought for and lived for each other." Called to Trenton by the disconsolate family, the shaken grandfather saw the child to his grave on Saturday, June 29. The next morning he stoically shepherded the Morrises to regular services. The Reverend J. O. Taylor publicly invited Cox to "bring the message" at the evening service, but Cox slowly rose to his feet, raised his hand heavenward, and declared, "No, Pastor. A star has been eclipsed, and the sky is now dark."32
31 Annual Conference (1890), 55f; Linn County News, August 14, 1902; Brookfield Gazette, August 9, 1902; Trenton Daily Evening Republican, March 8 & 14, 1890. 32 Trenton Evening Republican, June 27 & 29, 1901; Brookfield Gazette, May 4, 1901. Interview with Lula Powell Barry, to whom the present writer is 158 Missouri Historical Review
Rev. John H. Cox ca. 1893
The sky was indeed darkening. A severe attack of stomach trouble the following Christmas gave warning that a cancerous tumor was slowly claiming him. A widowed sister came out from South Bend to keep house, and the Conference granted him super annuation at its meeting in Brookfield on March 13, 1902. He moved back to Trenton to await the end in the presence of his family. On June 13 nightly chills came over him, and he was gen erally bedfast thereafter. On August 2, after weeks of courageous cheerfulness in the face of intense suffering, John H. Cox "died happy in the Lord," as a grieving friend declared. Early that morning, said his son-in-law, "he called his family about him, kissed each one good bye, and asked them to meet him in heaven." "John H. Cox," a colleague wrote in tribute, "was a good man; his integrity and sincerity and generosity and faithfulness outshone all mistakes and blunders he may have made, and to know him was to love him. He was a rugged character. A great heart was his."33 particularly indebted for information on Cox's pastorate at Trenton; child of a Confederate soldier surrendered at Appomattox in 1865, Mrs. Barry is one of the many Sunday school pupils of Trenton who have cherished the memory of Brother Cox throughout their lives. Annual Conference (1900) , 128; Trenton Evening Tribune, August 7, 1902; Kansas City Central Christian Advocate, July 17, 1901. 33 Annual Conference (1903), 177; Trenton Weekly Tribune, August 7, 1902; Maryville Nodaway Democrat, August 7, 1902. Reprinted from Successful Farming Magazine
Populism and Socialism in the Southeast Missouri Lowlands
BY LEON PARKER OGILVIE*
The Southeast Missouri Lowlands, commonly known as the Bootheel, con sists of seven counties: Dunklin, Mis- Reprinted from sissippi, New Madrid, Pemiscot, Scott, Successful Farming Magazine Stoddard, and the eastern half of But ler. Like the state in general, the area is predominantly Democratic in political persuasion. Its major political trends in this century have been much the same as those characterizing the state as a
*Leon Parker Ogilvie is a member of the faculty at Penn Valley Commu nity College, Kansas City, Missouri. He has received a B.S. from Central Mis souri State College, Warrensburg, a M.A. from Louisiana State University, Br.ton Rouge, and a Ph.D. from the University of Missouri, Columbia. 159 160 Missouri Historical Review whole: that is, a substantial increase in Republican strength during the first three decades of the twentieth century, only to recede with the coming of the Great Depression. The Lowlands have had, however, political issues of a unique or more highly accented nature that demanded treatment within their regional context. Two issues which, in terms of the entire state, have been unusually significant in the Lowlands were the farmer-protest movement of the late nineteenth century which supposedly had its Missouri birth in the Lowlands, and the un usually large Socialist vote in the Lowlands during the early part of the twentieth century. In the post-Reconstruction period, all Lowlands counties were overwhelmingly Democratic, and the Republicans rarely nominated a local ticket. In 1886, for example, in elections for the General Assembly, only in Scott County was there a Republican nominee. In the presidential elections of 1880 and 1884 the Democratic nominees received more than a two-to-one margin throughout the area, except in Mississippi County, where in 1884, Grover Cleve land's vote dropped to 59 percent of the total.1 To the extent that political competition existed, it was largely found within the Democratic Party. In local elections two or more Democrats frequently ran for the same position, and occasionally a man endorsed by the county Democratic organization found him self hard pressed by another, running as an independent Demo crat. Although all economic classes except the poorest could aspire to local positions, representatives and senators in the General As sembly were frequently drawn from among the large landowners. In the late 1880s and 1890s, Democratic political control was being challenged. In Butler County, the Republican Party grew so rapidly that by 1900 the county was predominantly Republican.2 The major development influencing politics in the other Lowlands counties was the farm-protest movement, which for a time threat ened the region's political unity. The development in Missouri of the two major farm-protest
i Directory of Missouri, 1887-8 (Jefferson City, 1888), 107-114; Official Directory of Missouri, 1881 (St. Louis, 1881), 78-79; ibid. (1885), 15-16. 2 For an evaluation of factors that led to Republican control of Butler County see: Leon Parker Ogilvie, "The Development of the Southeast Missouri Lowlands" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri, Columbia, 1967), 486-488. In brief, the Republicans gained control of Butler County through a combination of factors, which included an enlarged Negro voting population, migration of Republicans into the area and an internal Democratic split. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 161
groups, the Agricultural Wheel and the Farmers' Alliance, is closely associated with the Lowlands. The Agricultural Wheel, which began in Arkansas in 1882, has commonly been said to have been first established as a Missouri group in Mississippi County on November 7, 1886.3 The actual beginnings may have been earlier. The Charleston Enterprise on September 17, 1886, published an article from the State Wheel Enterprise urging Wheelers to use the ballot box. Moreover, in 1885, for a short time, a newspaper called The Scott County Agricultural Wheel wras published.4 The first Farmers' Alliance group was organized in Butler County in April 1887, and its first state meeting was held at Poplar Bluff in October 1887. A convention of the state Agricultural Wheel was held in 1888 at Dexter in Stoddard County.5 Both the president of the Agricultural Wheel, H. W. Hickman, and its secretary, J. W. Rogers, were from Stoddard County. Consequently, the two farm groups merged as the Farmers and Laborers Union (Southern Alliance), with Hickman and Rogers retaining their previous positions.6 This farm-protest movement in Southeast Missouri involved educational, economic and political aims. The Wheel groups sched uled lectures on improved farming techniques. In Mississippi County, which had thirteen local Wheel groups and 611 members, plans were announced in 1888 to establish three member-owned stores where members could buy goods at cost. In actual operation, however, the three stores retailed goods at invoice cost plus 10 to 15 percent.7 The protest movement also moved rapidly into the political arena. Democratic politicians in Southeast Missouri naturally feared that the movement would adversely affect their success in elections on the state level. Considered a stronghold of the Demo cratic Party, Southeast Missouri had always been depended upon
3 W. Scott Morgan, History of the Wheel and Alliance and the Itnpending Revolution (St. Louis, 1891), 83; Charles O. Wright, "The Populist Movement with Special Reference to Missouri" (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Missouri, Columbia, 1921) , 59. 4 Robert S. Douglass, History of Southeast Missouri (Cape Girardeau, 1961), 542. The official publication of the Farmers and Laborers Union stated that the first Missouri Wheel was organized in Howell County on February 2, 1886. Phil Chew, ed., History of the Farmers and Laborers Union (St. Louis, 1890), 199. 5 Morgan, Impending Revolution, 120, 336. 6 Ibid., 293-294, 336. Hickman and Rogers were included among the thirty-eigth leaders in Morgan's contemporary account of the movement. 7 Charleston Weekly Enterprise, July 27, 1888; St. Louis Republic, Septem ber 10, 1888; Jefferson Citv Daily Tribune, November 2, 1887. 162 Missouri Historical Review to offset the vote of other areas where the Republican Party was strong.8 The fear was not that the Democrats would lose South east Missouri, but that their majority would be reduced sufficiently there to cause them to lose a state election. Consequently, in the election of 1888 all Democratic state nominees, led by David R. Francis, the Democratic candidate for governor, made an exten sive tour of the Lowlands.9 Democratic newspapers sought to discredit the political as pirations of farm groups by charging that their leaders were pro fessional office-seekers, and that in their efforts to succeed they combined with the Republicans. As early as 1886 when a Butler County group, called the Farmers Union, nominated a full ticket for the purpose of defeating Democrats nominated by the county Democratic convention, The Charleston Enterprise editorialized: These side organizations—almost invariably gotten up by disappointed office seekers and sore-headed politi cians—always have as their prime object the defeat of the party in power and they always come in an alluring form, with such sweet-scented and seductive names as 'Farmers Unions.'10 In 1888 similar charges were made, and, in addition, the new groups were specifically linked to the Republican Party. The St. Louis Republic, a Democratic newspaper, claimed that the Agri cultural Wheel candidates for office in Mississippi County—con sisting of four Republicans, four Democrats and one Independent- had received the endorsement of the Republican county com mittee.11 Subsequent charges were made that appearing on the Republican ballots was the name of H. W. Hickman, president of the state Agricultural Wheel, who was running as an independent Democrat for the state senate.12 One newspaper wrote that such political alliances had caused dissension within the protest groups, noting that most members of one local Wheel had resigned because of the political activities of its leaders. The newspaper also printed letters from members attacking the leaders.13 The threat to the Democratic Party in 1888 was exaggerated.
8 Homer Clevenger, "Agrarian Politics in Missouri, 1888-1896" (unpub lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri, Columbia, 1940), 86. 9 St. Louis Republic, September 20-22, 1888; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, September 21, 1888. 10 Charleston Weekly Enterprise, September 17, 1886. n St. Louis Republic, September 10, 1888. 12 Ibid., June 11, 1890. 13 Ibid., September 10, 1888. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 163
H. W. Hickman
While the normal Democratic margin was reduced, Democratic presidential and gubernatorial candidates won by more than a two-to-one margin in four counties, and in none did they fail to receive at least 60 percent of the votes.14 Southeast Missouri farmers may have been displeased with the Democratic Party, but not suf ficiently to cause them to vote Republican. Nor did Democrats do well running as independents. H. W. Hickman received only slightly more than one-fourth of the 10,000 votes cast in his race for the state senate.15 Local farmers remained loyal to the regular party nominees. The membership of the protest groups in Southeast Missouri appears to have been a conservative voice within the state organi zation, and its leaders, who were selected by the members, cus tomarily either had held or had sought political office. Most promi nent of the leaders was Hickman. In addition to his leadership in the state organization, in 1890 he became treasurer of the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union. Born in 1832 in Tennessee, Hickman had moved to Laclede County, Missouri, during the 1850s, where he farmed and taught school. Later in that decade, he re turned to his native state. During the Civil War he served as a captain in the Confederate Army, then briefly engaged in the mer cantile business before shifting to politics and, for seven years, he held the office of countv sheriff. In 1879 Hickman moved to Stod-
14 State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1891-1892 (Jefferson City, 1891) , 10, 31. is Ibid., 74. 164 Missouri Historical Review
dard County, Missouri, where for a few years he apparently con fined his activities to farming. In 1886, favoring prohibition, he ran as an independent for the state legislature, finishing fourth in a field of six. Two years later, as noted earlier, he ran for the state senate. Meanwhile, in 1887 Hickman had joined the first Wheel organized in Stoddard County.16 This same long-time interest in politics and political office also typified other important leaders of the protest movement in the Bootheel. J. W. Rogers, secretary of both the state Agricultural Wheel and the Farmers and Laborers Union, resided in Stoddard County. Like Hickman, Rogers was a native of Tennessee, and had lived in Illinois and Arkansas before moving to Stoddard County in 1883. While in Arkansas, he served a four-year term as county tax assessor.17 Another prominent leader, James K. Tubb, had served three terms as sheriff of Butler County, Missouri, and also had represented that county in the General Assembly. He had not held office for several years.18 The farmers' candidate for Mis sissippi County's seat in the General Assembly in 1888, Land Lee, was a former member of the Kentucky legislature.19 The first president of the Stoddard County Agricultural Wheel, John M. Allen, was an old-time Republican who in 1864 had served as county assessor.20 Although the county lecturer of the Farmers and Laborers Union in 1890, Ralph Wammack, had just started in active politics, he was clerk of the probate court, and served from 1892 to 1896 as prosecuting attorney of Stoddard County. In 1908 he was elected chairman of that county's Demo cratic committee.21 In 1890 Hickman actively sought the elective position of state railroad commissioner, apparently being the first candidate to arrive at St. Joseph where the state Democratic nominating convention met. In spite of opposition led by the Mississippi County delega tion, which claimed that Hickman had received Republican sup-
is Morgan, Impending Revolution, 293-294; Chew, Farmers, 66-67; Good- speed's History of Southeast Missouri (Cape Girardeau, 1955) , 1034; Directory of Missouri, 1887-8, 114; Bloomfield Vindicator, November 3, 1888. In the bio graphical section of Morgan's volume on the national farm movement, Hick man's career was the fourth discussed. 17 Morgan, Impending Revolution, 336; Chew, Farmers, 69-70. 18 Ibid., 268-269. 19 St. Louis Republic, September 10 & 22, 1888. 20 Goodspeed's History, 1011. 21 Bloomfield Vindicator, June 13, 1890; State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1893-94 (Jefferson City, 1893), 169; State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1909-1910 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 407. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 165 port in his race for state senator two years previously, he won the Democratic nomination on the seventh ballot. The St. Louis Re public viewed his selection as a concession to the farm element within the party and commented that his nomination would halt Republican efforts to sway the farm-protest vote.22 Hickman won in the general election of November 1890, receiving majority sup port in every Southeast Missouri county, including Mississippi.23 When his term of office neared completion, he unsuccessfully sought the Democratic nomination for lieutenant governor.24 Although a leader of the protest movement, Hickman opposed any tendencies of its membership to merge with the Republicans or to form a third party. As early as 1888 he denied any personal link with the Republican Party or splinter movements, and in sisted that any farm candidate elected from Southeast Missouri would be, and would vote Democratic.25 On the state level, he urged in one of his presidential addresses at an Agricultural Wheel convention that while individual members should actively partici pate in politics, the Wheel should not, as a group, seek identifica tion with any political party.26 Both Hickman and Rogers were closely identified with U. S. Hall, Missouri Alliance lecturer, who led the fight against the formation of a separate farmers' party in Missouri. Hall, a Democrat, had nominated Hickman for the posi tion of railroad commissioner at the 1890 Democratic state con vention.27 The lack of support for the development of an official farmers' party among Southeast Missouri members of the Farmers and Laborers Union is further substantiated by the views of one of the local group's official publications and by changes within the state organization. The Bloomfield Vindicator, although remaining a Democratic newspaper politically, in 1890 became the official organ of the Farmers and Laborers Union in Stoddard County. It con sistently opposed the formation of a new party, including the na tional People's Party, a view which until the state convention in the summer of 1891 was consistent with that of the state farm group.28 When, at the Farmers and Laborers state convention of
22 St. Louis Republic, June 10, 13, 14, 1890. 23 State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1891-92, 37. 24 Bloomfield Vindicator, February 21, July 3, August 14, 1896. 25 St. Louis Republic, September 21, 1888. 26 Chew, Farmers, 211-214. 27 Clevenger, "Agrarian Politics," 196. 28 Bloomfield Vindicator, December 12, 1890, March 6, June 19, August 28, 1891; Wright, "The Populist Movement," 66-70. 166 Missouri Historical Review
1891, the group favoring the development of a third party gained control of the organization, Rogers lost his position as secretary. Furthermore, contrary to the first years of the farm-protest move ment, when much of the state leadership came from the Lowlands, not a single People's Party delegate from Missouri to its national convention at Omaha, Nebraska, in 1892 was from Southeast Mis souri.29 Moreover, the idea of a third-party movement was attacked by the Stoddard County organ of the Farmers and Laborers Union: Wily and scheming politicians have catered to the popular demands of the laboring man and founded a third party, not for the laborers good but for their own selfish ends. All of the broken down politicians of the country will flock to the new party . . . which will inevitably de feat the very ends sought to be accomplished.30 National and state nominees of the People's Party received little support. James Weaver, Populist presidential nominee in 1892, re ceived 690 votes in the seven-county area, approximately 4 percent of the total. The Populist state ticket received even fewer votes, Democratic candidates facing only nominal opposition in races for the General Assembly. The Democrats also retained control of all county offices, except in Butler County where two positions were won by Republicans.31 In 1894 the third-party movement received only slightly greater support in the area. In Stoddard County, the Populist Party nomi nated almost a full slate of candidates for county offices, and in those counties lacking a Populist ticket the voters had an opportu nity to support the district's Populist nominee for Congress. Never theless, local Populist candidates ran behind the state Populist ticket, which received only some 800 votes in the Lowlands, slightly more than 6 percent of the votes cast there. In 1896 and 1898 the Populist Party candidates in the area fared even worse.32 Most Southeast Missouri farmers thus remained loyal to the Democratic Party, a decision made easier for them because local Democratic candidates supported many of the same programs as the Populists. Most, for example, supported the free coinage of
29 ibid., 70; St. Louis Republic, June 24, 1892. so Bloomfield Vindicator, May 29, 1891. The State Historical Society of Missouri does not have this newspaper for 1892 and 1893. 31 State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1893-94, 19, 42, 68, 135-175. 32 Bloomfield Vindicator, July 13, 20, August 10, September 7, 1894; State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1895-96 (Jefferson City, 1895), 45; ibid., 1897-98 (Jefferson City, 1897), 86; ibid., 1899-1900 (Jefferson City, 1899) , 121-126. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 167
J. W. Rogers
silver at a ratio of 16:1. The Bloomfield Vindicator in 1896 urged all advocates of free silver to support the Democratic nominee for Congress, since he favored it, too, and only he could be elected. The newspaper warned that if voters deserted the Democrats for Populism, the Republican nominee, who it claimed was opposed to the coinage of silver, would win.33 Election results clearly indicated that in the rural area of Southeast Missouri, farmers would not break their old Democratic orientation. Running as independent Democrats in 1888, so-called farmers' candidates received as much as 25 percent of the vote. Running on a separate ticket, such candidates rarely received as much as 5 percent of the total vote. Nevertheless, certain economic issues appealed to the protest- minded area farmer. Resolutions adopted by the state Agricultural Wheel during Hickman's presidency included a denunciation of land speculation, insistence upon more effective railroad legisla tion and prohibition of "the formation and operation of any trust or other combination of capital which does not mete out justice to both producer and consumer."34 This program appealed to the small farmer and to those who at one time had owned their own busi nesses. According to works such as W. Scott Morgan's History of the Wheel and Alliance, Phil Chew's History of the Farmers and Laborers Union and Goodspeed's History of Southeast Missouri,
33 Bloomfield Vindicator, October 23, 30, November 6, 1896. 34 ibid., October 27, 1888. 168 Missouri Historical Review members of the farm groups generally thought of themselves as landowners. However, there is no indication that the area's wealthi est landowners belonged.35 Although their statements denounced the actions of predatory industrialists, few if any of the leaders in Southeast Missouri were anti-capitalistic. For example, businessmen and large speculative landowners joined together in 1889 to create the Southeast Mis souri Immigration Society. One of its chief promoters, however, was Charles Stokes, editor of the Dexter Enterprise-Messenger. Stokes served as chairman of the group that formed the society and subsequently became its secretary. At the same time, his news paper was also an official organ of the Farmers and Laborers Union. Undoubtedly, Stokes saw no conflict in working with large landowners and protest groups. As an official organ of the farm group, Stokes' newspaper income would be enhanced immediately, and should new settlers come into the area his long-range income would be increased.36 Many of the politically minded farm leaders were recent ar rivals in the area, and their support of the protest groups may have stemmed from a desire to share in the political power of the more deeply entrenched native politicians. To others who had once held local political offices or were seeking such positions, the protest group may have been seen as a possible vehicle leading to success. Although little is known about the rank-and-file membership, the leadership was not radical, and a home was found within the ranks of the Democratic Party. The roots of Socialism which developed locally in the next decade surely were not in the leadership of this group. Socialism's significance in the Southeast Missouri Lowlands during the first decades of the twentieth century can be greatly exaggerated. No local Socialist candidate above the township level ever received a vote approaching a majority, and it appears that only one township was ever solidly Socialist. Nevertheless, the Socialist vote in Southeast Missouri was significant, especially dur-
35 One of Hickman's nephews became wealthy. By 1910 he owned a Stod dard County department store, was president of a small bank, owned milling interests and 2,500 acres of bottom land. Douglass, History, 1159-1160. 36 Bloomfield Vindicator, June 14, 1889; Poplar Bluff Citizen, July 25, 1889. The Bloomfield Vindicator's attitude toward the farm group changed when it hoped to become the official organ of the farm group. Whereas once it denounced the leaders, such as Hickman, it praised them, and by inference, the reverse stand occurred by Stokes when his newspaper no longer was the official organ. Bloomfield Vindicator, October 27. 1888, Januarv 5, 1889, May 23, 1890. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 169 ing the peak period of American Socialism. It was the only rural- agricultural area of the state with a significant Socialist vote, and at least for a brief period some local non-Socialists feared that if the movement continued to grow it would gain control of at least two Bootheel counties, Dunklin and Scott. An analysis of elections reveals Socialism's importance as well as its rise and fall in the Lowlands. In 1910 the area had 4.7 percent of the state's population, and, by 1920 this had risen to 5.1 percent. In 1904 Eugene Debs, the Socialist nominee for president received 398 votes from the local counties. This represented 3 percent of Debs's strength in Missouri. In 1908 the Socialist presidential nomi nee received 1,436 votes from the same counties. By 1910 almost 11 percent of the state Socialist vote came from the Lowlands. In that year Scott County, with 934 Socialist votes, ranked only be hind the city of St. Louis, Jackson (Kansas City) and Jasper counties, in support of the movement. The large Socialist vote in the southwestern county of Jasper probably came because of ex tensive zinc mining within the county. In addition, Jasper was more urban than any Southeast Missouri county. Of course, the larger Socialist vote in St. Louis and Kansas City was to be ex pected for not only were their populations larger, but Socialism usually had its greatest appeal in urban areas. In 1914 the Socialist candidate for the United States Senate received 2,337 of his total state vote of 17,061 from the Lowlands, which represented nearly 14 percent of the total Socialist vote. Dunklin County ranked next to St. Louis in the total number of Socialist votes. Beginning in 1916, local Socialist strength declined more rapidly than did the state average. While the Socialist presidential nominee in 1916 received 1,306 votes in the area, it represented less than 10 percent of the state total. In the 1920 election, Debs received 1,136
Meeting Scene Reprinted from Successful Farming Magazine 170 Missouri Historical Review votes, or less than 5 percent of his state total. In 1928 only 112 votes were cast in the same area for Socialism's presidential nomi nee.37 Socialist activity in the area grew out of problems stemming from the general system of land clearance and land tenure.38 The mere presence of these problems did not, however, create a sig nificant Socialist movement everywhere in the region as Socialism never acquired any importance in Mississippi, New Madrid and Pemiscot counties. With the exception of Butler County, in every Bootheel county the majority of farmers were tenants. New Madrid, Pemiscot and Mississippi counties had the highest per centage of tenant-operated farms in 1910.39 These counties seem ingly lacked a leadership dedicated to publicizing problems, and thus Socialist ideas became more important in the two counties where Socialist newspapers were published. These newspapers focused attention on economic problems, shaped in part the di rection that protest took, and contributed to an increased Socialist vote in the localities where they circulated. The individual most responsible for Socialism's local popu larity was Phil Hafner, who from 1902 to 1917 published The Scott County Kicker, a Socialist newspaper. Born in Illinois in 1858, Hafner had been in the newspaper business for many years prior to the establishment of the Kicker. He began his career as an ap prentice on a Cairo, Illinois, newspaper, and then for a time worked as a printer on a small newspaper published at Commerce in Scott County. Later, he worked on a newspaper published in Pemiscot County. After working in St. Louis as a salesman, Hafner re turned to Scott County in 1887 and began publishing The Newsboy, which he apparently operated as a Democratic newspaper until 1902, when he sold it and started the Kicker.40 As there are no known copies of the newspaper, it is not altogether clear when or why Hafner became a Socialist. According to one of his former employees, Hafner had antagonized Democrats by some of his
37 State of Missouri, Official Manual, 1905-1906 (Jefferson City, 1905), 442-443; ibid., 1911-1912 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 780-781; ibid., 1915-1916 (Jeffer son City, n.d.) , 484-486; ibid., 1917-1918 (Jefferson City, n.d.) , 429; ibid., 1921- 1922 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 270-271; ibid., 1929-1930 (Jefferson City, 1929), 208-209. 38 For a description of these practices see Ogilvie, "Development of the Southeast Missouri Lowlands," 207-223. 39 U.S. Thirteenth Census, 1910, "Supplement for Missouri" (Washington, 1913), 663-673. 40 Cape Girardeau Weekly Republican, February 16, 1917; Morley Scott County Banner, February 22, 1917. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 171 articles in The Newsboy.41 In 1902 he attempted unsuccess fully to win the Democratic nomination for county clerk, and later the same year it was reported that he was advocating the single tax proposition.42 Five years later, another newspaper editor ac cused Hafner of having favored Socialism in 1902, even while professing to be a Democrat.43 And, in 1903 The Scott County Kicker was listed as an Independent Republican newspaper.44 It is probable that Hafner did not become clearly committed to Socialism until 1907. In that year, The Missouri Cash Book pub lished several articles concerning his conversion to Socialism. The newspaper admitted that Socialism had its strengths, but claimed that Hafner had never attempted to study its weaknesses. It also accused Hafner of shifting frequently in his political beliefs regarding such things as Socialism and the prohibition movement.45 Another indication that Hafner did not espouse Socialism of ficially until 1907 was the sudden increase in Socialist sentiment in the period 1908 to 1910. In 1906 Scott County Socialists entered no candidates in the county election, but in 1908 approximately 15 percent of the county's vote went to Socialist candidates. In 1910 Hafner ran for United States Congress from a district which in cluded all of the Lowlands. While his total Bootheel vote of 2,149 represented only 9 percent of the vote, he received nearly 24 per cent of the votes in his home county.46 Although it is likely that much of Hafner's opposition to the Democratic Party grew out of local political difficulties, it is rea sonably clear that his ideas stemmed at least in part from his ac ceptance of Socialist dogma. From articles attacking Hafner in newspapers such as The Missouri Cash Book, The Sikeston Hornet and the Sikeston Enterprise, it is apparent that at least some space in the Kicker was devoted to socialist theory.47 Much information concerning the nature of Hafner's beliefs appears in the briefs of
41 Ibid., February 22, 1917. 42 Charleston Weekly Enterprise, March 21 & December 5, 1902. 43 Jackson Missouri Cash Book, July 4, 1907. 44 state of Missouri, Official Manual, 1903-1904 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 404. 45 Jackson Missouri Cash Book, May 23, July 4, 18, August 1, October 24, November 7, 1907. F. A. McGuire, editor of the Missouri Cash Book, would not be classified as a conservative. In the newspaper's August 1, 1907 edition, the publisher commended the famous acquittal of W. D. Haywood, secretary- treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners, in connection with the murder of a former Idaho governor. The newspaper saw the murder trial as a struggle between labor and the capitalists. 46 state of Missouri, Official Manual, 1911-1912, 806. 47 Jackson Missouri Cash Book, August 1 & November 7, 1907; Sikeston Enterprise, August 28, 1908; Sikeston Hornet, August 7 & October 30, 1908. 172 Missouri Historical Review the plaintiff and the defendant in a libel suit which Hafner brought against R. L. Buck, who, in 1911 and 1912, as publisher of the Scott County Banner, had criticized him.48 The defense claimed that for many years Hafner "had a gen eral reputation as an advocate of communism . . . and opposed . . . our Republican form of government." Elsewhere in this brief he was labeled an anarchist. The defense claimed that he had harshly criticized the nation's ruling officers, and also the country's past historical development. According to the brief, in his news paper on January 7, 1911, Hafner claimed that the United States Constitution had been written by and for businessmen, and had quoted from the works of Gouveneur Morris and Alexander Ham ilton to show that the Founding Fathers distrusted democracy. In other issues, he criticized the federal judiciary, and as early as 1907 asserted that the national government was operated by criminals for their own benefit. Such ideas and beliefs were known locally, according to the defense, as "Hafnerism." On the other hand, Hafner's counsel insisted that views ex pressed in The Scott County Kicker had never advocated violence, and that the defense had exceeded any reasonable comparison be tween the views of Hafner and individuals who used violence to obtain their goals. In the October 11, 1911, issue of the Scott County Banner, Buck, according to the plaintiff's counsel, had com pared Hafner with those individuals who had caused the destruc tion of the Los Angeles Times building: "It is only the cowardice characteristic of a Hafnerite that stands between him and the torch or the bombs." In still another issue of his newspaper, according to the plaintiff, Buck had written, "Socialism reduced to Hafnerism means anarchy, anarchy means dynamite . . . are you a Hafnerite?" Hafner's opponents at various times called him a communist, a socialist or an anarchist, and they were inclined to use the terms interchangeably. They linked his ideas to violence nationally, and it is not surprising that when a number of violent anti-landlord disturbances, known as the Night Riding episodes, occurred locally, Hafner was accused of being involved.49 Viewed in this light, Haf ner appeared to his contemporaries as extremely radical, as a man
48 Phil A. Hafner vs. R. L. Buck (1914) Box 110 Ste. Genevieve Circuit Court, Filed, January 25, 1915. Unless otherwise noted, all material pertaining to this trial is from this source. The case never reached the jury. Each side paid its own costs, with Hafner, in addition, paying the court costs. 49 Sikeston Standard, December 17 & 24, 1915. For a description of the local Night Riding episodes see Ogilvie, "Development of Southeast Missouri Low lands," 217-222. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 173
The cartoon "Cooperative Effort" appeared in Successful Farming, November 1916. who objected to both the capitalistic economic order and the nature of American politics. Undoubtedly, many believed that he advo cated violence. Unfortunately, Hafner's version of Socialism and his proposed means of achieving it are not wholly clear. He did feel that indi vidualism could not meet the problems of an increasingly collec tivized world, and he advocated collective ownership of at least the key agencies of production and distribution.50 More than likely, Hafner advocated the gradualist Socialist theories of men like Congressman Victor Berger, who worked within the framework of American politics and accepted reforms within the capitalistic system.51 Much of Hafner's newspaper material dealt with the local political situation. He was especially critical of what he called the local Democratic machine. In one instance, Hafner claimed that the members of the county court had illegally conspired in the issuance of county contracts for work to be financed by public funds. He was particularly critical of Scott County's Prosecuting Attorney John McWilliams for not investigating the matter. Mc-
50 Jackson Missouri Cash Book, November 7, 1907. 51 Ira Kipnis, The American Socialist Movement, 1897-1912 (New York, 1952), 402; David Shannon, The Socialist Party of America (New York, 1955), 62-80. For specific examples of what seemed to be Hafner's beliefs in offering a third party opportunity to voters see Jackson Missouri Cash Book, June 29 & July 18, 1907. 174 Missouri Historical Review
Williams successfully sued Hafner for $1,000 on the grounds that Hafner had libeled him.52 As indicated earlier, Hafner's withdrawal from the Democratic Party involved disagreements with other local Democrats. Judging from other newspaper articles of the day, it is likely that every issue of the Kicker aired complaints against local officialdom. More indicative of Hafner's concern with local politics was his alleged or perhaps actual cooperation with local Republicans. The Official Manual of Missouri of 1903-1904 listed The Scott County Kicker as Independent Republican. Two Democratic news papers, the Sikeston Enterprise and The Benton Record, maintained that Hafner's aim in both 1906 and 1908 was to elect Republican county officials.53 In 1912 when Republicans won two of the three positions on the county court, the Scott County Democrat attrib uted this to Socialist support, the Socialists not having nominated candidates of their own for the two positions.54 Whether Hafner deliberately aided the Republicans in the 1912 election campaign is not clear, but by 1914 he was more in terested in defeating Democrats than in spreading Socialist dogma. In that year, the Scott County Socialist Committee decided against running a local ticket with the avowed hope of thus defeating the Democrats. That decision was later denounced by the secretary of the local Socialist Party committee who blamed Hafner for it. The secretary urged Socialists to reverse such a policy.55 An old friend of Hafner's, the editor of the Scott County Banner, observed that Hafner had apparently been successful in his effort to prevent a county Socialist ticket.56 Hafner's decision won the praise of an eighty-one-year-old man, B. S. Curd, long both a resident of Scott County and a Socialist, who stated that Hafner, having been "per secuted" by the Democrats, was right in his attempt to defeat the "Court House Ring."57 Significantly, that same year, The Scott County Kicker received from the Republican-dominated county
52 Benton Scott County Democrat, August 3, 31, September 14, 21, 1911, November 7, 1912; Scott County Circuit Court Record, XXI (1915), 506. For another example of a dispute between Hafner and a local Democratic official, see Morley Scott County Banner, July 30, 1914. 53 Sikeston Enterprise, May 4, November 6, 1906, August 7, 1908; Benton Record, November 1, 1906. 54 Benton Scott County Democrat, November 7, 1912. Also see Morley Scott County Banner, September 3, 1914. 55 Ibid., September 3 & 24, 1914. 56 Ibid., September 24, 1914. The ownership of the Scott County Bannet had changed after 1912. 57 Morley Scott County Banner, October 29, 1914. Popidism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 175 court, on the basis of the low bid submitted, the contract for print ing election ballots. Previously, such printing contracts had always been won by Democratic newspapers.58 In the 1914 election many Republicans won. All judges of the county court were now Repub licans, and the Socialists were blamed for this situation.59 Republicans apparently did not consider Hafner a menace. At a time when he was being denounced by many as a major factor in the Night Riding incidents, a Republican newspaper, the Cape Girardeau Weekly Republican wrote: There is no doubt that Hafner is a great scholar and a brilliant writer, and he will in all probability keep grind ing away regardless of the storm that is raging in various quarters of Scott County.60 The article stated that Hafner did not belong to any extremist groups, such as the Industrial Workers of the World, that condoned violence, and thus could not be associated with the local Night Riders who were then threatening large landlords. The newspaper added, however, that Hafner believed the Night Riders to be victims of economic exploitation. The article quoted one of Haf ner's friends: He is doing the work the stockholders of the Workers Printing Company wanted him to do, with a brilliance and completeness that is not excelled by any publication in the country. The Kicker is more than a mere country news paper. It is a publisher of propaganda for socialism and circulates all over the United States. For the class of work he is doing the editor needs ease and quiet. His brilliant editorials could not be written in the hurly-burly of a job office or daily paper plant.61 However, if conversion to Socialism through education was Haf ner's goal, he failed because the Socialist vote in Scott County
58 Ibid., October 22, 1914. The Scott County Banner, an independent news paper, also received a county printing contract. 59 Ibid., November 12, 1914; Benton Scott County Democrat, December 30, 1915; Sikeston Standard, December 17, 1915; Cape Girardeau Weekly Repub lican, December 24, 1915. The Democrats still elected a majority of county officials and after 1916 controlled most positions. 60 Ibid., December 24, 1915. The Benton Scott County Democrat, December 30, 1915, ridiculed the article. 61 Cape Girardeau Weekly Republican, December 24, 1915. Apparently the Workers Printing Company was owned almost entirely by Hafner, with prob ably a few local stockholders, but the company did not receive financial sup port from the Socialist Party of America. Morley Scott County Banner, March 1, 1917; Sikeston Standard, March 2, 1917. 176 Missouri Historical Review
declined from the more than 900 recorded in 1910 to approximately 150 in 1914. It is also unlikely that Benton, newspaper publication site and county seat, was a quiet place, at least as long as Hafner was active. The center of Socialist sentiment in the area by 1912 had shifted to Dunklin County. John G. Scott, the Socialist nominee for state senator, received 984 votes in the county, while the winning Democratic candidate received 2,732. Eugene Debs polled 1,001 votes for the presidency, whereas William H. Taft, the Republican candidate, received only 987 votes, and Theodore Roosevelt, run ning as a Progressive, obtained 494 votes. Woodrow Wilson re ceived 2,723 votes in the county.62 Thus, the Socialists received approximately 20 per cent of the total vote. Cardwell, a Dunklin County town of 1,000 inhabitants, elected the local slate of Social ists as town officials.63 Signs seemed bright for future Socialist success in Dunklin. Perhaps this showing encouraged John G. Scott in October 1913, to begin publishing at Kennett, in Dunklin County, a Social ist newspaper, the Justice. Scott had formerly been a teacher and school administrator. In 1909, at the age of thirty, he received Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Education degrees from the Uni versity of Missouri. At the university Scott had been elected to Phi Beta Kappa and had also received the Funk and Wagnalls' prize for English composition. Little is known of Scott's early life but, since area newspapers called him a carpetbagger, he probably was not a native of that region. Since he ran for the state senate in 1912 from a Bootheel district, he obviously had moved there some what earlier. He claimed that he had been a Socialist lecturer for several years. Perhaps he had been attracted to the area by the development of local Socialist sentiment and explosive economic conditions. Scott apparently left the region in late 1914. In 1921 he obtained an A.M. degree at the university, writing his thesis on the union movement among teachers.64 During the one year he published the Justice, Scott became
62 state of Missouri, Official Manual, 1913-1914 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 755- 756, 1134. 63 st. Louis Labor, April 12, 1913. 64 Kennett Justice, July 17, 1914. The State Historical Society of Missouri has most issues of the newspaper from January 9, 1914, through November 13, 1914. From its inception until the April 24, 1914 edition, it was published at Kennett, after which time the newspaper was printed at Gibson. Also see John Grafton Scott, "The Union Movement Among Teachers with Especial Reference to the American Federation of Teachers^ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Missouri, Columbia, 1920). Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 177 the focal point of widespread opposition, the reaction against him seemingly being stronger than that against Hafner. Shortly after the Justice started publication, Scott reported that he had been beaten and thrown in jail, where he was confined on Christmas day.65 In April 1914, he claimed that he had been assaulted by an individual who considered him hostile to religion. The attacker reportedly received encouragement from shouts of a nearby crowd to, "Kill him, kill him, while he is down." Two days after the assault, Scott received a message warning him to leave town. In order to continue publication, Scott moved his paper a few miles to Gibson. He suggested at this time that every working man and tenant farmer should have a Winchester rifle and 200 rounds of ammunition for purposes of self-defense.66 Both Scott and his oppo sition contributed to violent reactions by lack of moderation in their verbal assaults. A libel suit, for instance, grew out of Scott's inference that another Dunklin County newspaperman practiced free love. He labeled still another opponent an organizer of the Night Riders, and an anarchist.67 In practice, Scott employed the same kind of invective used against him. Scott's writing reveals that he believed in at least a form of gradual Socialism. His attacks on capitalism and religion repre sented a nonconformist viewpoint for an American. The goals which he sought were to be obtained primarily at the ballot box. Every issue of his paper bore the slogan: Workers of the world unite at the Ballot Box. You have nothing to lose but hard work for poor pay. You have the whole world to win through socialism. Every issue also stated that while capitalism, a dying institution, gave the worker only hell, socialism, a growing concept, offered a $2,000 yearly income and a six-hour work day. Scott frequently printed articles by Eugene Debs, and his paper contained such weekly features as the "Young Socialist" column by the nationally known Socialist, Rose Pastor Stokes, and a violently anti-Catholic column. Many issues printed the platform adopted by the Socialist Party of America in 1912. In its May 8, 1914 edition, the newspaper carried articles written by leading Socialists, such as Debs, prepared especially for Socialist newspapers in honor of May Day. Yet, Scott's newspaper avoided the doctrinaire controversy within
65 Kennett Justice, January 9, 1914. 66 ibid., April 10 & 24, 1914. 67 ibid., January 30, February 13, 20, June 12, 1914. 178 Missouri Historical Review the Socialist Party. No mention was ever made of William D. Haywood, and only once was a comment by Victor Berger in cluded.68 In accepting a gradualist approach he hoped to avoid divisions among local Socialists. Scott exerted much influence in shaping the local Socialist platforms. In 1914 the Socialist county platform endorsed both the state and national party platforms, including public ownership of basic industries.69 Additionally, the platform demanded that all corporations, as long as they existed, should pay their equitable share of the tax burden. Some parts of the platform pertained to local matters, such as a reduction in local taxes through economy, elimination of the poll tax, and a greater emphasis on the township unit of government. With one township already under Socialist control, Scott's party obviously thought it could do better politically in a highly decentralized framework of government. The Socialists also favored the continued reclamation of local swamplands. Overall, Socialist sentiment in Southeast Missouri stemmed largely from the problem of land tenure. Most articles criticizing local social conditions centered on tenancy problems. Scott strongly condemned the share-renting system. He wrote; The landlord says 'pay me a fourth or a third or a half of what God and you produce' .... We don't pay any earthly rain-lord or air-lord or sunshine-lord so why pay a landlord. . . . Landlordism is ungodly and opposed to true Christianity: it places the Rule of Gold above the Golden Rule. . . . Lets unite and possess the lands of Dunklin County for ourselves, for God made it, not for the Sheltons, Elys, Byrds, Hunters, Douglass and other big land-lords but for the common people to use and enjoy.70 In appealing to tenants the local Socialist movement was similar to widespread Socialist sentiment in Oklahoma.71 Scott proposed that land currently held for rent and speculative purposes eventually be returned to the state and its people. He suggested that the locally unemployed be used on public land- drainage projects and that they be given land in return for their labor. Scott maintained that many Bootheel counties still had a just claim on such land, because it had been given illegally by county officials to private investors. To recover this he proposed
68 ibid., March 13, 1914. 69 ibid., March 27, 1914. 70 ibid., April 24, 1914. 71 Shannon, The Socialist Party, 35. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 179 a high land tax. Large landowners who had legally bought their holdings should be allowed to retain them, but Scott thought that his program would make it difficult for landlords to find tenants and that they would return their holdings to the state to escape taxation. As soon as all land was again in possession of the people, Scott proposed that they adopt cooperative farming, in which modern machinery and division of labor would enable each person to become an "expert" at one task. In that way, each farmer would work fewer hours, and still receive a higher income. Small farmers who wished to retain their small acreages should be permitted to do so, but Scott was confident that they would soon see the ad vantages of cooperation.72 Scott knew that his Socialist Utopia could not be realized im mediately. He thus proposed that renters organize for purposes of lowering rent, and of eventually eliminating it altogether. All renters, croppers, laborers and small landowners were urged to join in this effort. County organizations should be created with smaller units in each school district. County committees should consist of delegates from each district and be empowered to de termine rent scales.73 In the city election at Kennett in 1914 the Socialist platform endorsed a gradualist approach, but, at the same time, it demanded certain basic economic changes and rejected some of the prevailing social concepts. In addition to favoring public parks, public owner ship of the light plant, a public library and paved streets, local Socialists urged that the city operate a theater, coal yards, a slaughter house and a meat market which would sell commodities at cost. The Kennett platform also included the following resolution: We want the workers to control our schools so the children of the working class may be taught the achieve ments and advantages of peace rather than the means of military history, hero worship, and the Boy Scouts.74 During the year that the Justice was published in Southeast Missouri, Socialism reached its high tide locally. During the year such prominent Socialists as Debs and Kate O'Hare spoke in Dunklin County. Although other local newspapers refused to publicize Debs's speaking engagement at Kennett, Scott estimated that between 3,000 and 5,000 heard the talk.75 Though Scott prob-
72 Gibson Justice, May 1 & 8, 1914. 73 ibid., May 8, 1914. 74 Kennett Justice, February 27, 1914. 75 Ibid., January 30, 1914; Gibson Justice, November 6, 1914. 180 Missouri Historical Review ably exaggerated the size of the audience, local enthusiasm was sufficient to assure a good turnout. During the year debates be tween Socialists and non-Socialists were quite common. Although Socialist picnics were held, week-long Socialist encampments which characterized the rural Socialist movement in the Great Plains were apparently never attempted in the Lowlands.76 Scott's own news paper probably represented the major local force in efforts to convert individuals to Socialism since its peak circulation was over 1,000 copies weekly. Scott tried to reach all tenants through his paper, in hopes that they would become aware of injustice inflicted upon them by landlords and thus turn to Socialism.77 Yet illiteracy rates were high which greatly reduced the effectiveness of such an approach.78
76 Shannon, The Socialist Party, 2,6. 77 Kennett Justice, January 9, 16, April 24, 1914; Gibson Justice, June 5, September 25, October 2, November 13, 1914. Apparently many of the yearly subscriptions cost only 25 and 50 cents, whereas, the normal rate was $1.00. Scott lost $900 after one year of publication and beseeched the party to op erate the newspaper for him. 78 Max White, Douglas Ensminger and Cecil L. Gregory, Rich Land, Poor People (Indianapolis, 1937) , 24-26.
This political cartoon appeared in the Kennett Justice, April 3, 1914. A Pre Section Attitude.
r*vr M%iii: vt* \*ivti nmtK Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 181
In spite of Scott's efforts, Dunklin County did not respond enthusiastically, the Socialist county vote in 1914 being about 1,100, a gain of some hundred votes over the previous election total. Failure to gain greater strength in an area characterized by wide spread labor dissatisfaction resulted at least in part from internal divisions within the local Socialist movement. Local and state Socialist Party leaders disagreed on methods of determining party membership. Scott favored immediately accepting all who claimed to be Socialists, and thought that the party should support such people in political contests. Scott also favored selecting Socialist candidates by means of a primary election. He warned that if candidates were limited to those who had paid dues in the past, as the local secretary of the party insisted, there would be a smaller Socialist vote. The secretary claimed that since many new converts soon lost interest, it was unwise to let just anyone be nominated. The secretary interpreted the bylaws of the state Socialist Party to mean that all nominees had to be dues-paying members approved by a recognized Socialist group.79 However, new chapters were permitted to nominate individ uals for political office, even if they could not meet the two-year membership requirement. Subsequently, several "Socialists" filed for each county elective office. The state secretary then ruled that only card-carrying members nominated by either a local or county committee were eligible to run.80 Though upset by the ruling, Scott urged all nominees to pay the membership fee. He also indicated a distaste for St. Louis-styled Socialism, which he claimed was under the domination of the Brewers-Workers Union. Elsewhere in the state, he claimed, the Socialists favored prohibition.81 The election results of the August 1914 primary campaign were disappointing to the Socialists. Only 446 Socialist votes were cast in the primary election, which Scott insisted was not a true reflection of the party's strength. He believed that many Socialist votes were uncounted, and protested that there should have been Socialist election judges, pointing out that in the 1912 county election his party had finished second to the Democrats. He also claimed that the Democrats had waged an intensive election pri mary, and that many Socialist sympathizers had voted in the Dem ocratic primary. Because of this Socialist help, Scott claimed that
79 Kennett Justice, January 30, February 6, 27, March 27, 1914. 80 ibid., February 20, 1914; Gibson Justice, May 15, 1914. si Ibid., May 22, 1914. 182 Missouri Historical Review only one nominated Democrat was actually hostile to Socialistic principles. Scott also blamed his own party for limiting the number of Socialist nominees. The split within the party remained. Shortly after the primary, the secretary of the county committee, who had upheld the state secretary, resigned, and Scott took his position.82 Although the Socialists showed increased strength and the Democrats polled a smaller vote than in 1912, the Socialists still lagged far behind in the November general election. The Socialist candidates averaged approximately 1,100 votes, or almost one-half the total of the average Democratic candidate. In races where the Socialists and Republicans both had candidates, the Socialists averaged about 150 votes more than the Republicans. Nevertheless, within less than a month after the election the Justice ceased publication, and the Socialist sentiment died almost as rapidly. In the 1916 election, the county Socialist vote declined to less than 400, and in 1918 less than 100 Socialist votes were cast. No longer was there a local ticket. In 1928 Norman Thomas, the Socialist presidential nominee, received only twenty votes.83 As in the case of the Scott County Socialists, a tendency toward fusion with the Republicans had worked to the party's detriment in Dunklin County. There, the Socialists, especially wanting to defeat the Democratic incumbent prosecuting attorney, failed to nominate anyone for the position, and Editor Scott urged all members to vote for the Republican nominee.84 Scott insisted at the same time that fusion must be avoided as it had always worked to his party's disadvantage. However, Democratic news papers, both before and after the election, charged that a merger had occurred.85 Actually, a true merger had not developed, for while the Republican candidate for prosecuting attorney, with near unanimous support from the Socialists and scattered Democratic support, had won, to become the first elected county Republican officeholder in history, the Republicans clearly did not vote for Socialists in races where they had no candidates of their own. Thus, in the race for the state legislature John G. Scott received only a few more votes in a race uncontested by the Republicans than other Socialist candidates obtained in races where both Republicans and
82 ibid., July 31, August 7, 14, 1914. 83 state of Missouri, Official Manual, 1917-1918, 429; ibid., 1919-1920 (n.p., n.d.), 411-412; ibid., 1929-1930, 208. 84 Gibson Justice, September 4, 11, 18, 25, 1914. 85 Campbell Citizen, September 18, October 30, November 6, 1914; Kennett Dunklin Democrat, November 6, 1914. Populism and Socialism in Southeast Missouri 183
Socialists had nominees. Other cases followed the same trend. The Socialists voted for the Republican in the one race where they did not have a candidate, but the Republicans failed to support the Socialists in several similar cases. The general tendency among local newspapers was to ignore the movement, because they believed that the more they publicized it the more support it would receive. The smaller local newspapers occasionally attacked the Socialist movement, but they tended to do so prior to 1910, before the movement made its greatest advance ments in the area.86 The Dunklin Democrat, the largest newspaper in Dunklin County, almost totally ignored the movement. During the congressional race in 1910 the newspaper wrote as if there were only two candidates, Republican and Democrat, even though Phil Hafner was also a nominee. Even in 1914, the peak year of local Socialism, the Dunklin Democrat ignored the party, except to note after the election that the Socialist vote had been a factor in de feating one Democrat. Publicly ignoring the movement and pri vately working against it seemed effective. In an area where explosive economic and social conditions existed, and where in 1915 a series of Night Riding incidents oc curred against the landlords, Socialism had started a rapid decline. The Democratic Party was too deeply entrenched, and Socialist efforts at fusion had also been costly. Socialists gained some support among tenants and laborers. However, illiteracy prevented many workers from reading the arguments presented. Nevertheless, it is doubtful that Socialism could have continued to grow even under other more favorable circumstances. Increasingly coming into the area were people who considered the region a land of eco nomic opportunity rather than as one of economic exploitation.
86 Jackson Missouri Cash Book, May 23, June 29, July 4, 1907, August 28, 1908; Sikeston Hornet, April 17, 24, August 7, 1908; Benton Scott County Demo crat, August 3, 31, September 14, 21, 1911.
It Wasn't An Ideal Place Cameron Daily Observer, October 18, 1904. It is the dictum of a Kansas newspaper that "true christian life can be better lived up to on a farm than anywhere else." Still, when the off mule kicks a hole in the endgate of the only wagon, the old cow gets a foot in the milk bucket, and the sow takes her offspring for a promenade in the garden, there will be thoughts and language of an unchristian character.— Fighting for Irish Freedom
St. Louis Irish-Americans, 1918-1922
BY MARGARET SULLIVAN*
On December 4, 1918, seventy-five St. Louis Irish-Americans, representing several organizations, met at Kendrick Hall in the Knights of Columbus Building.1 The tasks they faced were formid able. Events during the recent war had weakened the city's Gaelic societies. After the failure of "Home Rule" discredited John Red mond's Parliamentary Party in Ireland and its American arm, the United Irish League, the St. Louis branch, which dominated the
* Margaret Sullivan received her Ph.D. from Saint Louis University. She is a part-time member of the history faculty at the University of Missouri at St. Louis. l St. Louis Republic, December 5, 1918; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, December 5, 1918; St. Louis Western Watchman, December 6, 1918. For the general history of Irish-Americanism during this period see Louis L. Gerson, The Hyphenate in Recent American Politics and Diplomacy (Lawrence, Kansas, 1964) ; Charles C. Tansill, America and the Fight for Irish Freedom (New York, 1957) ; Alan J. Ward, Ireland and Anglo-American Relations, 1899-1921 (Toronto, 1969) ; Joseph P. O'Grady. "The Irish" in Joseph P. O'Grady, ed., The Immigrants' Influence on Wilson's Peace Policies (Lexington, Ky., 1967), 56-84; Edward Cuddy, "Irish Americans and the 1916 Election: An Episode in Immigration Adjustment," American Quarterly, XXI (Summer, 1969), 228-238; Joseph B. Duff, "The Versailles Treaty and Irish-Americans," Journal of American History, LV (December, 1968), 582-597; William M. Leary, Jr., "Woodrow Wilson, Irish-Americans, and the Election of 1916." Journal of American History, LIV (June, 1967) , 57-72; and Kenneth R. Maxwell, "Irish-Americans and the Fight for Treaty Ratification," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXXI (Winter, 1967-1968), 631-635.
184 Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 185 local prewar Irish-American community disappeared, leaving a leadership vacuum. Public opinion generated by the war forbade criticism of America's allies and Irish-Americanism, along with German-Americanism, was conspicuous by its absence in 1917 and 1918. Now, at the war's end, the problem of restructuring St. Louis Irish-Americanism weighed heavily on many leaders' minds. Reorganization was for a purpose. The war was over but the Irish question remained critical. Would the Paris Peace Conference free Ireland? Would self-determination become an Irish reality? Would American politicians insist upon Gaelic liberty? If another Anglo-Irish struggle ensued, would America's sons of Erin aid their Irish brethren? Such were the questions raised by Hibernian leaders, and they were determined that the answers be affirmative. Sitting in the Knights of Columbus Hall on that winter evening were the men destined to dominate and direct St. Louis Irish-Amer icanism in the coming years. The men pondering Ireland's future bespoke the general rise of the St. Louis Irish-American community from Kerry Patch to middle-class respectability. Judge O'Neill Ryan, for example, presided over the December 4 meeting. The judge was born of Irish parents in St. Louis and admitted to the Missouri Bar in 1880. His subsequent career included a flourishing law practice, three terms on the circuit court, membership on the public library board, presidency of the bar association, administration of St. Louis University's law school, the presidency of Catholic charities and the Supreme Chancellorship of the Legion of Honor. The judge, for merly the leader of the prewar, pro-republic Irish Nationalists, served as local president of Friends of Irish Freedom in 1918.2 Two other men sitting in the Knights of Columbus Hall on December 4 would share leadership with the judge. The Reverend Peter J. O'Rourke was born in County Leitrim, Ireland, and came to St. Louis in the year of his ordination, 1890. He served as assist ant pastor at the Old Cathedral, St. Rose's Church, and St. Mark's Parish and pastor at St. Patrick, Missouri, before becoming St. Mark's pastor and leader of one of St. Louis' largest Catholic flocks in 1899. He eventually rose to the deanery of the St. Louis Arch diocese.3 Dr. Robert Emmet Kane, while never the official leader of the local Friends, obviously played a leading role in their affairs. A native St. Louisan and graduate of St. Louis University and Washington University's law school, the doctor maintained a large
2 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, January 8, 1939. 3 Ibid., October 28, 1935. 186 Missouri Historical Review
practice until his death in 1960. His colleagues honored him with the presidency of both the St. Louis Medical Society and the Mis souri State Medical Association.4 Other St. Louisans, who would become Friends of Irish Free dom officers and thereby postwar Irish-American leaders, shared Judge Ryan's, Father O'Rourke's, and Dr. Kane's solid and respected positions in the community.5 Pastors of large St. Louis Catholic parishes and prominent lawyers and businessmen were ardent supporters of Irish freedom. These men of sum and substance, some of whom attended the December 4 meeting, worked tirelessly for the Irish cause in the postwar years. They organized and structured Irish-American ism for effective action. They welcomed Irish visitors and kept the Celtic spirit alive through commemorations and rallies. They raised money for Irish relief and liberty, and, lastly, they tried to influence American foreign policy in favor of Irish freedom. The organization that would dominate the postwar period already existed on December 4, 1918. Judge O'Neill Ryan had rep resented St. Louis at the birth of the national Friends of Irish Freedom at the 1916 Irish Race Convention in New York City.6 Two months later, one hundred and fifty St. Louisans of over whelmingly Irish lineage formed the Friends' St. Louis council. Judge Ryan presided over the election of the organization's first officers: President Jeremiah Sheehan, Vice President Father Tim Dempsey, Treasurer Charles Dolan and Secretary James O'Phelan. Dr. Kane, Judge Ryan, P. J. Moynihan, Monsignor P. W. Tallen, John J. Lane and Luke Hart served on the first executive committee.7 The Friends, however, along with other Irish-American organizations, were inactive during the war years. The armistice of November 1918, ended Irish-American silence and President Woodrow Wilson's declaration favoring self-deter mination for the world's people seemingly made Irish aspirations a
± Ibid., March 2, I960. 5 Gould's St. Louis Directory (St. Louis, 1920) and obituaries for Rev. D. Lavery in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, February 16, 1943; F. McAuliffe in ibid., February 11, 1924; Rev. Tim Dempsey in ibid., April 6, 1936; M. Smith in ibid., February 19, 1925; P. Moynihan in ibid., August 25-26, 1962; Rev. F. Gilfillan in ibid., August 21, 1921; M. Cullinane in ibid., April 3, 1949; P. Flood in ibid., November 1, 1947; L. Hart in ibid., February 20, 1964; and A. Donnelly in ibid., December 29, 1930. 6 St. Louis Western Watchman, March 2, 1916; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 5, 1916. 7 Ibid., May 4 & 8, 1916. The first time the St. Louis Western Watchman took note of the Friends of Irish Freedom existing in St. Louis was June 8, 1916. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 187 part of American foreign policy. Thus in a flush of hope and en thusiasm the Friends of Irish Freedom, the United Irish Societies and the Ancient Order of Hibernians called the December 4 meet ing to determine the course of postwar Irish-Americanism in St. Louis. They decided upon a united rally to be presided over by St. Louis Gaelic-American Archbishop John Glennon and held on February 9, 1919.8 The planned rally fittingly set the stage for the postwar strug gle. Veterans of past St. Patrick's Day parades, women lulling babies, city officials conspicuously sitting in boxes and the Catholic clergy seated in places of honor filled the Coliseum. The slogan, "Self-determination is not an empty phrase" and pictures of Robert Emmett, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry and Abraham Lincoln loomed above the speakers. Archbishop Glennon equated British naval supremacy with German militarism. Judge O'Neill Ryan proclaimed the impossibility of enduring Anglo- American peace without justice for Ireland. Frank P. Walsh, of Kansas City, assured the audience that the United States would never falter in its pledge of self-determination. An ill-informed Mayor Henry Kiel reached the climax of his speech by calling for "home rule" only to hear cries of "We want a republic" from all parts of the hall. The politician rebounded with, "Well, I'm for you," a declaration of his belief in Celtic ability to rule. As John P. Leahy read a resolution declaring that the United States had a sacred and imperative duty to see self-determination applied to Ireland, the audience unanimously rose in support. Thus St. Louis Irish- Americans launched their fight for Irish freedom.9 In the summer of 1919, there was a change in leadership and rapid growth as the Friends of Irish Freedom became the dominant St. Louis Irish-American organization. For reasons of health, Judge O'Neill Ryan resigned the presidency of the St. Louis council, which set policy and coordinated city-wide activities in June. Father O'Rourke succeeded him and Charles Dolan, Michael E. Smith and Michael J. Tierney became the council's vice president, treasurer and secretary respectively.10 Throughout the summer, branches mushroomed in heavily Hibernian Catholic parishes. By
8 St. Louis Republic, November 30, 1918. 9 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 10, 1919; St. Louis Western Watchman, January 24 8c February 14, 1919. 10 Ibid., June 27, 1919. Gould's Directory for 1920 lists two Michael J. Tierneys. The writer found no mention of Irish organizations in the obituary of Michael J. Tierney of the St. Louis Fire Department and was unable to find the obituary of Michael J. Tierney of Mercantile Trust Company. 188 Missouri Historical Review
April 1920, Friends organizations existed in twenty-two parishes and by the end of 1922 the Friends claimed a membership of iOOO.11 Nominal rather than structural changes occurred in the first months of 1921. While visiting the United States in 1919, Eamon de Valera, Irish leader, alienated most of the Friends of Irish Free dom's national leaders. Then de Valera and his American followers formed a rival organization, the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic.12 Most St. Louis Irish-Americans transferred their loyalties to the American Association. The St. Louis press began to apply the new name to the Friends' leader ship and organization in January 1921, and by the following March the transition from the Friends of Irish Freedom to the American Association was completed. The American Association held its first state convention at the Planters' Hotel in February 1921. Father O'Rourke advanced to the state presidency while D. T. E. Purchel, of Kansas City, Patrick Flood and Charles Dolan became Missouri's vice president, treasurer and secretary respectively. Although Pur chel was a Kansas Citian, there is no evidence that the Friends ever had any significant strength or organization outside of St. Louis.13 The Friends of Irish Freedom and later the American Associa tion for the Recognition of the Irish Republic performed a number of functions, one of which was welcoming Irish guests to the city. Their first guest was their most important visitor. Eamon de Valera announced an American tour early in 1919 and in June the local Friends formed a committee to persuade the Irish leader to visit St. Louis. Probably at the Friends' prompting, a flurry of activity soon developed at city hall. Wilbur C. Schwartz of the 20th ward introduced a bill into the Board of Aldermen inviting the "duly elected President of the Irish republic" to stop in St. Louis and the board promptly passed the measure. Mayor Kiel then consulted John P. Leahy on the formation of a committee to extend the in-
11 St. Louis Western Watchman, August 15 & September 26, 1919, April 9, 1920, and November 17, 1922. !2 See Tansill, America and the Fight for Irish Freedom, 340-396. 13 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 4, 1921; St. Louis Western Watchman, November 17, 1922. Michael J. Cullinane eventually became president of the St. Louis Council but Father O'Rourke and Dr. Kane continued to conduct its meetings and rallies. The writer could find no evidence of Friends' organization or strength outside St. Louis. This lack of evidence was confirmed by Mr. Thomas Hayes, a member of the Friends of Irish Freedom and long-time presi dent of the Irish-American Club. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 189 vitatkm and in September the mayor's office triumphantly an nounced de Valera's acceptance.14 De Valera's train pulled into Union Station at six o'clock on the morning of October 24, 1919. A Friends' delegation, consisting of Father O'Rourke, Dr. Kane, Michael Cullinane and Arthur Don nelly, had gone to Springfield, Illinois, to welcome the provisional Irish president and so arrived with the Irish party. Emerging from the train, de Valera was greeted by a crowd carrying Irish flags, a welcoming speech by Father O'Rourke, and a salute by twenty-one rockets. The Friends' officers then escorted their guest to a Jef ferson Hotel breakfast, the beginning of a well planned and busy day. De Valera addressed a luncheon meeting of the Town Club, a business women's organization, before Dr. Kane introduced him to the City Club's four hundred members and luncheon guests. Fifty automobiles accompanied the Irish hero around the city and past enthusiastic crowds of parochial school children. The parade stopped in front of St. John's Hospital for the presentation of a bouquet of Killarney roses and at Lafayette Park where students sang "God Save Ireland" and the "Star Spangled Banner" while de Valera laid a wreath before George Washington's statue. In a whirlwind of late afternoon appointments, de Valera visited the St. Louis Exposition of Industrial Arts and Crafts, called on Mayor Kiel, addressed the Board of Aldermen and attended a private din ner in his honor at the University Club.15 The day's climax came at an eight o'clock rally. Father O'Rourke presided over a crowd of more than 7,000 enthusiastically waving Irish and American flags. Harry Boland, honorary Sinn Fein secretary and founder of the Irish provisional government, be gan the evening's orations by declaring that only the end of the British occupation, not the League of Nations, would bring peace to Ireland. Frank Walsh, of Kansas City, praised Ireland and at tacked "that tricky little traitor from Wales," David Lloyd George. When Mayor Kiel rose to introduce the rally's principal speaker the crowd filled the Coliseum with a tumultuous eighteen-minute ovation. De Valera then spent thirty-five minutes pleading for United States recognition of the Irish Republic, attacking the League of Nations and proposing self-determination as a funda mental principle of international law. In the anticlimax two Pro-
14 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 27, July 20 & 29, September 16, 1919. 15 Ibid., October 23 & 25, 1919; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, October 25, 1919; St. Louis Western Watchman, October 31, 1919. 190 Missouri Historical Review
St. Louis Post-Dispatch De Valera Lays Wreath at George Washington Statue, Lafayette Park, St. Louis Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 191 testant clergymen, the Reverends James G. Mythem, of New York, and Lindsey Crawford, of Toronto, spoke on Irish-American pride and Canadian independence.16 The Friends took charge of two other visitors' activities. Daniel J. Mannix, archbishop of Melbourne, Australia, and past president of St. Peter's College, Maynooth, Ireland, stopped in St. Louis on his way to Rome in June 1920. The archbishop cancelled a sched uled sermon at the New Cathedral in order to plead more effective ly for American recognition of the Irish Republic at a Friends' Sunday evening rally. The following night Dr. Kane presided at a Friends' banquet at the Jefferson Hotel honoring the prelate. One hundred and fifty Irish-Americans listened to Bishop Thomas Foley, of Ballarat, Australia, urge greater cooperation between the United States and Australia and Archbishop Mannix condemn the Australian press for following London's dictates.17 The sister of Ireland's latest martyr, Lord Mayor Terence Mac- Swiney, of Cork, the victim of a hunger strike protesting England's occupation of Ireland, received a warm St. Louis welcome in Feb ruary 1921. Miss Mary MacSwiney, following a prearranged sched ule, visited the American Association's state convention, a Catholic Women's Association luncheon, the Mullanphy Hospital, St. Mark's Church, the Visitation Convent, the Queen's Daughters' residence for working women and Archbishop Glennon in a single day. That evening the Odeon Theater was filled to capacity and disappointed Irish-Americans were turned away from the Friends' rally before Dr. Kane introduced the speakers, John S. Leahy, prominent St. Louis lawyer who had been active in prewar Irish-American or ganizations, the Very Reverend M. S. Ryan, president of Kenrick Seminary, and Miss MacSwiney. Miss MacSwiney appeared in the theater's vestibule after the meeting and repeated her plea for American recognition of the Irish republic to a lingering group of two hundred excluded Irish-Americans.18 Important guests came infrequently, and the Irish spirit had to be maintained in the long intervals between. The Friends and later the American Association kept Irish-American morale high with picnics, rallies and commemorations. In fact, they promoted all large Irish-American meetings in St. Louis after February 1919.
16 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, October 24 & 25, 1919; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, October 24 & 25, 1919; St. Louis Western Watchman, October 31, 1919. n St. Louis Globe-Democrat, June 25, 26, 28, 29, 1920; 5/. Louis Star, June 26 & 28, 1920; St. Louis Western Watchman, July 2, 1920. is Ibid., January 28 & February 11, 1921. 192 Missouri Historical Review
The Friends held their first old-fashioned picnic with an Irish flavor at Normandy Grove on August 29, 1920. All the parish branches participated in a day of athletic contests, Irish dancing and Gaelic songs. An estimated 5,000 persons remained as Father O'Rourke conducted an evening open air rally. They cheered Dr. Kane's comparison of Ireland in 1920 with America in 1776 and 11th congressional district candidate Bernard Bogy's firm stand for the recognition of the Irish Republic. They continued shouting their approval as Patrick Flood read a resolution sup porting the Irish provisional government.19 The American Association sponsored a similar event at Nor mandy Grove on July 17 of the following year. The first picnic's success led to the construction of two pavilions, one for Irish and the other for American dancing, and a large stage for speakers. Novelties such as potato, egg and spoon races enlivened the athletic program, while soloists and a chorus of fifty joined in a program of Irish pipe and step dancing.20 Irish-Americans commonly commemorated three yearly events: the execution of the Manchester Martyrs on November 23, the birthday of Robert Emmett on March 5 and St. Patrick's Day on March 17.21 The first was the most frequently celebrated in post war St. Louis. Seven "veterans" of the uprising of 1867, Fenians who drilled in St. Louis, proudly sat on the stage of the Knights of Columbus auditorium on November 23, 1919, while St. Louis University's orchestra played Irish tunes. Dr. Kane, who conducted the meeting, praised the patriotism of Irishmen in the recent world war. The Reverend Michael Pathe, the Tipperary-born assistant pastor of St. Alphonsus Church, compared Ireland to the suffering Christ and Dan McGlynn, active in East St. Louis Irish-American circles, warned against English propaganda in the United States.22 A drive for Irish relief highlighted the 1920 commemoration of the Manchester Martyrs and Luke Hart joined Father Pathe as the evening's principal speakers at St. Mark's Hall. Patrick Flood pre-
19 Ibid., July 2, August 6, September 3, 1920. 20 ibid., July 8 & 15, 1921. 21 The Manchester Martyrs were three members of the Fenian Brotherhood, W. P. Allen, Michael Larkin, and Michael O'Brien, who were convicted for murder of a guard and executed in Manchester, England, on November 23, 1867. The murder occurred while a group of Fenian volunteers rescued two of their leaders from a police wagon. Robert Emmett was publicly beheaded on Septem ber 20, 1803, in Dublin for his part in organizing an abortive Irish uprising. 22 St. Louis Republic, November 24, 1919. The St. Louis Fenians were Jeremiah Sheehan, Peter T. Madden, Bryan Kirnan, Andrew Hoolan, Martin Nolan, Philip Dwyer, and Timothy Manning. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 193 sided and Dr. Kane became the main orator when the 1921 pro gram moved to the Odeon Theater.23 The Friends remembered Robert Emmett in 1920. Father O'Rourke presided at St. Mark's Hall and Charles Dolan added his own commentary on contemporary Irish problems to the tra ditional speech praising Emmett's character. The Reverend Joseph English, pastor of Epiphany Parish and recently returned from Ireland, emotionally described the new Irish flag flying over Cork and dramatically emphasized his devotion to Old Glory by kissing the flag draped over the speaker's table. Jack Ryan, popular and witty hotelman and toastmaster, surprised those present with a serious speech on Irish rights to freedom.24 The most universal of all Irish-American holidays, St. Patrick's Day, only received the Friends' official attention in 1919. A musical program, including a ditty entitled, "Mr. Wilson, Won't You Say a Word for Ireland?" entertained six hundred guests at a formal banquet in the Statler Hotel. After Archbishop Glennon gave the invocation, toastmaster John P. Leahy asserted that anyone who thought twenty million Irish-Americans would sit idly by and watch the Wilson Administration bind the United States to an English alliance lived in a fool's paradise. In a vehement gesture, Leahy accidentally smashed a water glass. Missouri's Senator Sheldon P. Spencer, one of the banquet's featured speakers, set the evening's theme by holding up the broken remains and declaring they re sembled what England would look like when Ireland finished with her. Spencer endorsed the League of Nations but condemned Article X which guaranteed member nations' territorial integrity. The ban queters concluded with a rousing resolution demanding that the league include provisions for Irish freedom.25 St. Louis' postwar commemorations reached a high point with the period's own martyr, Terence MacSwiney. The Lord Mayor of Cork died in Brixton Prison on October 25, 1920, and Irish-Ameri can leaders quickly marshalled local opinion in his honor. Alder man Luke Hart introduced a resolution into the Board of Alder men expressing St. Louis' sympathy to the MacSwiney family. The only dissenters on the measure, Clinton E. Udell of the 23rd ward and Taylor B. Wyrick of the 13th ward, emphatically expressed
23 St. Louis Sunday Watchman, November 20, 1921. 24 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, March 5, 1920. 25 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 16 & 18, 1919; St. Louis Western Watch man, March 14 & 21, 1919. 194 Missouri Historical Review
Archbishop John J. Glennon
their personal sorrow although, they said, they did not think a for mal resolution proper.26 All Soul's Day, October 31, 1920, became MacSwiney Day. The Reverend Monsignor J. J. Tannrath, chancellor of the Arch diocese of St. Louis, asked all Catholic pastors to ring their church bells in MacSwiney's memory for five minutes at noon. Presum ably he was not ignored, especially in predominantly Irish parishes. Special services were held at the Celtic Cross in Calvary Ceme tery at St. Anthony the Hermit's Church. Dr. Kane absented him self from the city to speak at an East St. Louis Friends of Irish Freedom funeral procession and requiem Mass for MacSwiney. At the request of the St. Louis Friends, Monsignor Tannrath, as sisted by Father O'Rourke, celebrated a requiem high Mass at the New Cathedral. The congregation included Archbishop Glennon, Mayor Kiel, the Board of Aldermen, other city officials, representa tives of old French families and the Ladies of the Sacred Heart, who had their cloister temporarily lifted so they might "shed a tear."27 St. Louis contributed more than moral support to the cause of Irish freedom. Money could and did aid Irish freedom. Leading
26 Journal of the Board of Aldermen of the City of St. Louis, Regular Session, 1920-1921 (St. Louis), 209-210; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, October 30, 1920. 27 St. Louis Western Watchman, November 5, 1920; 5/. Louis Globe-Demo crat, October 31 & November 3, 1920. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 195
Friends organized and led financial campaigns to wage the battle and relieve distress. Their first appeal, made in September 1919, appeared in the St. Louis Western Watchman. In an advertisement recalling Ireland's contributions to America, the Friends reminded readers that the 1919 Irish Race Convention had pledged to raise a $1,000,000 Victory Fund. Missouri had promised $50,000 and St. Louis had vowed $25,000. Loyal Irish-Americans could make con tributions to treasurer Michael E. Smith of the Friends of Irish Freedom.28 The Friends promoted the provisional Irish government's bond certificates with greater fanfare in a second appeal for funds. Speakers at a February 1920 rally denounced England and the League of Nations before the Friends called upon those present to make pledges. Archbishop Glennon and Michael Smith with $1,000 pledges led a reported 1,200 subscribers in purchasing certificates.29 The drive continued through branch captains, with parish rivalries and neighborhood canvasses, until May 5. By the beginning of April, St. Theresa's Parish led with $5,250 while St. Mathes' and St. Mark's followed with more than $3,000 each. Over $35,000 had been raised by April 1, and Friends officials felt confident that the city's $50,000 goal would be surpassed.30 Destitution resulting from the Irish struggle brought a third appeal for funds at the end of 1920. Significantly, the Friends' Manchester Martyrs commemoration that year included Luke Hart's description of destruction in the town of Balbriggan and Father Michael Pathe's denunciation of American indifference to Irish hunger. Then the Friends' treasurer, Patrick Flood, announced the formation of a new club through the parish branches. Mem bers pledged monthly contributions of fifty cents to ten dollars for Irish relief. The St. Louis council also sponsored monthly dances, featuring exhibitions and competitions in Gaelic steps, at St. Mark's Hall and sent representatives to twenty-five other Missouri towns to raise additional funds.31
28 St. Louis Western Watchman, September 5, 1919. The Friends of Irish Freedom Victory Fund, which exceeded its $1,000,000 goal, was generally spent in the United States on anti-League propaganda. 29 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, February 19 Sc 24, 1920; St. Louis Western Watchman, February 27, 1920. The press initially reported that the Friends raised $50,000 at the rally. However, later reports clearly refute this. 30 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, March 4, 1920; St. Louis Western Watchman, April 2 & 9, 1920. The writer could find no final reports on this drive. 31 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, November 29 & 30, 1920; St. Louis Western Watchman, November 26 & December 3, 1920. According to a financial report published in the Western Watchman, August 5, 1921, the pledge cards raised $7,656. 196 Missouri Historical Review
John S. Leahy
In January 1921, the National American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic coordinated relief efforts in the American Committee for Irish Relief. The national committee ex tended local leadership beyond the dominant Friends when it named John S. Leahy as Missouri chairman and Raymond F. Mc- Nally, vice president of the National Bank of Commerce, as Mis souri treasurer.32 To raise Missouri's $100,000 quota, Leahy planned a massive campaign centering around St. Patrick's Day, 1921. A thousand volunteers canvassed homes, offices, theaters, hotels and movie houses the week of March 13. They collected funds in pub lic schools, parochial schools and churches. Early on St. Patrick's Day they exhausted their supply of 50,000 shamrock tags and 35,000 Gaelic buttons on downtown streets. Meanwhile, at the annual St. Patrick's Day Mass at St. Patrick's Church, prominent St. Louisans collected relief offerings from an overflow congregation.33 Leahy's volunteers also sold tickets to two St. Patrick's Day events. Con P. Curran, well-known St. Louis printer and recent $1,000 donor to the cause, acted as toastmaster at the relief com mittee's twenty-five-dollar-a-plate banquet. Judge Shepard Barclay
32 John S. Leahy had been active in the Irish Nationalists prior to the First World War. To the writer's knowledge, Raymond McNally had not pre viously been active in Irish-American organizations. 33 st. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 6, 13, 18, 1921; St. Louis Western Watch man, March 4, 1921. The St. Patrick's Day Mass at St. Patrick's Church was a St. Louis tradition and was normally attended by most of St. Louis' Irish clergy as well as a large number of laymen. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 197 spoke to the banqueters on "Reminiscences of St. Patrick's Day in America," Dr. Kane commented on "The Day we Celebrate," and Bird S. Coler, former comptroller of New York City, described "Actual Conditions in Ireland." Mayor Kiel and his Democratic opponent in the forthcoming mayoralty race, James W. Byrnes, made speeches at the banquet and then rushed to the Coliseum. There several thousand persons paid a one-dollar admission to the American Association's St. Patrick's Day ball for Irish relief.34 Despite the apparent success of all these events in Leahy's energetic campaign, Missouri fell far short of its quota. By March 25 the Missouri committee had reportedly only collected $54,000. The committee thereafter abandoned efforts to reach Missouri's $100,000 goal.35 Irish-American leaders had long tried to aid Erin by influenc ing American foreign policy in favor of Irish freedom. But while Hibernian chieftans usually basked in the unanimity of purpose to free Ireland, they often faltered in the complexities of American political life. The St. Louis Friends of Irish Freedom unsuccessfully employed political weapons in the postwar struggle for Ireland. They lobbied Woodrow Wilson and the state Democratic Party for a free Ireland and, failing this, they attempted to lead local Irish-Americans into the camp of Warren G. Harding Republican ism. In the days immediately after the war. when it appeared that Wilson's declarations of self-determination coincided with Irish freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans applauded the president and they took care to let him know of their approval. When the repre sentatives of the St. Louis Irish-American societies met in Novem ber 1918, they sent Wilson a message: Representatives of the Irish race residing in St. Louis extend their greetings to you and send you a hearty God speed on the most important mission ever undertaken by a President of the United States [writing the post-war peace treaty] and stand solidly behind you in demanding for small nations, including Ireland, the right of self-de termination.36 Similarly, the February 1919 mass meeting at the Coliseum sent the American delegation in Paris its resolution declaring it "not only our clear and indisputable right, but our sacred and impera-
34 Sf. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 13, 14, 18, 1921. 35 ibid., March 25, 1921. 36 St. Louis Republic, November 30, 1918. 198 Missouri Historical Review tive duty to insist that the principle of self-determination shall be applied to all people and all nations, and that there shall be no exclusion of Ireland. . ." If the United States failed this, the reso lution continued, it "will stamp the proceedings of the peace con ference with suspicion and mistrust, and render it impossible for the conference to make the world safe for democracy and to establish a just and permanent world's peace."37 The Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations bitterly disappointed Irish-Americans. The treaty neglected Irish freedom and the league guaranteed territorial integrity for its members, including Great Britain. Irish-Americans across the nation who saw the league as an instrument of future Irish oppression joined in the war against ratification of the treaty and thereby the league. St. Louis Friends saw their opportunity to battle when Missouri's Democratic committee scheduled a St. Louis meeting in August 1919. The agenda included a number of resolutions, among them one repudiating Missouri's Senator James A. Reed for his staunch opposition to the treaty and another endorsing the league without reservations.38 In the days preceding the committee's meeting, St. Louis Hibernians conferred with like-minded Kansas Citians and they both directed thinly veiled threats to the party. Robert Emmett O'Malley, a representative of Kansas City's Tom Pendergast, visited the city in an effort to block Democracy's repudiation of another Pendergast colleague, Senator Reed. Jackson County Boss Joe Shannon publicly predicted that Irishmen would vote Republican in 1920 if that party alone refused to ratify the league. Senator Reed told the St. Louis press that his denunciation would cost the Democratic Party its usual 15,000 Jackson County plurality. When the St. Louis Friends of Irish Freedom threatened to withdraw political support from any party endorsing the league, Peter Bar rett openly interpreted the move as a direct ultimatum to the state committee.39 The Friends were determined to make their opinions known at the committee hearings. They appointed a committee of Chair man John P. Leahy, Peter Barrett, Jeremiah Sheehan, Dr. Kane,
37 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 10, 1919. 38 For details of the meeting in the wider context of Missouri politics see Franklin D. Mitchell, Embattled Democracy: Missouri Democratic Politics, 1919- 1932, University of Missouri Studies, Vol. XLVII (Columbia, Mo., 1968) , 35-42. 39 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 8, 9, 11, 1919; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 15, August 9, 10, 1919. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 199
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St. Louis Globe-Democrat 200 Missouri Historical Review
Arthur Donnelly, Michael Cullinane, Florence McAuliffe, Thomas Dunne, Michael Tierney, James H. Lee and the Reverend Daniel Lavery to present their views. In addition they sent a large delega tion to the hearings in order to insure their committee a proper hearing. Together with the newly formed League for the Preser vation of American Independence and Senator Reed's Jackson County supporters, the Friends constituted the league's oppo sition.40 The state committee entertained resolutions ranging from strong approval of the league to a demand for American recognition of the Irish Republic. The bitterness between Missouri's Irish-Amer icans and pro-league forces erupted after Peter Barrett, John P. Leahy, Dr. Kane and others spoke against the league. Charles M. Hay, a St. Louis lawyer and foe of Senator Reed, took the floor. He asked what country after five hundred years would come to Ireland's aid; did the gentlemen present really favor an American war to free Ireland? Cries of "shame" came from all parts of the hall as Robert Emmett O'Malley, John P. Leahy and others rushed menacingly toward Hay. After five minutes of confusion, Hay continued with, "Oh, I never doubted your Americanism or that you were more American than you are Irish." O'Malley responded with a mock, gratuitous bow to which Hay countered. "I had Mr. Barrett more particularly in mind." Leahy, again on his feet, shouted, "That is an insult to every Irishman in Missouri."41 The committee quickly silenced the league's opposition. It appointed a subcommittee of anti-Reed State Representative Frank H. Farris, of Rolla, and Thomas H. Fisher, of Marshall, and anti- league E. C. Orr, of Chillicothe, to consider all resolutions in closed sessions. The subcommittee reported the final resolution, a mild statement directing Reed to vote for the treaty without reservations, and the committee adopted it with only Robert Emmett O'Malley dissenting. The committee then tried to pacify Irish-American opinion with a mild expression of sympathy for the Irish cause.42 Irish-American leaders reacted bitterly to the resolutions. The St. Louis Globe-Democrat summed up their attitude as, "To hell
40 The League for the Preservation of American Independence was founded in St. Louis on August 8, 1919. See the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 8 & 9, 1919; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August 9, 1919. 41 All quotations from ibid., August 12, 1919. See also ibid., August 10 & 11, 1919; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 12, 1919. 42 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August 12, 1919; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 12, 1919. Joseph Shannon abstained. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 201 with sympathy. What we wanted was justice."43 Peter Barrett pro tested that the pro-league resolution did not represent the senti ments of 10,000 St. Louis Democrats and Missouri Democracy would cut a sorry figure without them. John P. Leahy saw the action as a slap at Irish-Americans who would surely bolt the party. Dr. Kane complained that the committee had approved British imperialism in Ireland. Dr. John Simon, St. Louis' 1913 Democratic mayoralty candidate and president of the League for the Preserva tion of American Independence, agreed with his Gaelic friends that Missouri Democracy had indeed rejected its Irish-American mem bers.44 St. Louis' Irish-American leaders now had to decide if, when and how to insure their predictions of mass Irish-American defec tions from the Democratic Party. Senator Reed, apparently fearful of Celtic prophecies, sent the St. Louis council's August 22 meeting a plea to remain with Democracy. He asked why the action of twenty-nine men should "drive from the party thousands of solid, rock-ribbed Democrats, everyone of whom has the same rights in the party as those who happened to be state committeemen."43 John P. Leahy called the committee's endorsement of the league un-American and un-democratic but told the meeting that he in tended to stay within the party. Patrick Flood argued that neither the league nor its supporters deserved the support of true Americans. Peter Barrett angrily reported that the politicians told him that, "the Irish are impulsive, but they can be depended upon to vote for the Democratic ticket."46 Despite angry words, the St. Louis council hesitated. It only condemned the league and Woodrow Wilson.47 Although the Friends' hierarchy delayed any official sanction of the Democratic Party, their sympathies were clear. Early in September 1919, Woodrow Wilson brought his campaign for the League of Nations to St. Louis. A week later the irreconcilable Republican Senator Hiram Johnson, of California, arrived to refute him. The St. Louis League for the Preservation of American Inde pendence acted as the senator's principal sponsor, but two other organizations, the St. Louis Republican City Committee and the Friends of Irish Freedom, cosponsored his appearance. Judge
43 ibid., August 12, 1919. 44 ibid., August 12 & 13, 1919. 45 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August 22, 1919. 46 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 23, 1919. 47 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August 22 & 23, 1919. 202 Missouri Historical Review
IEXTRA?* 8 ~j3cr&Avi^$B?tt©!* ;' m.%m$ (glote-itmorrdt 1*7- «8TO.VK RKrirssr«rs?s?^«w*.vs* SVTtKim MtWMVU **.»*TK SINN FEIN PARLIAMENT SUPPRESSED BY TROOPS; 12,000 CHEER SENATOR JOHNSON 16 MINUTES WHEN HE APPEARS TO DENOUNCE LEAGUE,
Hiram W. Johnson
O'Neill Ryan, Father O'Rourke, Peter Barrett and John P. Leahy as the arrangements committee's official representatives of the Friends, met the senator's train, escorted him to a breakfast at the St. Louis Club, and joined the automobile parade that accompanied him to the Statler Hotel. They sat on the speaker's platform as Mayor Kiel, Chairman Henry Priest of the arrangements committee, and Chairman John Schmoll of the Republican city committee ushered Senator Johnson to the Coliseum stage. Presumably the crowd of 10,000 that cheered the senator's hour and forty minute anti-league oration included many sons of Erin.48 On the eve of Missouri's March 1920 Democratic convention at Joplin, members of the Friends' St. Louis council renewed their threats. Dr. Kane told his colleagues that, "The time has come to
48 5/. Louis Globe-Democrat, September 9, 12, 13, 1919. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 203 serve notice on the Democratic State Convention that if it backs up the action of the State Committee we will not only quit the party, but we will do everything in our power to defeat its candidates."49 He proposed a resolution unalterably opposed to any party sup porting the league and condemning Senator Reed. Arthur Donnelly, who professed not to believe the party would dare repudiate Sena tor Reed, seconded the motion. Jeremiah Sheehan, while declaring that he had voted the Democratic ticket for forty years, also gave his assent. The resolution easily passed but the Friends again failed to sway Missouri Democracy. The state convention not only en dorsed the league but refused Senator Reed a seat on Missouri's delegation to the forthcoming national convention in San Francisco.50 When the Republican National Convention neglected to en dorse the Irish Republic, the St. Louis Friends rushed to the party's defense. Charles Dolan told a reporter from the St. Louis Star that although Republican leaders temporarily feared journalistic cries of an Anglo-American war, they really favored the recognition of the Irish Republic. Father O'Rourke, on the other hand, dismissed party platforms as nonsense and ridiculed the possibility of favor able Democratic action on Ireland. Dr. Kane, who condemned the Republicans' action as selfish and disappointing, still insisted that he "left the Democratic Party because it followed the pro-English policies of Wilson and abandoned the American policies of Thomas Jefferson."51 The St. Louis Friends officially abandoned the Democratic Party at an October 13, 1920, rally. Dr. Kane opened the meeting with the announcement that the St. Louis council had decided to work for the Republican national and state tickets. On the basis of answers to a Friends' questionnaire, Kane further announced, the Friends specifically endorsed Sheldon P. Spencer for the United States Senate and congressional candidates L. C. Dyer of the 12th district, T. W. Hukriede of the 9th district, Marion E. Rhodes of the 13th district and C. C. Faust of the 4th district. Although Democrat Harry Hawes presence was cheered, the heavily Irish- American 11th congressional district endorsement went to Repub lican Bernard Bogy. After anti-Democratic and anti-league speeches by Judge O'Neill Ryan, Los Angeles attorney Joseph Scott
49 Ibid., March 13, 1920. 50 Ibid.; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 13, 1920; Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 36. 51 St. Louis Star, June 23, 1920. 204 Missouri Historical Review and Chicago barrister Patrick Henry O'Donnell, Dr. Kane called upon the 1,400 present to rise for the party of their choice. Six Democrats quickly sat down amid loud hissing and the meeting was virtually unanimous for Republicanism.52 Father O'Rourke, Dr. Kane and Patrick Flood made an election evening appeal to Irish St. Louisans. A circular entitled, "Remem ber MacSwiney" exhorted: Irishmen, make forever impossible for the continuation of the tyrannies of Great Britian and Lloyd-George, which claimed the life of Terence Mac Swiney. He died a martyr for the cause of liberty and a foe of the autocratic League of Nations, whose authors refused to grant Ireland freedom or even a hearing at Versailles.53 The way to do so, the circular explained, was by voting for the Republican ticket. WTiile St. Louis' Irish-American community was unanimous for Irish freedom and relief, the Friends plunge into politics pro duced dissension. One leading Friend, John P. Leahy, openly ob jected. In a letter to the Globe-Democrat he denounced what he considered efforts to sway Irish-Americans toward reactionary Re publicanism and place Irish interests above American well-being. He further argued that the Friends efforts were doomed by Hard ing's hidden anti-Irish sentiments.54 The weekly Irish-American St. Louis Western Watchman's attitude was undoubtedly more influential than Leahy's single pro test. The journal found little difference between the James M. Cox and Harding positions on the League of Nations and Irish inde pendence. It was a matter of "my league or your league, never no league."55 Therefore, the newspaper argued, the issue was invalid. Why ask Democrats to give up their party for word play? Why ask Democrats of Irish extraction, who have always had something of a grounded suspicion that Re publican Party chiefs considered them and theirs poor, contemptible pariahs, a bit better than Chinese coolies, why ask Democrats of this kind to make an absolute recan tation? Why ask them to elicit an act of political faith in a candidate who has not manhood enough or intelligent
52 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, October 14, 1920; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, October 1 & 14, 1920. 53 ibid., October 31, 1920. 54 Ibid., November 1, 1920. Father O'Rourke, Dr. Kane and Patrick Flood answered the letter in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, November 2, 1920. 55 St. Louis Western Watchman, October 22, 1920. Fighting for Irish Freedom, St. Louis Irish-Americans 205
sympathy enough to state the Irish question in its true terms?56 The Watchman also ran counter to the Friends a few days before the election with a strong endorsement of Harry Hawes.57 The Friends' political campaign apparently failed. A student of St. Louis ethnic politics found the 20th ward St. Louis' only valid "Irish ward" after the turn of the century.58 A growing Black population after 1920, reaching about one-third in 1928, later modi fied the ward's usefulness as an Irish-American yardstick. But this overwhelmingly Celtic area in 1920 gave Governor Cox fifty-eight percent of its votes, an impressive nineteen percent more than his city-wide average. This compared well with other 1920 races. Democrat John M. Atkinson, for example, received a 20th ward plurality, eighteen percent higher than his city-wide total against Governor Arthur M. Hyde. In what might be considered another indicator of the Friends' influence, Democrat Harry Hawes, whose opponent received the Friends' endorsement, took sixty-one percent of the 20th ward ballots and ran eleven percentage points better in that area than in the 11th congressional district as a whole. The St. Louis American Association's demise resulted from events in London, Dublin and Washington, D. C, rather than St. Louis. Sinn Fein representatives negotiated the Articles of Agree ment creating the Irish Free State, a British Dominion with British representatives, late in 1921 and Ireland's Parliament, the Dail Erin, ratified it on January 7, 1922. Eamon de Valera and his followers in the Sinn Fein party, however, refused to recognize the compro mise and Ireland drifted into civil war. This turn of events, Irishmen fighting Irishmen instead of
56 Ibid. See also ibid., September 3, 10, 24, October 8, 1920, for other editorials on the coming election. 57 ibid., October 29, 1920. 58 Merle Fainsod, "The Influence of Racial and National Groups in St. Louis Politics, 1908-1928" (unpublished M.A. thesis, Washington University, St. Louis, 1929), 262. Fainsod includes voting figures from the 20th ward in his appendix. The writer also consulted the City of St. Louis Archives, Election Returns, 1913-1928. These records include only city elections and the returns for 1924 and 1925 are missing. City-wide figures, therefore, were taken from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and in many cases the returns were not quite complete. As to the question of whether or not Irish-Americans failed to register and vote in St. Louis in 1920, definitive figures are not available. See Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 41 ff. However the number of persons voting in the 20th ward do not indicate that Irish-Americans protested in this manner. The number rose from 5,189 in 1916 to 8,623 in 1920 and then continued rising to 11,786 in 1924. A comparison with other presidential elections confirms the Friends' failure. Democratic candidates received 20th ward votes of 62% in 1912, 64% in 1916, 36% in 1924 and 54% in 1928. Compared to city-wide returns they ran 17% ahead in 1912 and 1916, 1% behind in 1924 and 2% ahead in 1928. 206 Missouri Historical Review
Englishmen, placed Irish-Americans in a dilemma. St. Louis Irish- dom expressed the belief that self-determination was a sacred prin ciple in Ireland as it was elsewhere. The Western Watchman stated in a February 1922 editorial, "Whether or not Ireland should accept, if offered, co-nationhood in the British Empire is a ques tion for Ireland and solely Ireland to determine."59 The Reverend J. J. Thomson, speaking at the American Association 1922 St. Patrick's Day dinner declared that the matter of an Irish settle ment should remain in Irish hands. Similarly at the American Association 1922 picnic it was resolved to "reaffirm our position of neutrality during the crisis in Ireland and pledge ourselves to respect the wishes of a majority of the Irish people, whose will we regard as supreme."60 National American Association leaders, with strong ties to de Valera, took a different stand. At a meeting in the Arlington Hotel in Washington, D. C, the national organization pledged its con tinued support of the Sinn Fein extremists in the civil war. This action caused consternation in St. Louis and by the end of the year the St. Louis association members voted to disband in protest. Council president, Michael Cullinane, told the St. Louis Times that it was the intention of St. Louis Celts to reorganize into a body in keeping with the Irish spirit but to take no partisan stands on inter nal Irish affairs.61 In the next few years several Irish-American societies sprouted briefly and died. But no organizations arose to take the place of the Friends of Irish Freedom or the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic.62 The realization of the ancient dream of Irish freedom probably made a great revival of organized Irish-Americanism impossible either in St. Louis or the rest of the country. But in the last fight, during the last great outburst of Irish-Americanism, the local Friends marshalled the Irish spirit, raised money and threatened state and national politicians. In their own way and in their own time, they fought well for Irish freedom.
59 St. Louis Western Watchman, February 10, 1922. For other examples of this editorial stand see ibid., January 13, 20, Februarv 17, 1922. 60 ibid., March 24 & August 25, 1922. 61 Ibid., November 17, 1922. 62 Notices of several organizations such as the American friends of Ireland and the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick appeared briefly in the St. Louis Western Watchman in the early 1920s. Father O'Rourke, Mr. Thomas Hayes and others founded the Irish-American Club for the foreign-born in 1928. This organiza tion and the Ancient Order of Hibernians which dates from 1870 still function In St. Louis. HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS Society Holds Annual Meeting On October 3, 1970, the Annual state. Dr. Brownlee urged all of these Meeting of the State Historical So organizations to plan special com ciety of Missouri, designated the "Mis memorative programs during 1971, in souri Sesquicentennial Program," was honor of the 150th anniversary of held in the Recital Hall of the Fine Missouri's admittance as a state of Arts Building, University of Missouri, the Union. Columbia. President T. Ballard Wat After the Annual Meeting members ters presided. and guests of the Society attended a Trustees whose terms expired at the luncheon held at the Memorial Stu 1970 Annual Meeting were reelected dent Union. During the luncheon the to three-year terms ending 1973; they Society awards for distinguished service are: William Aull, III, Lexington; and the most popular and scholarly William R. Denslow, Trenton; Elmer article in the year's REVIEW were pre Ellis, Columbia; Alfred O. Fuerbring- sented. er, St. Louis; George Fuller Green, Edward E. Swain, publisher of the Kansas City; George H. Scruton, Se Kirksville Daily Express and News, dalia; James Todd, Moberly; and T. received the third Distinguished Serv Ballard Watters, Marshfield. ice Award. The gold medallion and Mrs. Avis Tucker, Warrensburg, was framed certificate were presented, in elected the Society's fifth vice presi abstentia, and received in Swain's be dent. Publisher of the Daily Star- half by his granddaughter, Mrs. John Journal, Mrs. Tucker is the first wom Greer, Kirksville. A past president of an officer in the Society's history. She the Society, Swain also served on the replaced John A. Winkler, who had Finance Committee from 1933 to 1960. resigned the position. President Watters presented a cita Reports of the Society's treasurer, tion, in abstentia, to Gary M. Fink, the Audit, Finance and Executive com for contributing the REVIEW article mittees preceded the annual report of "The Unwanted Conflict: Missouri Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, director and Labor and the CIO." Fink, a member secretary of the Society. In his report, of the History Department at Georgia Dr. Brownlee noted that nearly 15,000 State University, Atlanta, received a individuals engaged in research in the framed certificate and a $200 honorar Society's various depositories, during ium for his article which appeared the 1969-1970 year. Some 11,000 pieces in the July 1970 issue of the REVIEW. of business and correspondence were Mrs. Helen Elwell, Columbia, accepted handled by the staff in the same the award on Fink's behalf. period. Special guests of the Society recog Viewing the Society's growth over nized during the luncheon were Col. the past seventy years Dr. Brownlee and Mrs. JO Shelby Jersig of Clovis, compared the Society's position in the New Mexico, Mrs. Judy Philpott of years 1900 and 1901 with its standing Bovina, Texas, and John F. Shelby of in 1970. He also reported that in 1901 Butler. Col. Jersig recently gave the there was only one other local histori Society a George Caleb Bingham paint cal association in Missouri, while to ing of his great grandfather, Missouri's date, there are 108 county and local famous Confederate General, Joseph historical organizations active in the O. Shelby. The portrait had been in
207 208 Missouri Historical Review
the possession of the Shelby family for two admission dates for the state, one over seventy years. the official proclamation signed by Dr. William S. Parrish, professor of President James Monroe on August 10. History at Westminster College, Ful- 1821, and the other an unofficial date ton, addressed the Society members of July 19, 1820, when the Missouri
President T. Ballard Walters (left) expresses ap preciation, on behalf of the Society, to Colonel JO Shelby Jersig for the gift of the George Caleb Bingham portrait of Confederate General Joseph O. Shelby. and guests during the luncheon. The Constitution was signed by state dele author of major studies on Missouri gates. history, Dr. Parrish spoke on, 'Mis At the completion of the luncheon, sourians View Their Controversies, each of the Society's facilities in con 1819-1821." In his address Parrish out junction with the Western Historical lined Missouri history which led up to Manuscripts Collection displayed ex- Historical Notes and Comments 209 hibits at the open house held in the Western Historical Manuscripts Col- Society's headquarters. In the art gal- lection quarters were exhibited the lery of the Society were displayed hand colored engravings by Karl Bod- drawings, prints, portraits, landscapes mer. The collection, drawn in the and genre paintings by George Caleb field, illustrated Prince Maximilian of Bingham, especially featured was the Wied's Travels in the Interior of restored portrait of General Joseph O. North America. The exhibits will con- Shelby. The corridor gallery and the tinue until late summer, 1971.
ERRATA In the July 1970 issue, the names of Bennett Tarleton and William C. House in the caption on page 473 were transposed. In the April 1970 issue, page 379, the REVIEW erroneously noted the death of Mrs. George M. Arrowsmith, Chevy Chase, Maryland. It should have been Dr. George M. Arrowsmith, August 28, 1866-March 17, 1969.
Crime in Reverse California Greenback Derrick, April 1, 1882. A burglar got into the house of a country editor the other night, and after a terrible struggle the editor succeeded in robbing him.
Spinning Was Required Sedalia The Bazoo Monthly Magazine, May 1921. Why is an unmarried woman called a spinster? Because women were prohibited from marrying in olden days until they had spun a full set of bed furnishings and thus, until their marriage they spent much time at the spinning wheel and were, therefore, "spinsters".
A Labor Saving Device Columbia Boone County Journal, February 18, 1870 We remember having heard of a man who was too lazy to say his prayers. He wrote out his devotions on foolscap, however, and tied them to the foot of his couch. Before retiring he would hold them up to heaven and exclaim,. "Them's my sentiments," and jump into bed. Magic City Ready for the Labor Day parade in Marceline, 1904
VIEWS FROM THE PAST
A 1911 Halloween Party, be lieved to be at Hardin College, Mexico
Celebrating the 4th of July in Williamsburg, Callaway County, About 1893 May Day at the University of Missouri, Columbia, 1910
MISSOURI HOLIDAYS
University of Mis souri students enjoy a Halloween dinner in the early 1900s.
De Soto Children Awaiting Santa Claus in 1938 De Soto Public Library uf!!!
•: iOlf "2k - • "
pL*^'' 212 Missouri Historical Review NEWS IN BRIEF
In the last two years the Eugene A large parade was held on Sunday Field House, 634 South Broadway, St. afternoon and the Prince's Cotillion, Louis, has been redecorated in keeping or Teens Ball, climaxed the activities. with the 1850s when Field lived there as a child. Lifelike mannequin chil This past summer the Boatmen's dren in period costumes are on display. National Bank in St. Louis exhibited A large exhibit of toys on the second 44 drawings by Missouri artist George floor includes three items owned by Caleb Bingham, selected from a series Field. of 144 seldom-seen works owned by Located on the third floor is Field the Mercantile Library Association of memorabilia—manuscripts, personal ef St. Louis. The exhibition, arranged in fects and furnishings from his Chicago the bank lobby, was designed to show home. Also on this floor is a brightly the correlation between the sketches decorated room for childrens' parties and three famous Bingham paintings which can be scheduled by appoint normally displayed in the bank. ment for a nominal fee. The renovation was sponsored by Robert M. White, II, editor and Landmarks Association of St. Louis. publisher of the Mexico Ledger, re Landmarks is operating the museum cently gave his father's collection of under a three-year agreement with the World War II memorabilia to the St. Louis Board of Education, property Winston Churchill Memorial and Li owner. brary at Westminster College, Fulton. The Field House is the only remain The gift, known as the L. Mitchell ing structure of Walsh's Row, 12 brick White Collection, consists of items rowhouses built in 1845 with Greek ranging from original editorial cartoons Revival recessed front doorways framed to bound volumes of press releases and in white pilasters. interviews by top World War II mili tary leaders. L. Mitchell White, an Despite inclement weather, thou alumnus of Westminster College, was sands of people visited historic Ste. editor and publisher of the Ledger Genevieve for the annual Jour de Fete, from 1934 until his death in 1965. He August 8-9. The two-day event in had succeeded his father, Col. Robert cluded antique displays, historic homes M. White, who published the Ledger tours, art show and a French Market. from 1876 to 1934. Col. White, also an Children held a pet parade, and a alumnus of Westminster, served as a large delegation of "voyagers," at member of the college's board of trus tired in explorer costumes, crossed the tees. During World War II, L. Mitchell Mississippi River from Fort Chartres White served as a member of com Park in Illinois. mittees aiding the U.S. Office of King and Queen of the Jour de Fete Censorship, war funds and bond were Kay and David Steagall, who pre drives, and in 1943 he was a member sided over the Kings Ball and began a of the Advisory Committee, Press Di mythical reign over the city. The se vision of the U.S. Treasury De lection of the king by means of placing partment. an orchid colored bean in a slice of cake recalled a French custom of Some 200 persons, representing 30 many years ago. different churches, attended the 150th Historical Notes and Comments 213 anniversary of the Chariton Baptist complishments in community, state or Church, July 19. The church is located national affairs. A ceiling, of 100 was in Howard County, northeast of Glas placed on the membership which now gow. The special observance included totals 99. Sunday School under the direction of Members of the Academy were enter superintendent David Heiman, morn tained by Governor and Mrs. Warren ing worship services conducted by E. Hearnes at the executive mansion, pastor Max Klinkenborg and a basket Jefferson City, on October 9 where dinner. Former pastor R. C. Johnson, new Squires were inducted. of Columbia, was guest speaker at the afternoon program. A history of the A large celebration at the Appleton church was given by A. C. Bentley. City Park marked the city's 100th an In attendance were four former pas niversary, August 22-26. Registered vis tors—the Reverend Johnson; Chaplain itors from 116 towns and 17 different William Watts, Moberly; the Reverend states attended the event which in W. T. White, Salisbury; and the Rev cluded a wide variety of entertainment. erend Barry Crowell, Columbia. A centennial parade with honored guests Miss Missouri, Marcia Moss- Jack Stapleton, Sr., Stanberry, fourth barger of Brookfield, and Congressman vice president of the State Historical William J. Randall; baby show; mu Society of Missouri, was one of eleven sical entertainment; basket dinner; newT members elected to the Missouri Sunday worship services; contests; the Academy of Squires in September. Mr. dedication of Donnohue-Dugan Park Stapleton is editor of the Stanberry with honored guest Senator Stuart Headlight and chairman of the State Symington; tour of historic places; a Highway Commission. Other new mem stage show of "One Hundred Years of bers were Charles L. Bacon, Kansas Songs and Fashions"; a historical pag City, national commander of the eant; and various exhibits were en American Legion (1961) ; H. Roe joyed by those in attendance. Bartle, Kansas City, Boy Scout execu tive and former mayor; G. Duncan The 3rd annual Missouri Historic Bauman, publisher of the St. Louis Preservation Conference was held at Globe-Democrat; Dan Devine, head Arrow Rock Chapel, October 17. Ed football coach at the University of ward Wimmer, of the Kansas City Missouri-Columbia; A. J. Drinkwater, Chapter of the American Institute of Jr., Charleston community leader and Architects, called the meeting to order public official; U.S. Representative and heard reports from AIA chapters, Richard H. Ichord, Houston; Dr. architectural historians and other Earle B. Jewell, Forsyth, author, pas groups interested in historic preserva tor and labor mediator; Lewis M. tion. Mrs. Dorothy Caldwell, associate Means, Fayette, former adjutant of editor of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL RE Missouri and supervisor of security for VIEW, represented the State Historical eight midwestern states during World Society at the meeting. War II; Jack Matthews, former dean of Following a luncheon in the Arrow students at the University of Missouri- Rock Tavern the group toured a num Columbia; and Elliot H. Stein, St. ber of sites in the town. A reception Louis investment broker. at Black Sheep Inn concluded the The Academy was founded in 1960 conference. by the late Governor James T. Blair, Jr., to honor Missourians for their ac A historic collection of 21 inaugural 214 Missouri Historical Review ball gowns worn by the wives of U.S. ciety U.S. Daughters of 1812 placed presidents, was displayed in St. Louis and dedicated a memorial marker at and St. Charles in October, as part of the grave of Samuel Miller, a private a nationwide tour. The gowns, authen in the War of 1812, who was buried in tic copies, were shown at the old court Miller's Creek Methodist Church Cem house, Missouri Historical Society and etery, Millersburg. Dr. Wilbur Morse Shaw's Garden, all in St. Louis, and Shankland, St. Louis historian and the St. Charles County Historical So author, gave the address. Chapter ciety Museum in St. Charles. president Fern A. Menard dedicated the marker. Hermann held its first Winefest, The dedication was held in con October 10, at the Old Stone Hill junction with the sesquicentennial Winery. Over 2000 visitors toured the celebration of the church. building complex and wine cellars and watched local craftsmen at work. Ex amples of wood carving, chair caning Mrs. Dorothy Caldwell, associate ed and spinning were featured in the itor of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL RE barn loft. The main building housed VIEW, presented an illustrated talk an unusual wine salesroom, a country October 13, on historic Missouri homes store display, living quarters with au to members of the Antiques Group of thentic furnishings and an attic mu Fortnightly Club, Columbia. seum. Roving musicians played lively On October 27 Mrs. Caldwell spoke German tunes and samples of wine to members of the Tuesday Club on were distributed to the visitors. "Antebellum Social Life in Columbia, Missouri." The meeting was held On October 11, members of the St. in the Flaming Pit Restaurant in Louis Pioneer Chapter, National So- Columbia.
He Laughed As He Worked Breckenridge Bulletin, July 26, 1901. The hottest day this year a laboring man was working on the west side of Broadway in the hot sun. Someone got off a good joke and he laughed for a half hour, as hot as it was. Everybody else was so hot he could scarcely move about. Which shows that leisure does not necessarily bring happiness.
He Hoped the Thief Would Choke Hannibal True American, February 15, 1855. We would say to the individual who stole our shirt off the pole, while we were lying in bed waiting for it to dry that we sincerely hope the collar may cut his throat. Historical Notes and Comments 215
LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES Local Historical Societies and the Genealogist
Local historical societies that pre original public records usually remain serve and disseminate area history may in the custody of governing officials, be of valuable assistance to persons but copies or indexes are often made interested in researching their family by local historical society members for history. The preservation of area gene deposit in the society's archives. alogical records should, therefore, be a The historical society may also col major concern of the local society. lect all books on local history, family Good genealogical research, like his genealogies of the area, books by local torical research, is based on written authors, and genealogical magazines, authentic records which are usually such as the Kansas City Genealogist, found in family and public sources. the St. Louis Genealogical Society The genealogist begins his research Quarterly and the Prairie Gleaner of with family records such as diaries, Warrensburg, published for members journals, letters, photographs, account of regional genealogical societies. The books, marriage certificates, deeds, mil historical society may encourage the itary papers, Bible records and news donation and collection of city and paper clippings which he or another telephone directories, atlases, plat books, relative may have in their possession. post office guides, local newspapers, Through interviews with older rela church histories and minutes, school tives he may hear of family traditions, yearbooks and record books, and ros stories and tales which provide ances ters of various organizations. Some tors with distinct personalities. Such societies purchase microfilmed federal accounts have their place in genealogy census of their area along with a but should be authenticated if pos special microfilm reader. sible. Family records may eventually For special projects society members be donated to the archives of the local make valuable contributions by index historical society depending on their ing all the names in unindexed history historical value and the policies and books, and local newspapers, and by facilities of the local group. compiling lists of early professional Family records can often be supple men and women, county officers and mented with data from public records. soldiers. Public records are written or printed A popular project of local historical books or documents on which entries societies is the recording of cemetery have been made according to law by census. Tombstone inscriptions are re an officer or employee of the state. corded, indexed, and occasionally They are received for filing and are printed for sale or for limited distri the property of the county, city, town bution to regional libraries and the ship or other political subdivision. In State Historical Society. this group are will and probate records The Grundy County Historical So relating to the settlement of estates; ciety compiled the history of post tax and assessment lists; military and office towns in the county. These pension records; voting lists; birth, towns are charted on a map showing marriage, divorce and death records; mail routes, sections are pinpointed land records; and deed and tract books and genealogies compiled for each which provide time, place and duration family within the section. of residence in a specific locality. The Society members are made conscious 216 Missouri Historical Review
of their own family history when one answer promptly and enthusiastically regular meeting program a year is de all inquiries on area families which are voted to collection and compilation of addressed to the society. Members of family data. The Smithville Historical the committee must be familiar with Society has, in addition, featured regu the type of records available, their lo lar genealogical workshop instruction. cation and content. After all informa A limited number of family histories tion in the society's archives is checked, may be published in the society's own it may be possible to examine the publication as a method of preserving sources in the county courthouse as genealogical information and making does Miss Mellnotte McDonough, gen others aware of their genealogy. Many ealogy committee chairman of the societies encourage their members and Audrain County Historical Society. If area residents to, at least, write up their it is impossible to check the county individual family trees to be filed records, at least a list of those avail away in the archives. Junior members able can be enclosed and the inquirer find such compilation an interesting may be directed to other persons or activity and when research is begun professional genealogists who can help. early in life, grandparents and older Limited research is usually given free relatives can provide valuable help but charges may be made for more and insight. extensive work. The Johnson County Historical So Genealogical material as well as ciety began an extensive family history other historical items should be placed program in 1958, organizing the county in the local historical society archives into various townships. A chairman where they will be available to the from each township was supplied with public. The archives may be located printed questionnaires including dates in the society's headquarters or in a of birth, marriage and deaths of fore specially arranged section of the local bears and descendants. Various meth public library. Should the society be ods were used to encourage county- come inactive it is essential that the wide participation in filling out the archival material be deposited where blanks. One chairman, with the help it can be used, perhaps with the advice of a large group of interested persons, of the State Historical Society or a interviewed urban residents by town regional society if one exists in the block. Others worked through area area. Often archives are kept in a extension clubs or sent out question private home where they are inacces naires through the mail. In one small sible and in danger of being lost or town the local postmaster cooperated destroyed. by giving out and collecting the ques The State Historical Society has a tionnaires. Window displays, news large collection of genealogical mate paper publicity and a town centennial rial and most Missouri genealogists encouraged the preservation of family visit its libraries for family informa history. Copies of completed charts tion outside their own area. Ideally are filed in the Heritage Library, War the genealogical collection of local his rensburg, and may be used in genea torical societies and the state historical logical research. society should supplement one another. Interested society members are often Many groups and individuals contrib appointed on the group's genealogy ute duplicated records for the files of committee, which holds regular meet the State Historical Society but, too ings apart from the historical society. often the State Historical Society is It is the committee's responsibility to not aware of local society collections Historical Notes and Comments 217 when they do exist. Local societies heard Senator Stuart Symington pre are encouraged to publicize their hold sent the dedicatory address. An exhibi ings and the type of service they tion of the American saddle horse was offer. given by Mrs. Kenny Rogers and Art [Editor's Note. This article could Simmons. The late L. M. White's col not have been written without the lection of horses and horsemen relics kind assistance of a number of indi is a nucleus of the museum exhibit. viduals—Mrs. Ilene Sims Yarnell, Mor The Society held its annual meeting, gan County Historical Society; Mabel November 17, at the Mexico United Burrill, Grundy County Historical So Methodist Church. Mrs. Quinnie Ben ciety; Fred G. Mieswinkel, Lawrence ton, retired principal of Garfield County Historical Society; Mrs. Fred School, presented "The History of Gladbach, Jr., Florissant Valley His Audrain County." Mrs. Benton is pre torical Society; Mellnotte McDonough, paring for publication a book on Audrain County Historical Society; slavery in Audrain County. New so and Mrs. A. Lee Smiser, Johnson ciety cookbooks were on display and County Historical Society.] ready for sale at $2-50 each or $3.00 when mailed. The cookbook committee Antioch Community Church was headed by Mrs. H. L. Beynon. Historical Society Members and friends of the Antioch Bates County Historical Society Community Church in Clay County, Some 28 members attended the observed the 117th anniversary of the September 8 meeting at the City Hall, church with a fellowship dinner, Sep Butler. Ed Robertson gave an account tember 20. Lew Larkin, author and of museums he had visited on a trip staff member of the Kansas City Star, through Kansas. was the program speaker. The Society At the October 10 meeting, mem sponsored the event. bers completed plans for their "Yes terday Fashion Show" held October 24 Atchison County Historical Society at the new Butler high school build Members held their summer picnic ing. and quarterly meeting on September Some 700 people attended the fash 20 in the Sonora Masonic Lodge Hall, ion show featuring garments modeled Watson. Sonora Lodge #200, A.F. & from the museum's collection. Proceeds A.M., has been functioning continu were used to benefit the museum. ously since 1867. After a brief business Mrs. Reva Stubblefield, curator of meeting the members toured historic the museum, writes a weekly column, sites of the community and located the "Historical Notes From the Bates site of the abandoned town of Sonora. County Museum," for publication in The Mule Barn Museum on the the Butler Bates County Democrat. Tarkio College campus was formally The column includes much area his opened, October 29. The museum con tory and genealogy. tains a large Indian collection and historical material on the area and on David Rankin, builder and former Butler County Historical Society owner of the Barn. Highlights in the 70-year history of the Rombauer community were re Audrain County Historical Society ported by Mrs. A. W. Zoll at the Oc Over 400 persons attended the Au tober 16 meeting in the Poplar Bluff gust 16 dedication of the American Loan and Building Association. Mrs. Saddle Horse Museum in Mexico and Zoll moved to Rombauer in 1911. Her 218 Missouri Historical Review
pioneer family played a large role in faced by antique red brick with black the community's history. mortar. It will feature period rooms, Officers elected for the coming year a village street and show cases with were George Loughead, president; Bob family and county treasures. The mu Manns, executive vice president; Mrs. seum is being financed by profits from M. A. Marvel, secretary; and Robert the sale of the Carroll County History Seifert, treasurer. and from voluntary donations. The Society has 458 life members Camden County Historical Society and some 100 annual members. Facts about Ha Ha Tonka were pre sented by members of the Camden ton Cedar County Historical Society Chapter, Junior Historians, at the Dr. L. E. Meador, Springfield, well- August 13 meeting in the historical known historian and a former head of museum, Linn Creek. the history department at Drury Col lege, was guest speaker at the Society's Camdenton Chapter of Junior organizational meeting, July 27. Some Historians 50 persons attended the meeting at The Chapter was formed during the the recreational club house, Stockton. first semester of the 1969-1970 school John Mills of the St. Clair County year by John Ewing, social science Historical Society was guest speaker teacher at Camdenton High School. at the September 28 meeting in the Mr. Ewing is the faculty sponsor, as Stockton Clubhouse. sisted by Mrs. Neva Crane, also a A history of El Dorado Springs was social science teacher. Jim Dickerson presented by Paul Kemp at the Oc served as president. tober 26 meeting in the American Legion Home at El Dorado Springs. Carondelet Historical Society Early photos of the area were on A marker telling the history of Ca display. rondelet was dedicated by the Society, The Society's first project is the September 27, in Bellerive Park. Rich moving and restoration of the Log ard Federer, a past president of the Cabin, which was the first hotel in Society, gave the dedicatory address. Stockton. After an addition to the The marker was unveiled by Helen building, it became known as the Ten Rieckus, first president of the Society. nessee House. Bellerive Park is on a bluff overlook Officers for the coming year are ing the Mississippi River near the site Ezell Goodwin, president; Noble Ab where Clement DeLore DeTreget, bot, vice president; Virginia Montgom founder of Carondelet, originally ery, secretary; Dallas Dale, assistant landed when he came up the river. secretary; and Ray Fowler, treasurer. Approximately 500 members and guests Regular meetings are held the attended the dedication. fourth Monday of each month. At the October 27 meeting in the Carondelet Branch Library, Ray Eilers Chariton County Historical Society spoke on "St. Louis and the Civil The July 26 meeting was held in War." the newly acquired museum buildings in Salisbury. Members discussed their Carroll County Historical Society fund drive and plans for remodeling Members report that the Society's the structure. A film on Colonial Wil new museum is nearing completion. liamsburg, Virginia, "Doorway to the The building, under construction, is a Past," was presented by Marjorie 140 x 60 feet, concrete block structure Henry. Historical Notes and Comments 219
Some 40 persons attended the Oc Springfield. His talk was based on tober 18 meeting in Dulany Library, archaeological surveys and excavations Salisbury. The program, "Pilgrimage done in the summers of 1966 and 1967 Time at Rosalie," by Mrs. Virgil by Robert T. Bray and crew from the Farthing, consisted of 63 slides of the University of Missouri and on his historic antebellum home at Natchez, personal investigations and study. Mississippi. President Jordan Bentley reported on the new museum under Clay County Museum Association A program on "Preserving Your development. Family History" was given by Mrs. Civil War Round Table Earl Sevier, Mrs. Julian Evans and Of Kansas City Mrs. William Eldridge at the August Dr. Leroy H. Fischer, professor of 27 meeting in the National Commer History, Oklahoma State University, cial Bank, Liberty. Members also re Stillwater, spoke at the September 22 lated their experiences in genealogical meeting in Twin Oaks Apartment. research. The title of his address was "The The recent historical museum ex Civil War in Today's Perspective." hibit, "Down Memory's Lane," fea Jack Randall, member of the Civil tured old-fashioned clothing. War Round Table of the Ozarks, Mrs. Charles Vandiver, Camden Springfield, was guest speaker at the Point, and Mrs. Riley Brown, Glad Kansas City organization on October stone, presented a program on "De 27. His talk, "A Different Valor," was pression Glass" at the September 24 based on Joseph E. Johnston. meeting in the historical museum, Liberty. Civil War Round Table A program on "The Platte Purchase Of St. Louis and its Connection Between Liberty The Round Table began its 1970- and St. Joseph Through the Thornton 1971 year with the September 23 meet Family," was given by Sheridan Logan, ing at Le Chateau. Wilbur Thomas, St. Joseph, at the October 22 meeting Washington, D. G, spoke on "General in the museum. Fred Hyde, also of George Henry Thomas, The Indom St. Joseph, showed slides of historic itable Warrior," from his book of the places in that area. same title. Dr. William Parrish of Westminster Clinton County Historical Society College, Fulton, spoke at the Novem Some 36 members attended the Sep ber 4 meeting on "Jefferson Davis tember 12 meeting in the circuit court Visits Missouri, 1875." room, Plattsburg. Guest speaker Mrs. Harry Morrow told about "Discovering Civil War Round Table and Preserving Your Family History." Of the Ozarks Officers elected for the coming year Judge Paul E. Carver, Neosho, spoke were Donald Breckenridge, president; on "The Battle at Newtonia—8 Aug. Mrs. Melvin Hutton, vice president; 1862," at the September 9 meeting at Mrs. Charles E. Hoskins, secretary; Ramada Inn, Springfield. and Mrs. Howard Thurman, treasurer. At the October 14 meeting Robert The Society prepared historical ex J. Schumerth spoke on "An Archaeo hibits for the Gower Centennial and logical Survey and Excavations at the the Plattsburg Fall Festival. Wilson's Creek Battlefield Site." Mr. Schumerth is management assistant at Crawford County Historical Society the battlefield national park near Members were guests of J. I. Breuer, 220 Missouri Historical Review
July 16, for a basket supper and pon Bessie C. Hawkins presented "The toon boat rides at Indian Hills Lake. History of Anutt," which she had com At the September 17 meeting in piled. A special guest of honor was Recklein Auditorium, Cuba, some 18 91-year-old Mrs. Mae Young Headrick, members viewed pictures and discussed a descendant of an early Anutt family. the Spanish-American War. Plans were made for bake and rummage Foundation for Restoration of sales, planned for September 26, and Ste. Genevieve for serving refreshments at the local The Foundation began its first art show on October 10-11. Society major restoration project in July at member J. I. Breuer reported that he Memorial Cemetery. Stonemasons had addressed several groups on the worked for some three weeks repairing work of the society, history of the the stones. Much more work needs to county and the history of area schools. be done and members are asked to contribute to the cemetery fund. The Daughters of Old Westport goal is |3,000. On October 3 the Daughters par ticipated in the Old Westport Good Franklin County Historical Society- Neighbor Bazaar selling handmade Phoebe Apperson Hearst articles, "white elephants" and an Historical Society tiques donated by members. Funds On October 4 the Phoebe Apperson from money-making projects are being Hearst Historical Society sponsored a used for a memorial to deceased mem tour in which members of the Frank bers, descendants of founders of Old lin County Historical Society also par Westport. Flowers have been planted ticipated. The tour commemorated the in the Loose Park Memorial Rose 150th anniversary of Missouri state Garden and a bronze marker with the hood and featured sites important to name of the organization will also be the Indians of the 1820 period. The placed there. group rendezvoused at the Leslie town park and visited Indian Paint Mine, DeKalb County Historical Society Indian Prairie, Shawnee or Rogerstown Don Elwell spoke at the August 16 and the W. A. Bruns Home, under meeting in the courthouse, Maysville. the leadership of Ralph Gregory. A He told why he and his family settled business meeting was conducted by in DeKalb County. Mr. Elwell's daugh Franklin County Historical Society ter, Linda, presented musical enter president Don Owens in the Bruns tainment, accompanied by Mrs. Elwell. Home. The speaker for the October 18 meeting was Mrs. Patricia Holmes Gentry County Historical Society from the State Historical Survey and Some 35 persons attended the Oc Planning Office of the Missouri Park tober 11 meeting in the Albany Pres Board, Columbia. Mrs. Holmes dis byterian Church. Mr. and Mrs. Hollis cussed possibilities for help in pre Gordon, Independence, showed slides serving historical sites in the county. of barbed wire and displayed antique The Society now has a total of 241 dolls. members. Grand River Historical Society Dent County Historical Society Over 90 persons attended the Oc Members enjoyed a carry-in dinner tober 15 dinner meeting at the Strand at the September 4 meeting in the Hotel in Chillicothe. Dr. Richard S. Young Community Building, Anutt. Brownlee, director of the State His- Historical Notes and Comments 221
torical Society of Missouri, Columbia, wood. Mrs. Lillian Kortum, Society spoke on the life of General Ulysses S. treasurer and historian, presented a Grant. Members heard reports on var history of the school, which was orig ious activities including historical inally called the Murrier School of window displays and plans for starting Dickeson District No. 2, Township No. a museum in the local library. 46, and was located on Highway 140 During the past summer the Society near the present Elm Grove School. sponsored a cleanup at Slagle Ceme Special guest speakers were State tery and a booth at the Livingston Representative James Jay Russell, County 4-H and FFA Fair. Hazelwood Mayor Homer F. Birchler and Dr. C, McDonald, superintendent Greene County Historical Society of Hazelwood School District. The A program on the "History of the Reverend John Cormack, pastor of the Public Square: Past, Present and Fu Northside Baptist Church, gave the ture" was given by Wilbur E. Wood invocation. Mrs. Murl Hutson closed at the September 24 meeting in the the program with a poem and pre Springfield Art Museum. Mr. Wood is sented an 1878 school bell, donated by executive director of the Downtown Mrs. Ruth Rathford. As the bell rang, Springfield Association. the school doors were opened and Graduate students in history at children of Society members dressed Southwest Missouri State College, Wil in period costumes were seated at the liam A. Van Winkle and Steve Stepp, desks. presented a program on "Civil War The schoolhouse, located at 450 Fortifications of Springfield" at the Brooks Lane, is open the last Sunday October 22 meeting. of each month from 2 p.m. to 5 p.m. Harrison County Historical Society The Society was represented in "The "Past Businesses of Harrison Coun Festival of Fun," September 27. The ty" was the program theme for the fair commemorated the 21st birthday October 8 meeting in the First Na of Hazelwood, incorporated as a vil tional Bank, Bethany. Mrs. Virgil Mc- lage in 1949. A float on the "Little Quinney reported on business places in Red School House," was sponsored by Eagleville and Mrs. Homer Pyle and the Society. Mrs. Myrl Hutson, Society the Reverend Noel T. Adams gave chairman, wrote a "History in Minia facts about Cainsville. Pictures and ture" for distribution at the celebra clippings of businesses in Bethany tion. were displayed by Wayne Edson. Mr. Edson also presented a tape recording, Hickory County Historical Society "Fifty Years of Bethany," written by Some 13 persons attended the Sep Lillian Prentess. tember 8 meeting at the courthouse in Officers elected for the coming year Hermitage and discussed the care of were Ruby Smith, president; Carl abandoned cemeteries in the county. Slaughter, first vice president; Earl Prominent early county promoters Stephens, second vice president; Rob were listed and discussed. ert Mcintosh, treasurer; and Vesper Nina Mcintosh, secretary. Historical Association of Greater St. Louis Hazelwood Historical Society At the October 30 meeting in Brown The Little Red School House was Hall Lounge, Washington University, officially dedicated as a historical mu Burton C. Bernard spoke on "Lafay seum, June 14, in Brooks Park, Hazel- ette Square: Nagel, Brandeis, Leh- 222 Missouri Historical Review mann, and Other Luminaries Who Butler, was the featured attraction at Lived There." the Society's September 12 & 13 cen tennial celebration commemorating the Howell County Historical Society delivery of the famous "Eulogy To A Members enjoyed a pot-luck supper, Dog." George Graham Vest made the October 13, in the First Presbyterian delivery in the old courthouse, War Church, West Plains. Plans were made rensburg, September 23, 1870. Dr. for the establishment of a museum in Glenn Q. Pierce, associate professor of the E. L. Harlin House and for paint Speech, Central Missouri State Col ing the Big Spring School House, a lege, directed the play, given in five recent gift to the Society. Mrs. Ella performances to a total of 635 persons Horak was presented an honorary life at the restored courthouse. Scenes membership for her contributions to were shown, September 13, on the the writing of county history. 10:00 o'clock news from WDAF-TV in The committee on church history Kansas City. reported that 60 county churches had contributed historical data and pic Joplin Historical Society tures for permanent file with the So Some 600 persons attended the So ciety. The Reverend and Mrs. Ivin ciety's fourth annual historical homes Douglas Galloway, leaders of the com tour of the Joplin area, September 13. mittee, worked with several other area The group visited the Rothanbarger residents to publish a 45-page book Home, the Schermerhorn Home of let, History of the First Congregation Galena, Kansas, Schifferdecker Gar al Methodist Churches in Howell dens and the homes of Frederick H. County Missouri—1883 to 1970. Rogers, Dr. Miller O. Coombs, Ed Officers of the Society are Dick Gregory and George Braun, the latter Fleming, Hocomo, president; Dorotha also of Galena, Kansas. Reavis, West Plains, first vice presi The past summer the Society erected dent; Maxine Curtis, Willow Springs, 22 joplin Historical Trail Markers on second vice president; Grace Penning- private property in the area. Nearly er, Mountain View, third vice presi 50 sites of historical importance have dent; Lourena Galloway, West Plains, been marked to date. secretary; and Beulah Fleming, Hoc The Society held its November 18 omo, treasurer. meeting at the First Presbyterian Church, Joplin. The program was Jackson County Historical Society presented by the Civil War Round The Society held its annual dinner Table Committee. Allen McReynolds meeting, November 23, in the Plaza of Carthage spoke on "Life and Times Inn, Kansas City. Charles van Raven - of the Civil War as Told by Partici swaay, director of Winterthur Mu pants.'' The recollections were handed seum, Wilmington, Delaware, pre down by members of the McReynolds sented an illustrated talk on "Historic family. Musical entertainment of Civil Preservation in 1970." A native Mis- War songs were presented by the sourian, Mr. van Ravenswaav was for Joplin Chapter of the Society to\ the 16 years direr lor of the Missouri His Preservation and Encouragement of torical Society in St. Louis and later Barbershop Quartet Singing in Amei- president of Old Sturbridge Village in ica. Massachusetts. Kansas City Westerners Johnson County Historical Society Posse member Robert W. Patrick A play, entitled "Drum," by Jack spoke on 'When Kansas City, Mo. Historical Notes and Comments 223
Came Close to Being a City in Kan St. Paul's College students presented sas," at the August 11 meeting in Hotel musical entertainment of polkas and Bellerive. schottisches. The topic for the September 8 meeting "When the Railroad Came to Landmarks Association of St. Louis Kansas City," was presented by Cal An automobile tour of Calvary and Manon. Belief on taine cemeteries was sponsored by Landmarks on October 25. Kenneth At the October 13 meeting, Thomas O'Connor designed the tour. Guide W. Carneal, professor of History, books for each cemetery were fur Northwest Missouri State College, nished free of charge to Landmark Maryville, spoke on "Trade in North members. west Missouri: 1843-87." Slides illus On October 30, Clarence John trated the talk which emphasized Laughlin of New Orleans was guest wagon trade, the backers of the over speaker at the Landmarks fall lecture land freighting system and their fight in Steinberg Hall, Washington Uni against the railroad enterprise. versity. His illustrated talk was en titled "A Forgotten Heritage: Ameri Kirkwood Historical Society can Victorian Architecture Rediscov On June 9 the Society unveiled a ered." Using examples from Chicago, series of historical markers. Bronze Milwaukee, St. Louis and San Fran tablets were placed on the side of the cisco, Mr. Laughlin presented evidence Missouri Pacific station; at the post that it was the little-known American office building where Elm Lodge was Victorian architects who broke with erected in 1824, the home of Owen European tradition in architecture to Collins; at the A.&P. Building to evolve houses with a special American mark the site of the residence of B. flavor. Gratz Brown; and at the Southwest Bell Telephone office, site of Kirk Lawrence County Historical Society wood Seminary, 1868-1889. Other sites At the October 18 meeting in the will be marked in the future. Members Jones Memorial Chapel, Mount Ver also enjoyed a picnic supper on the non, long-time residents of the area grounds near the Missouri Pacific sta presented a panel discussion. The pro tion. gram, commemorating the 125th an In connection with the Green Tree niversary of Lawrence County and Festival, September 15, the Society Mount Vernon, was arranged by Eu sponsored a hobby and collectors show gene H. Carl, program chairman. in the Kirkwood Community Center. The admission fees were donated to Lewis County Historical Society the Society's fund for purchasing a Some 1,000 persons attended the So permanent home. ciety's annual historical exhibit, Sep tember 27, at Highland School near Lafayette County Historical Society Ewing. Fifty-eight communities and The Society met October 18 at the towns were represented in the attend West Central Electrical Building in ance. The display included numerous Higginsville. The program featured historical items, antiques and hobbies. reminiscences of life in the old river Slides of historical interest were also town of Dover given by Emmett shown by Ben Plank, Canton. Slusher, Mrs. Frank Fitchett and Mrs. The Society held its regular quar Peyton Tabb. Numerous personal terly meeting at the LaGrange Pres mementoes were displayed and two byterian Church on October 11. Ebert 224 Missouri Historical Review
Reiter reported on his project of col served by Mr. and Mrs. Clark Latshaw lecting information about country and Hiram Carnell. schools. Anyone having information about the area schools should contact Mercer County Historical Society him in Canton. Some 60 members and guests at tended the October 25 meeting at the The following officers were re Goshen Christian Church. Mrs. Gerald elected: Delmar Lake, president; Ebert Martin presented the history of Gosh Reiter, first vice president; Paul en and Joe Linn read the list of Civil Sellers, second vice president; Thelma War veterans buried at Goshen. In ob Brinkley, secretary; and Elizabeth Pol servance of the Society's 5th anniver lock, treasurer. sary, Mrs. Joe Linn gave a report on the group's progress and accomplish Lincoln County Historical and ments. Archeological Societies The following officers were re At the October 15 meeting in the elected: Mrs. Joe Linn, president; Ray courthouse, Troy, Mr. and Mrs. John Barnett, vice president; and Mrs. Clare presented an illustrated pro Frank Walker, secretary-treasurer. gram on "Church Sites of Lincoln County; Past & Present." The follow Mississippi County ing officers were installed: Charles Historical Society Worsley, Jr., president; Reverend Con In cooperation with the State His rad Cheatham, vice president; George torical Survey and Planning Office of W. Giles, secretary; and Judge Thomas the State Park Board, members sub W. Withrow, treasurer. Mrs. O'Garlon mitted data of several sites for nomi Ricks was appointed program chair nation to the National Register of man. Historic Places. A list of local residents who have Macon County Historical Society achieved prominence is being com Over 50 persons attended the Oc piled for a publication in honor of the tober 28 dinner meeting at Travelier sesquicentennial anniversary of the Cafe, Macon. Mrs. Howard Miller state. discussed early buildings in Macon and the early history of the county. Missouri Historical Society Musical entertainment was furnished Old Vincennes, Indiana's territorial by Bruce Rice, vocal music director at capital; French Lick, famed spa in the Macon Junior-Senior High School, ac Cumberland foothills; and New Har companied by Carol Brown. mony, early 19th century communal settlement were featured attractions of McDonald County Historical Society the October 24-25 director's tour, en On August 2, the Society sponsored titled "Vincennes Stage." a bus tour of two early-day towns. Over 40 persons visited Enterprise and Moniteau County Historical Society Elk Mills. Judge Paul E. Carver and Members of the Society enjoyed a Al Keith related some of the history of covered-dish supper at the July 20 Enterprise. Jack Weersing, owner of meeting in Proctor's Park. W. Crosby Elk River ranch, told about Elk Mills. Brown, Chief, Historic Shrines and The group stopped at the old Sham- Memorials of the Missouri State Park baugh home where H. Wilkerson pre Board, gave an illustrated program on sented some interesting history. Re historic sites in the state. freshments of punch and cookies were A colored-slide program of old log Historical Notes and Comments 225 cabins in the county was presented to Nodaway County Historical Society a large audience at the September 21 A program on "Early School Masters meeting in Masonic Hall, California. in Missouri" was given by Ann Gor- Mrs. B. F. Houser gave some history such at the October 26 meeting in Fel of each site. Pictures and information lowship Hall, Maryville United Meth for the program were gathered by Mr. odist Church. Members answered roll and Mrs. Houser and Mr. and Mrs. call by telling of a game they en Perry Wilson. The California Demo joyed in school and Mrs. John Curf- crat of September 24 published a pic man led an old-fashioned singing ture and the history of 17 log houses. school. Mrs. George Hinshaw gave "A Tribute to Missouri." Monroe County Historical Society A bake sale and old-fashioned ice Over 50 persons participated in a cream and cake social were held the historic tour of southwestern Monroe past summer to help finance the mov County, July 26, sponsored by the So ing and repair of the Old Hickory ciety. Millard Haley, life-long resident Grove Rural School House. of the area, Max Snyder and Ralph A file of area school pictures and Gregory guided the tour. Some of the letters of former pupils and teachers sites and structures visited were Middle of the county is being collected by Grove, Harris' Springs, Fox Settlement, Stephen LaMar. Allen House and Union Bridge. Old Trails Historical Society At the July 27 meeting in the coun Members worked on Sundays this ty courthouse, Paris, Ralph Gregory past fall replacing the porch floor at and Carl Bounds gave a program the Bacon Log Cabin and putting a stressing the importance of preserving new cedar shake roof on the porch old county newspapers. Mr. Bounds and front cabin. A number of fund displayed scrapbooks of newspaper raising projects were planned to fi clippings which he had collected over nance the renovation. the years. At the October 21 meeting in the Unusual and interesting items of Daniel Boone Library, Ellisville, H. K. county history were read by Carl Donnelly gave an illustrated talk on Bounds at the October 26 meeting. "The Ecology of the Missouri River Ralph Gregory also showed slides of Bottoms." historic places in Missouri, Washing ton, D. C, and other sections of the Pemiscot County Historical Society country. The Society was formally organized at a May 26 meeting in the First State Native Sons of Kansas City Bank of Caruthersville, with 32 A program of comedy and magic founder members. Dr. Luciana Iorizzo, was presented by Charles Van Osdol associate professor of History at the at Ladies' Night, October 7, in the State University of New York College, Flaming Pit Restaurant. Oswego, spoke on the importance of, The following officers were elected: and need for, local historical societies. Paul L. Kartsonis, president; Sanford Officers elected were Mrs. Ophelia W. Stuck, first vice president; Robert Wade, president; John Van Ausdall, A. Closser, second vice president; vice president; Mrs. Bobbie Richard Ralph C. Hedges, secretary; L. Good son, secretary; and George McRey man Simonds, treasurer; and Dr. Ster- nolds, treasurer. Meetings are held on rett S. Titus, historian and archivist. the fourth Tuesday of each month. 226 Missouri Historical Review
At the June 23 meeting Mr. and Log Cabin College. The school was Mrs. Kelib Davis, Braggadocio, pre the first permanent church building sented a paper on "Birth of a of the Trinity Lutheran Church in Church," written by their son, Char Altenburg. The dedication services for les Davis. Several committees were ap the museum in commemoration of the pointed to gather the history of the 125 th anniversary dedication of the county. old building, were held in historic A paper on the history of "Kinfolk Trinity Lutheran Church at Alten Ridge Baptist Church" was read by burg. The Reverend Walter E. Fehr- Mrs. Margaret Mayo at the July 28 mann, pastor of the church, officiated meeting. Members also heard "The at the services. History of Deering, Missouri," which Members held their October 11 was collected by the sixth grade class meeting in the "Big School" where of Deering School in 1934. vice president Theo Popp, Frohna, W. Crosby Brown, Chief, Historic spoke on the life and works of the Shrines and Memorials of the Missouri Reverend Ernest M. Buerger. State Park Board, spoke on historic sites of Missouri at the August 25 Platte County Historical Society mee'ing. The history of Eastwood Members were served a chuck wagon Memorial Methodist Church, by Mrs. dinner at the October 18 meeting in Lillie Kindred, was read by Mrs. Al Exhibition Hall, Platte County Fair berta Klemp. grounds, Tracy. Harley Wyatt, head At the September 22 meeting Duffy of admissions at William Jewell Col lege, Liberty, presented a program, "A Schult told about four different In Civil War Diary," featuring the per dian cultures that lived in the coun sonality and musings of a Barry, Mis ty. John Van Ausdall presented a pa souri, man during his tour of duty in per for Mrs. Harry Baker on the Wil the war. liamson George Curtner Family. The October 27 meeting featured a Pony Express Historical Association program ^n church histories of the The St. Joseph Hobby Club Show county. Reports were given by Mrs. was held at Patee House, St. Joseph, Blair Buckley, Jeff Wade and Bobbie September 19-20. Some 30 different Richardson. Roberta Pollock donated displays included needlework, mak a complete index of probate court ing wax dolls, cake decorating, art records of the county and Lois Mc glass bowls and vases, antique copper Reynolds, reporting on the cemeteries items, antique dolls, pictures, flow committee, noted that inscriptions blue china and milk glass, antique from 20 of the county's 60 cemeteries woodworking tools, shells, western col had been copied. lections, fans and celluloid boxes, pipes, car trophies, grandfather clocks, Perry County Lutheran Astronomy Club exhibit, coins, old Historical Society telephones and radios. The past summer members of the Proceeds were donated to the As Society placed a new cedar shingle sociation for the development of Patee roof on the canopy over the Old Con House. cordia Log Cabin College in Alten- burg. Pulaski County Historical Society On May 17 the Society dedicated a All civic leaders in the county were part of the "Big School" in Altenburg invited to attend the October 22 as an extension museum of Concordia meeting in Ramada Inn, Waynesville. Historical Notes and Comments 227
Plans were made for the 1971 sesqui by W. Crosby Brown, Chief, Historic centennial celebration to commemorate Shrines and Memorials of the Mis Missouri's statehood. souri State Park Board. The Society reports a collection of tape recorded sermons and interviews St. Clair County Historical Society with old timers. Members also made a Dr. Franklin P. Johnson presented movie on square dancing. a program on excerpts from the Os ceola Herald, 1866-1871, at the August Putnam County Historical Society 9 meeting in the Commercial Hotel, A program on early-day railroads Osceola. through Central Putnam County was At the September 16 meeting, Mrs. given by the Reverend Glen Lochhead Nelle Hostetter gave a program on at the August 15 meeting in the pub Harmony Mission in Bates County, lic library, Unionville. Dr. N. W. Gil- near Schell City, and displayed her lum, now retired, told of his experi own paintings of Indian wells and ences as a country doctor and related other views near the site. brief sketches about other doctors of The influence of Francis P. Blair, the county. B. Gratz Brown and Joseph Orville Recent exhibits in the library dis Shelby on Missouri History was re play cases have included tureens, gravy lated by John Mills at the October 21 boats, horse trappings and Bibles. A meeting. committee headed by Mrs. Vera Jones is in charge of the displays. St. Francois County Historical Society Raytown Historical Society Officers of the Society are L. 1). The Society dedicated a marker, Brodsky, president; Dr. C. W. Chastian, September 20, at the Brooking Ceme first vice president; Lottie M. Huff, tery. The plaque was placed at the second vice president; F. A. Voertman, family burial plot of Judge Alvan secretary; and Clinton Roberts, treas Brooking, who served in the Jackson urer, all of Farmington. County Court from 1842 to 1848. The Society plans to erect a marker Brooking Township, in which Ray for the old Plank Road. town is located, was named for him. Mrs. Roberta Bonnewitz, research St. Joseph Historical Society chairman, compiled and printed a A slide program of early St. Joseph Brooking genealogy in honor of the pictures, entitled "Do You Remem family. ber?" was presented by Fred A. Hyde at the June 24 meeting in St. Joseph Officers for 1971 are Gladys Shaw, Museum. Members made plans to at president; Mrs. Frank S. Allen, first tend a meeting of the Urban Renewal vice president; Mrs. Thomas Croskey, in an effort to save the century-old second vice president; Mrs. Ralph De- Missouri Valley Trust Bank Building, Honey, secretary; Mrs. Casey Carriker, known as the oldest bank west of the treasurer; and George Crews, cor Mississippi River used continuously responding secretary. for banking purposes. St. Charles County At the August 16 meeting, Ray Historical Society Waldo showed the film, "Preservation A slide program on "Historic and Renewal." A history of the First Preservation in Missouri" was pre Presbyterian Church, St. Joseph, was sented at the October 22 meeting in also given. St. Peter's School Cafeteria, St. Charles, At the October 18 meeting Fred A. 228 Missouri Historical Review
Hyde gave a report on the recent trip Missouri. The following officers were of the Society to Marysville and Al reelected: Charles Timmons, Clarence, cove Springs, Kansas. Charles Potter president; Roy Neff, Shelbina, first showed slides taken on his vacation vice president; Mrs. Virgil Vandiver, where he visited sites on the eastern Leonard, second vice president; Mrs. section of the Oregon Trail. Mem Emmett Goe, Shelbyville, secretary; bers also viewed pictures of area build and Mrs. Lester Farley, Shelbina, treas ings of historic importance. urer. The following officers were re elected: Ray Waldo, president; Mrs. Smithville Historical Society Clark Goodell, first vice president; The Society sold watermelon slices Glenn Setzer, second vice president; and pine cones at the "Fun Days" cel Nancy Sandehn, secretary; and Sheri ebration, September 12. The proceeds dan Logan, treasurer. will be used for the upkeep of the museum. St. Louis Westerners Officers for the coming year are William B. Baker spoke on "Roads Jane Jones, president; Ann Coleman, West From St. Louis" at the October vice president; Edith Sims, secretary; 16 meeting at Cheshire Inn, St. Louis. and Lucille Taylor, treasurer. At the November 20 meeting, Edgar J. Mothershead presented "How the Vernon County Historical Society West Was Won." The Bushwhacker Museum was Officers for 1970-1971 are Carl H. closed for the winter months on No Laemmli, president; Lyle S. Wood vember 1. Persons wishing to visit the cock, vice president; Edward E. museum can make reservations to do Aguado, secretary; Robert T. Voor- so through Mrs. Roy Hill, 667-3347 hees, assistant secretary; Carl A. Brum- or 667-7609, Nevada. mett, treasurer; and Edwin A. Para- doski, assistant treasurer. Westport Historical Society On September 27, the Society spon Saline County Historical Society sored a historic sites tour of famous The Society is presently collecting a landmarks in Westport and of Shaw complete set of the MISSOURI HIS nee Methodist Mission Manual Labor TORICAL REVIEW and the Missouri School in Johnson County, Kansas. Archaeologist for its library. Antique cars, courtesy of Veteran Mo tor Car Club, provided transportation Shelby County Historical Society to such landmarks as the Harris and More than 50 persons from the Scarritt homes, Boone Trading Post county attended the Lewis County His and Jim Bridger's Building. torical Display at the Highland School, near Ewing, September 27. The Shelby White River Valley County Historical Society entered a Historical Society display of 31 framed rural school pic The Society held its June 29 an tures together with the history of the nual meeting at Rock Bridge in Ozark schools. County, with nearly 100 persons at Over 100 persons attended the Oc tending. John L. Harlin, a banker of tober 21 meeting at Sky Way Cafe, Gainesville, was guest speaker. He told Shelbina. Guest speaker Chancellor reminiscent accounts of the bank in John W. Schwada, Columbia, spoke which members of his family had on the activities of the University of served since its organization in 1894. Historical Notes and Comments 229
GIFTS PROFESSOR BOWER ALY, Eugene, Oregon, donor: The Fourth of July Revisited, by donor. R* Essays in Honor of C. M. Wise, edited by Arthur J. Bronstein, Claude L. Shaver and Cj Stevens. R
CLARENCE E. AMEN, Brookfield, donor: Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church, Bucklin, Missouri, 1870-1970. R
REVEREND ROBERT J. ARNOLD, Rich Fountain, and PAUL BECK, Jefferson City, donors: Sacred Heart Parish, Rich Fountain, Mo., 1838-1938. R
HOWARD M. BAKER, Albert Lea, Minnesota, donor: Saint Mary's Church, Hannibal, Missouri. R
MRS. V. K. BETTERIDGE, Pilot Grove, donor: Mt. Nebo Baptist Church, Lamine Association, 1820-1970. R
E. H. BIEHLE, Perryville, donor: St. Maurus Church, Biehle, Missouri, 1870-1970. R
MRS. ESTHER DORRIS BISHOP, Marshall, donor: Diary of Lavinia Priest (1860) . M Genealogy notes for the Grinstead, Crump, Clopton and Ayres families. R Genealogical Notes of the Priest-Rush-Harris-Terrell & Allied Families, by Nellie F. Ayres. R
MRS. VIRGINIA BOTTS, Columbia, donor: Histories of Missouri Alpha of Phi Delta Theta, Zeta Phi Chapter of Beta Theta Pi, and Missouri Alpha of Phi Kappa Psi, by donor, loaned for copying. M
MRS. WILLIAM L. BRADSHAW, Columbia, donor: Misc. newspaper and magazine clippings concerning Missouri history. E
DR. RICHARD S. BROWNLEE, Columbia, donor: Mark Twain: The Mysterious Stranger, edited with an introduction by William M. Gibson. R
CANDOR PRESS, Dexter, donor: Waggoner Family, 1670 to 1970, assembled by Earl Wagner. R
CHARLES V. CLIFFORD, St. Louis, donor: Charles V. Clifford St. Louis Municipal Opera Collection. M
J. S. DEGROFF, Kenmore, New York, donor: Genealogy of the DeGroff Family. R
*These letters indicate where the gift materials are filed at Society head quarters: R refers to Reference Library; E, Editorial Office; M, Manuscript Col lection; N, Newspaper Library; A, Art Room; and B, Bay Room. 230 Missouri Historical Review
J. ALLEN EICHENBERGER, Saverton, donor: The Lee Papers: A Saga of Midwestern Journalism (1947). R MRS. DON FAUROT, Columbia, donor: Picturesque America; or. The Land, We Live In, edited by William Cullen Bryant. R TALITHA GISLER, Columbia, donor: Photograph of members and lay members, St. Louis German Conference, 1907. E Minutes, St. Louis German Conference, ca. 1904 or 1905. R GUPTON FAMILY, donors, through MRS. L. J. VOGT, Webster Groves: Papers of Richard Drace White, native of Missouri, naval officer, duty in Spanish-American War and World Wars I & II. M
MRS. HENRY HAMILTON, Marshall, donor: John D. McKowan Enrollment book; Van Meter Levee District Saline County, 1923-1968; scrapbook of Marshall centennial celebration; and misc. papers, letters and clippings concerning Sappington Family. M Photograph of Jeremiah Odell. E Central College, Lexington Catalogs, 1906-1907, 1922-1923, and View Book, 1922-1923; Here and There in Shelbyville, 1915; and Catalog of Shelbyville Public Schools, 1904-1905. R
EVELYN HEATH, Cabool, donor: Hillbilly Homestead; Memories of Rural Missouri Life in a Bygone Era, by donor. R
MRS. EUGENE HELFRECHT, Springfield, donor: "Bethesda, Lost City," compiled by members, Girl Scout Troop 15, and written by Shirley Gilmore. R
MRS. GEORGE R. HICKOK, Eldon, donor: Index to marriages of Miller County, compiled by Thelma Scott Hickok. R
MRS. ROBERT E. LEE HILL, Columbia, donor: Works of John WTesley, 1840-1853; Old and New Testaments (1832) , Clark's Commentary; and Samuel Davis Sermons, 1811. R KENNETH L. HOBSON, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, donor: Copy of Henry R. Keeton (1812-1890) Memoirs, concerning Audrain County and early leaders of the Methodist Church. M
MR. AND MRS. WILLIAM L. HOLMES, Boonville, doners: A History of the Christian Church, 1842-1953 (Mexico) , compiled by Mamie Craig, Mary Virginia Houston and J. E. Lowry. R MRS. INGHRAM E. HOOK, Kansas City, donor: ''This and That," by Mary Rockwell Hook. R
MRS. OLIVER HOWARD, Columbia, donor: McDonald County Birth Records, 1883-1884, 1887, indexed by donor. R
CARL HURLEY, Columbia, donor: Papers of Phi Delta Kappa, Gamma Chapter, University of Missouri. M Historical Notes and Comments 231
INDEPENDENCE PUBLIC SCHOOLS, Independence, donor: Retrospect, Centennial Edition, 1807-1967, of the Independence Public Schools. R JAMES B. INMON, Springfield, donor: Photographs of Sinclair Post Office and John McClelland. E Copy of John Inmon appointment to office of postmaster, Sinclair, 1877. M
LARRY JAMES, Columbia, donor: Architect's Plan, University of Missouri library building, 1913. A
MRS. CAMILLA WALCH KNOX, Sedalia, donor: "Ashland Christian Church, 1817-1967." R CLINE M. KOON, Temple City, California, donor: Microfilm: "Two Thousand Descendants of Philip Coon (Koon) of West Virginia," compiled by donor. N
MRS. ELIZABETH LACY, Marshall, donor: "Laura Elizabeth Gilliam Parrish." R
RICKA LEIMKUEHLER, Mt. Sterling, donor: Copy of letter by Peter Vanbebber. M St. John's United Church of Christ, Bern, Mo., 18691969. R MRS. WALTER V. LEMON, Eureka Springs, Arkansas, donor: Letters of Frank C. Sabourn to Cornelia Vernatti, Montgomery City, 1898. M Photographs: Montgomery City High School graduating class (1898) , 4th of July celebration (1893), Frank Sabourne and Lina Lockwood. E
LETHA O. LILE, Columbia, donor: Genealogy of George Washington Small & His Descendants, 1836-1970, com piled by donor. R
DR. CLAIR V. MANN, Rolla, donor: Copy of letter book, Chillicothe Iron Store, owned by Thomas James & Co. of Chillicothe, Ohio (July 30, 1821-June 17, 1829). M "Source Materials of the Frisco Railroad," "History of the Methodist Church at Rolla, 1862-1956," "Sketch History of Frisco Railroad," and "Source Material History, Meramec Iron Works," all by donor. M History of Meramec Iron Works, Vol. I, 1833-63, by donor. R Plans of buildings on Rolla Campus. R
THELMA S. MCMANUS, Doniphan, donor: Index to Macedonia (Methodist) Church, Ripley County, classbooks, and Macedonia Cemetery Inscriptions, Ripley County, compiled by Grace E. Brulison and donor. R Ripley County Memorial Hospital, Doniphan, Missouri, 1960-1970. R
EDDIE MILLER, De Soto, donor: Area photographs and litho loaned for copying. E
KENNETH R. MOORE, Hannibal, donor: Oliver Latimer papers of early Missouri letters. M 232 Missouri Historical Review
ARTHUR PAUL MOSER, Springfield, donor, through SPRINGFIELD PUBLIC LIBRARY: A Directory of Towns, Villages & Hamlets Past fy Present of Taney Co., Mo., compiled by donor. R
MRS. ELDON MOSHER, Bogard, donor: "A History of Bogard, Missouri and A History of Mandeville, Missouri." R
MRS. PAULINE S. NELL, Rochester, New York, donor Clinkenbeard Family Genealogy. R DOLLY NORTHCUTT, Longview, Texas, donor: Northcutt Family Data. R
FLOYD PACKARD, Cameron, donor: First Christian Church Centennial Report, 1866 to 1966, and Album Di rectory for First Christian Church, Cameron. R
MRS. CARL W. SAYER, Kansas City, donor: Genealogy of the Stumbaugh and McKee Families. R
REVEREND C. W. SCHOWENGERDT, Independence, donor: Our Schowengerdt Cousins, by donor. R
EVERT SENN, Thayer, donor: Letter of E. P. Walsh, St. Louis, 1885, to Rep. N. B. Allen, Augusta. M
WILBUR MORSE SHANKLAND, St. Louis, donor: Address: "Samuel Miller, 1789-1858, Pioneer—Patriot—Inheritor and Veteran of the War of 1812," by donor. R
SHELBY COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, donor, through ESTF.L W. HARDY, Shelbina: Shelby County, Missouri Cemetery Survey, 1969 Supplement. R
BERT SHELDON, Washington, D. C, donor: "Chronology of Lincoln and the Civil War in Missouri," by donor. M
MRS. A. LEE SMISER, Warrensburg, donor: Photographs and postcards of Warrensburg and Pertle Springs, loaned for copying. E
HAROLD SOMMERER, Jefferson City, donor: In the Years of Our Lord, 1870-1970, Immanuel Lutheran Church, Route 2, Jefferson City. R
MRS. HOWARD STEPHENS, Columbia, donor: Photograph of W. W. Charters, Stephens College, autographed, E
RICHARD STRASSBURG, SR., Ithaca, New York, donor: The Book of Kansas City Facts (n.d.) R
JAMES LOGAN SUTHERLAND, Windsor, donor: Copies of Sutherland family letters, 1858 1879. M
UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI, B & PA SCHOOL, Columbia, donor: Misc. items relating to Phi Delta Kappa. R Historical Notes and Comments 233
W. RAYMOND USHER, Hannibal, donor: Papers of John B. Helm, a Missourian, 1805-1870. M
MRS. BARTON WAGNER, Farmington, donor: Photograph of F. P. Graves and picture postcards of Doe Run. E "A Brief History of Doe Run, Missouri," by donor. R
WARREN D. WELLIVER, Columbia, donor: Photograph of Perche Creek covered bridge. E
THEODORE WOLFF, Gerald, donor: Historical Compendium and Supplement; Diamond Jubilee bulletins and materials of the United Methodist Church, Champion City. M
MRS. ILENE SIMS YARNELL, Versailles, donor: Data concerning Central Missouri and Lake of the Ozark areas and mem bers of Niangua Chapter DAR, Camdenton. R
Misery Compounded California Greenback Derrick, October 13, 1882. The sublimest state of misery is endured only by a man with a stiffly-starched vest, a collar that won't stay buttoned behind, a pair of tight shoes and a black berry seed between his front teeth.
Striped Pantaloons Were in Style Hannibal Journal, May 27, 1853. The "barber-pole" pattern of pantaloons will be out this week; the stripes ascend spirally round the leg, giving the wearer the appearance of a double- barreled corkscrew.
How Many Eggs Would Be Needed? St. Louis Chaperone Magazine, September, 1903. The white of an egg, stirred with a piece of alum until it becomes very thick, is an excellent remedy for sprains; apply on lint, and change as soon as it becomes dry. 234 Missouri Historical Review MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS
Ashland Boone County Journal August 7, 1970—"First Grenade Thrown by Boone Countian," and "Many Attended Cattle Show in an 1853 Fair." August 19—"Early Cedar Settlers," and "E. D. Johnson Died, But Lived." September 2—Two historical articles were featured, "[Judge William Porter! Tuttle In Early Boone Role," and "[William C. Vanausdal] Ran Steamer From Claysville." Brunswick Brunswicker August 6-October 29, 1970—A weekly series of old area photographs.
Carrollton Daily Democrat August 11, 1970—"Prohibition— The Experiment That Failed," reprinted from the MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW. August 28—"County Fair Of Years Ago." September 15—"Dirt Roads Named." September 24—"Football In the Old Days." October 1 <5—"Corporations In Carrollton, Now And Earlier." All the above articles by Harold Calvert.
Columbia Daily Tribune September 13, 1970—A picture story, "Heritage Of Churches," by Earl Powers. October 7—An article, by Jim Steele, noting the anniversary of Radio Sta tion KFRU, recalled the history of that station.
Columbia Missourian August 2, 1970—"In Jefferson City Lohman's Landing; Will It Be Saved?" a picture story by Susan Pope. August 8—An article about former director of the State Historical Society of Missouri "F. C. Shoemaker Digs Into Missouri Past," by Hilary Hilscher. September 27—"Kansas City Star Has Seen 90 Years Of Daily Historv," by Chapin Day. October 14—The article, "Restoration To Preserve Our Heritage," by Wally Lage, related the story of the Gordon Byler's home in Rocheport. October 21—"Dan'l [Boone] May Never Have Been Around Boone's Salt Licks," by Wally Lage.
De Soto and Bonne Terre Press-Dispatch August 3, 1970—"The Building of a Railroad." August 10—An article on area balloon ascensions, "It Wasn't Just a Lot of Hot Air." August 17—"Story of Frontier Medicine in Hillsboro Doctor's Journal." August 2V-"Those Good Old Years in De Soto-Like 1909." August 31, September 14, October 5, 12, 19—Five articles on De Soto area doctors. September 7—"180 Little Nickels and How They Grew!" September 21, 28—" 'Action at Pilot Knob'—Then and Now!" October 26—"What Editor [W. E.] Crow, The Captain, Said." All the above articles from the column, "As You Were," by Eddie Miller. Historical Notes and Comments 235
Fulton Daily Sun-Gazette August 25, 1970—The article, "Soldier of Napoleon Chose Mid-Missouri," by Hugh P. Williamson, presented brief biographies of Louis Augustine Phil- bert and Jacques Pinet. Jackson Journal August 5, 12, 19, 1970—A series on old area houses and trees, by K. J. H. Cochran. August 12, September 9, 23, October 7—A series of old area photographs. September 2, 9, 16—"125th Anniversary of Southeast Missouri Fair." This, and the articles below, by K. J. H. Cochran. September 30, October 7—"History of Southeast Missouri Hospital." October 21, 28—"History of St. Francis Hospital and Auxiliary." Kansas City Star August S, 15, 22, 29, September 5, 12, 19, 26, October 3, 17, 31, 1970-"Mis souri Heritage," by Lew Larkin, featured respectively James Shields, Louis Lorimier, Clark Wimar, Calamity Jane (Martha Jane Canary), George Rogers Clark, Louis Du Bourg, Conestoga wagons, Howard High School and College, Alphonso Wetmore, William B. Napton and Professor George Bryant. August 22, September 5, October 24, 31—Postcards from the collection of Mrs. Sam Ray featured respectively Pepper building fire, Glennon Hotel, First Church of Christ Scientist and Budd Park. August 23—A brief history was related in the article, "Old [Col. John] Harris Home Restored for Offices," by Glenda-Jo Self. August 30—"Long Look Back by Newsman [James S. Jackson]," by James S. Jackson. September 27—"[Independence] Heritage Has New Look," by William C. Campbell. September 27—"Werner Nagel Retires, Era in Missouri Conservation Ends," by Ray Heady. October 3—"Mardi Gras [Priests of Pallas], Kansas City Style," by John Edward Hicks. October 11—"In Bygone Days Herdsmen at Home Riding the Boxcars," by Roderick Turnbull. Kansas City Times August 1, 8, 15, 29, September 12, 19, 26, October 10, 21, Wtf-Postcards from the collection of Mrs. Sam Ray featured respectively Arthur E. Hertzler, M.D., Fairmount Park, Country Club Plaza, Manual Training High School, George B. Peck Dry Goods Company, Observation Park, Louis Curtiss, Woolf Brothers Company and American Royal. August 6—An article regarding the restoration of Missouri's first state capi tol, by Robert M. Dye, also recalled early area history. August 20—"Taverns Dotted Old Trail Across State," by Hugh P. William son. September 23—"Eulogy Perpetuates Memory of a Dog," by Icie F. Johnson. October 7—"Coates Opera House Brought City Culture," by Frances S. Bush. October 28—"Home-Rule Lessons In County History," by Sidney L. Willens.
Law son Review August 6, 20, 1970—Tart of a series on Watkins Mill. 236 Missouri Historical Review
Oak Grove Banner August 5, 12, 19, 26, September 9, 16, 23, 30, October 7, 28, 1970—A series of local historical articles presented in the column, "Lick Skillet," by Dorothy Butler.
Paris Monroe County Appeal August 6-October 29, 1970— "History of Monroe County," a weekly series reprinted from an 1884 history of the county. September 3—"Weathered gravestones lonely reminders of Civil War bush whacking," reprinted from Shelbina Democrat.
Plattsburg Leader August 7, 14, 21, 1970—Part of a series of short articles contributed by members of the Clinton County Historical Society.
Poplar Bluff Daily American Republic August 5, 1970—"Butler County History, As Told Bit By Bit, Water Power Mills in Early Butler County," Part III, by George Loughead. August 13—"Views of History, Sale Bill of Yesteryear Gives Insight into Settlers' Lives." This and the article below by Bob Manns. August 21—"Views of History, Settlers Brought Religious Convictions to Butler County."
Sr. Charles Journal August 6, 13, 1970—"Frontier Folklore About St. Charles." August 20-"St. Charles County Once In 'Wild West'." August 27—"Legend of 'General' [Amos] Burdine." September 3—"A Monument to Labor." All the articles above, by Judy Gilbert. September 10—"Built-in Slave Quarters [on Ben Feldewert Farm]," by Darby R. Tally. October 15, 26—A history of Ft. Zumwalt School District.
Ste. Genevieve Fair Play September 4-October 30, 1970— "History of Our Town," a weekly series by Mrs. Jack Basler.
St. Louis Globe-Democrat August 1-2, 1970—"St. Louis' 'First Weatherman' [Dr. George Engelmann]," by Allen Hale. August 1-2—"Far East Now Near West," by Verne Mabry, recalled Ameri can Airlines passenger service from St. Louis to Hawaii. August 9, September 13, 20, October 18, 25, November 1— The column, "then and now," featured respectively Market Street and Compton Avenue, riverfront, Third Baptist Church, School for the Blind, Olive & Tenth streets and Mary Institute. September 5-6—"A Visit to South Main In Historic St. Charles," by Susan Croce Kelly. October 19—"]. C. Penney: He Built a Fortune on the Golden Rule," by Kay Bartlett. Historical Notes and Comments 237
St. Louis Post-Dispatch August 9, 1970—"Henry Shaw's Mansion," a picture story by William C. Fogarty with photographs by Robert C. Holt. August 23—The article, "Suffragettes Still Fighting Women's Rights Battle," by Connie Rosenbaum, recalled some early area history. October 4—A biographical sketch of Mrs. Stuart Symington, "Politics Runs In Her Family," by Olivia Skinner.
Steelville Crawford Mirror August 6, 13, 27, 1970—A series of souvenir photographs. August 20—A history of Lebanon Lodge No. 77, A.F.&A.M. September 10—"Crawford Co. Historical Society Presents: History Of Iron Center School," by J. I. Breuer. September 17—"Crawford County Historical Society Presents: History of Matlock School," by Waldo Kitchen. October 1—"Crawford Co. Historical Society Presents: History of Fanning School," written by J. 1. Breuer. October 29—A history of Steelville Presbyterian Church. October 29—" 'Trail of Tears' Through Missouri."
Webb City Sentinel August 7, 21, 28, September 1, 11, 25, October 2, 9, 1970-"Webb City's Past," a series by Harry C. Hood, Sr.
Flying Machines Set a Record California Dispatch, January 9, 1903. A mile a minute is pretty fast, but some of the flying machine inventors have beaten even that—on the way down.
How to Curl a Feather Hartsburg Truth, April 18, 1913. To curl a feather that has become damaged with rain or dew, sprinkle it thickly with common salt and shake before a bright fire until dry, when you will find it as good as new.
The Accommodating Merchant King City Chronicle, January 17, 1908. A Green Ridge merchant places the disposition to be accommodating so far ahead of business that he cashed an unsigned check the other day and now doesn't remember who gave it to him. 238 Missouri Historical Review
MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES Agricultural History, April, 1970: "Soldiers as Farmers: Army Agriculture in the Missouri Valley, 1818-1827," by Roger L. Nichols.
Alabama Historical Quarterly, Spring & Summer, 1970: "Birmingham and the 'Dixiecrat' Convention of 1948," by J. Barton Starr.
Alabama Review, July, 1970: "The Conqueror: Sergeant Mathew Woodruff in War and Peace, 1861-1866," by F. N. Boney.
American Heritage, October, 1970: "The Wartime Journals of Charles A. Lind bergh."
American West, Spring, 1970: "Steamboat To The Rockies," by Walter Havig- hurst.
Annals of loiva, Summer, 1970: "The Antislavery Movement in Iowa." Part I. by James Connor; and "Jesse James in Iowa," by Tom Smith, III.
Arkansas Historical Quarterly, Autumn, 1970: "Mark Twain's Arkansas," bv Elmo Howell. Bulletin, Camden County Historical Society, August, 1970: "Macks Creek, Mis souri," by Paul Gearhart. Bulletin of Johnson County Historical Society, Inc., September, 1970: "Johnson County and 100 Years of Teacher Education," by Monia Morris; and "Old Drum Legal Counsel, 1870-1970."
Bulletin, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, October, 1970: "George C. Sib ley's Plea for the 'Garden of Missouri' in 1824," by William E. Unrau; "Importuning for Redress," by Warren A. Jennings; "Henry James's 'Big' Impression: St. Louis, 1905," by Charles E. Burgess; and "History of the Beth Hamedrosh Hagodol Congregation of St. Louis, 1879-1969," by Averam B. Bender.
Carondelet Historical Society Newsletter, October, 1970: "100 Years Ago Caron delet Joins St. Louis," reprinted from Scharf, History of St. Louis & St. Louis County. Chariton County Historical Society Newsletter, July, 1970: "Some History of Forest Green Missouri," by A. C. Bentley.
, October, 1970: "Ghost Towns of Chariton County, Missouri." sub mitted by Zettie Hubbard. Chronicles of Oklahoma, Spring, 1970: "Dragoon Life in Indian Territory, 1833- 1846," by Carl L. Davis and LeRoy H. Fischer.
, Summer, 1970: "Auguste Pierre Chouteau, Merchant Prince at the Three Forks of the Arkansas," by Wayne Morris; and "The Indian in Transition: The Neosho Agency 1850-1861," by Valerie Tracy. Clay County Museum Association Newsletter, August, 1970: "The Life of Daniel Boone," by Ivo Castlio. Historical Notes and Comments 239
, September, 1970: "Historical Society of Old Settlers," reprinted from the Kansas City Journal, April 25, 1880. , October, 1970: "The Costello Family in Clay County," by Henrietta Robinson and Mrs. Francis Robinson King. DeKalb County Heritage, July, 1970: "DeKalb County Court Houses," Part I, 1848-1878, by Martha Spiers; "Religious Organizations," by Bessie L. White- aker; "The Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad Hastened Change of DeKalb County From Frontier Status"; "War of 1861-1865 Is Recalled," by Bessie L. Whiteaker; "Union Cause Prevailed"; and "Excerpts From Civil War Diary of David Evans." Florissant Valley Historical Society Quarterly, October, 1970: "Ferguson ... As I Knew It," Part VII, by E. R. Schmidt; "[Theodore] Ruenpohl's"; and "Mr. and Mrs. Edgar Chase."
French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, Summer, 1969: "Three Canadiennes and the Men They Married, An intimate look at some Eighteenth Century French Colonials of the Mississippi Valley," by Kathrine Wagner Seineke.
Howell County Review, October, 1970: "Willow Springs Academy," by Ella Horak.
Kansas Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1970: "Incident at Baxter Springs on Oc tober 6, 1863," by Lary C. Rampp.
Kirkwood Historical Review, September, 1970: "Robertus Love"; and "Kirk wood—The City of Homes," by Robertus Love. Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin, October, 1970: "Reminiscences of School At Lick Prairie," by Mrs. Fred Holt; and "The [Cyrus Allen] Gover Family," by Mrs. Iral Thomas. Minnesota History, Summer, 1970: "Political Pressures and Army Policies on the Northern Plains, 1862-1865," by Richard N. Ellis. Missouri Alumnus, September-October, 1970: "Jesse Wrench: Beloved Oddball," by Ginny Glass.
Missouri Archaeological Society Newsletter, September, 1970: "A Brief Sum mary of the Prehistoric Peoples of Clay County, Missouri," by J. Mett Shippee. Missouri DAR Bulletin, September, 1970: "Missouri State Historical Society." Mormon History, June-July, 1970: "Adam-Ondi-Ahman." Museum Graphic, Winter, 1970: "The Mississippi River as a Character in Huckleberry Finn," by John D. McCaskey. National Geographic, November, 1970: "Through Ozark Hills and Hollows," by Mike W. Edwards, with photographs by Bruce Dale. Nebraska History, Summer, 1970: "Medical Aspects of the Lewis and Clark Ex pedition," edited by Donald D. Snoddy. 240 Missouri Historical Review
Oregon Historical Quarterly, September, 1970: "J. B. Charbonneau, Son of Sacajawea," by Irving W. Anderson. Ozarker, September, 1970: "Salem's First Phone Service Started by a Lady With a Dream," by Maggie Jeffries.
, November, 1970: "Eminence, January 10, 1899, Oscar H. Baker Pays Supreme Penalty for Murder of His Wife."
Ozarks Mountaineer, August, 1970: "Aurora's First Hundred Years," Part II, by Bob Lowry.
, September, 1970: "Jacob Souders Grist Mill," by Russ How: and "Wood Industries—Past and Future," by John Slusher.
, November, 1970: "The Osages: Hunters of the Hinterland," by Elmo Ingenthron; and "Two Roads To Rome," by Russ How. Pacific Northwest Quarterly, April, 1970: "The People Paint the Plains," by Philip D. Jordan. Skylines, Midwest Architect, Spring, 1970: "Preservation Potential in Kansas City," by Edward Wimmer.
Trail Guide, March, 1970: "Kansas City to Denver to Cheyenne: Completing the Pacific Railway System," by William Petrowski.
, June & September, 1970: "Missouri Volunteers on the Santa Fe Trail, 1847-1848," Parts I & II, by Leo E. Oliva. Westport Historical Quarterly, September, 1970: "The Vicissitudes of Pioneer Life," by Washington H. Chick; "Col. Thomas Rosser of Westport, Mis souri," by William A. Goff; "Retired Railroader [Turner J. Miller] Tells of Early Days," by Mary Eakins; and "A Letter From Daniel Geary [1915]," from Society's archives.
White River Valley Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1970: "The War-Time Ex periences, 1 December, 1861, January, 1865, of W. B. Cox, Farrier, Com pany B., Sixth Missouri Volunteer Cavalry, United States Army," annotated by Hardy A. Kemp; "Our Friend Family," by Dean Wallace; and "Marriage Records of Taney County, Missouri, 1885-1900."
Canine Gallantry St. Louis Globe-Democrat, October 1, 1970. Human beings have no monopoly on gallantry. Mrs. Ted Sautman of 1030 Livingston St., Carryle, 111., baked a pineapple cheese cake the other day and set it out on the windowsill to cool. Along came a huge dog who snapped up the cake by the rim of the dish and took off. Mrs. Sautman's less-than-happy husband followed the thieving pooch for four and one-half blocks where, without spilling so much as a crumb, the dog placed it in front of a smaller dog, obviously his lady love, and both dined by the light of Sautman's blazing fury. Historical Notes and Comments 241 GRADUATE THESES RELATING TO MISSOURI HISTORY
SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY. 1970 MASTER'S THESIS Ruddy, Iris M., "The Election of 1844 in Missouri."
DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS Foushee, Richard E., "The Reciprocal Influence between Clergy and Laity on Social Issues: An Historical Investigation of Missouri's Presbyterian Clergy in Marion County on the Subject of Abolition—1835-1845." Phelan, Doris Ann, "Boosterism in Saint Louis, 1810-1860." Plavchan, Ronald J., "A History of Anheuser-Busch, 1852-1933."
UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT COLUMBIA, 1970 MASTER'S THESES Dewhirst, Robert Eldon, "The History of KSD-TV, 1947 to 1969." Farber, Edward Bernard, "The Story of KPLR-TV with Simultaneous Refer ence to U.S. Television." Hemenway, Pamela Gayle, "Cass Gilbert's Buildings at the Louisiana Pur chase Exposition, 1904." Mills, Carrol Jean, "E. W. Stephens—Preparer of the Way." Ohman, Marian Morris, "Initial Study of Architect M. F. Bell 1849-1929 His Contributions to the State of Missouri." Suits, Charles Robert, "A History of the St. Louis Star-Times."
DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS Grothaus, Larry Henry, "The Negro In Missouri Politics, 1890-1941." Wagnon, William Odell, Jr., "The Politics of Economic Growth: The Truman Administration and the 1949 Recession."
UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT KANSAS CITY, 1969-1970 MASTER'S THESES Craig, Douglas L., "An Examination of the Reasons for Missouri's Decision Not to Secede in 1860." Share, Allen J., "Logan Uriah Reavis: A Study in Prophecy and Promotion in Late-Nineteenth Century St. Louis."
WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY, 1969-1970 MASTER'S THESIS Holmes, Mary Patricia, "A History and Evaluation of the St. Louis Union Sta tion, Constructed 1891-1894."
DOCTORAL DISSERTATION Gersman, Elinor Mondale, "Education in St. Louis, 1880-1900: A Case Study of Schools in Society." 242 Missouri Historical Review
IN MEMORIAM
GEORGE H. SCRUTON, JR. EAGLETON, MARK D., St. Louis: Jan George H. Scruton, Jr., editor of the uary 8, 1894-July 25, 1970. Sedalia Democrat and Capital and ELLINGTON, R. D., JR., Portageville: trustee for twenty-three years of the February 9, 1919-October 4, 1970. State Historical Society, died, Novem ber 17, at his home in Sedalia. Born, EUBANK, C. N., Kansas City: June 30, June 30, 1897, in Springfield, Mr. 1897-April 13, 1969. Scruton was graduated from the Uni versity of Missouri in 1917. He served EVANS, CLYDE C, Trenton: February as news reporter for the Democrat 6, 1883-February 28, 1970. from 1915 to 1920 and then worked as FERGUSON, NORA YOUNG, Bowling a news editor in Wabash, Indiana, and Green, Kentucky: September 20, 1882- Jeannette, Pennsylvania. He returned November 30, 1969. to Sedalia in 1937 to assume his edi torial responsibilities for the Demo GiLLULY, H. F., El Paso, Texas: July crat-Capital. In 1951 he received the 27, 1883-September 8, 1970. Honor Award for Distinguished Serv ice in Journalism from the University GREER, MRS. AMELIA C, University of Missouri. City: December 25, 1890-July 1, 1970.
Mr. Scruton was a veteran of World GUTTING, HARRY F., St. Louis: Oc 7 W ar I and past president of the Pettis tober 7, 1893-July 29, 1970. County Historical Society, the Missouri Press Association, the Central Mis HAWKINS, GEORGE L., Webster souri Press Association and Missouri Groves: January 16, 1878-September Associated Dailies. He was a member 4, 1970. of the Calvary Episcopal Church and several civic, fraternal and professional HIGGINS, CHARLES F., Kansas City: organizations. August 30, 1914-April 12, 1969.
Mr. Scruton is survived by his wid JOHNSON, BYRON T., Camden, Arkan ow, Ethel Margaret Jones Scruton, sas: December 25, 1888-May 31, 1968. and six daughters, Mrs. Charles Knight, East Ridge, Tennessee; Mrs. Clarence LANDIS, A. W., West Plains: October Homan, Clyde, Ohio; Mrs. Marjorie 6, 1892-July 3, 1970. Ellen Bergmann, Springfield; Mrs. Daniel Wolf, Mrs. John J. Menefee LONG, MRS. DAVID S., Lees Summit: and Mrs. Jim Menefee, all of Sedalia. April 13, 1892-July 25, 1970.
MARTIN, T. T., Columbia: August ASHER, KENNETH DABNEY, Stockton, California: August 21, 1915-April 11, 25, 1882-January 2, 1970. 1970. MCCLAIN, LELAND R., Crystal City: December 29, 1892-April 14, 1970. BENSON, WILLIAM RANDOLPH, Colum bia: October 14, 1881-December 27, MEDEARIS, DR. T. W., Pasadena, Cal 1969. ifornia: April 11, 1889-July 7, 1970.
DAVIDSON, AILEEN, Hannibal: July MEYER, GEORGE E., McKittrick: No 12, 1886-August 16, 1970. vember 11, 1885-March 25, 1968. Historical Notes and Comments 243
MILLER, JOSEPH C, St. Louis: March SHIPPEY, LEE, Del Mar, California: 4, 1900-March 7, 1968. February 26, 1883-December 28, 1969. MONTGOMERY, T. F., Bolckow: March SIMMONS, MRS. JANE M., Overland 14, 1887-August 25, 1970. Park, Kansas: July 26, 1917-August 29, 1970. NELSON, EDGAR C, Boonville: August 17, 1883-September 9, 1970. SNYDER, MRS. D. S., Strafford, Texas: March 14, 1896-April 12, 1970. OVERSTREET, EMILY, Kansas City: STEELE, MRS. BETTY THORNTON, Kan May 13, 1895-August 29, 1970. sas City: April 19, 1903-February 4, OWENS, T. R., Areola: August 25, 1970. 1890-September 30, 1969. STOECKER, MRS. WILLIAM, Webster PARKER, MRS. W. W., Cape Girar Groves: November 11, 1888-December deau: February 6, 1889-May 21, 1970. 16, 1969. TEASDALE, KENNETH, St. Louis: Feb POHLE, JOHN, St. Louis: March 13, ruary 10, 1895-August 22, 1970. 1902-April 16, 1970. THIXTON, MRS. ALPHA L„ Versailles: POOL, MRS. ELERY B., St. Louis: No November 24, 1888-August 22, 1970. vember 18, 1909-February 26, 1970. TRIPLETT, WILLIAM T., Spokane, SEIFRIED, R. V., Clinton: November Washington: April 29, 1878-April 26, 18, 1904-November 1, 1968. 1970.
SHEPARD, B. E„ Perry: October 18, WHITE, ALMON J., Shelbina: Octo 1892-December 19, 1969. ber 8, 1881-October 23, 1970,
Creative Duplicity Sedalia Rosa Pearle's Paper, March 14, 1908. Two men were standing together in a corridor of a postoffice. One of them happened to notice that a postcard, held in the fingers of the other, was ad dressed to the holder. "Why, what does this mean?" he asked. "Do you address letters to yourself?" "In this case, yes," was the answer. "That's funny." "Well, not so very. See the other side." He held it up, and the other side read: "Brother Blank—There will be a meeting of the I.G.O.S.B., No. 387, at the hall, the evening of October 1, to transact special business. Members not present will be fined $5 N.B. , secretary." "Yes, but I don't exactly catch on," protested the innocent. "Oh you don't. WTell, I got the cards printed myself; the society is all a myth. When I want to get out of an evening I direct one of these cards to my house, I reach home, and my wife hands it to me with a sigh. I offer to stay home and stand the fine of the fiver, but, of course, she won't allow that. That's all, my friend, except that the scheme is worked by hundreds of others, and our poor deluded wives haven't tumbled to it yet." 244 Missouri Historical Review
BOOK REVIEW
Kate Chopin: A Critical Biography. By Per Seyersted (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969). 246 pp. Illustrated. Footnoted. Bibliography. Indexed. $8.50.
During her writing career in the 1890s, St. Louis author Kate Chopin was regarded as a local colorist. Regional literature soon declined in popularity and after her death in 1904 the woman and her published stories and novels were almost forgotten. Few liter ary critics commented on her work until Daniel S. Rankin in 1932 published a biography of Mrs. Chopin. He presented her only as a local colorist noted for her Creole stories and included what others had said about her with little comment of his own.
It was not until 1946 that Kate Chopin's last novel, The Awak ening, was regarded as a significant work in American realism by essayist Cyrille Arnavon, a Frenchman. In 1953 Arnavon published a French translation of The Awakening, describing Mrs. Chopin as a writer who treated the problems of sex and marriage with mature and profound judgment. Kate Chopin never joined nor supported any organization through which women fought for equal rights with men. Her theme, however, in many of her short stories and in The Awaken ing was female self-assertion and the problems of the emancipated woman who wants to lead a life of her own. She was in many re spects a literary pioneer—the first woman writer in America to ac cept passion as a legitimate subject for serious fiction. She was, however, too much of a pioneer to be accepted in her time and place. At least a decade ahead of its time, The Awakening was Historical Notes and Comments 245 violently attacked by literary critics. Deeply hurt, the author's literary genius was stifled. She produced no other major work. With a sensitive and scholarly approach, Per Seyersted, as sistant professor of American literature at the University of Oslo, Norway, assigns Kate Chopin her rightful place with such authors as Hamlin Garland, Stephen Crane, Frank Norris and Theodore Dreiser, her preeminent contemporaries. Professor Seyersted, through the use of a wide range of literary and historical sources and his own perceptive judgment, has adeptly and impartially evaluated the works of this Missouri pioneer author as they relate to her personal life and to the social milieu in which she lived.
State Historical Society of Missouri Dorothy J. Caldwell
State's Oldest Living Thing is Tree 750-1000 Years Old St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 22, 1968. Branson, Mo., May 20—The oldest known living thing in Missouri has sur vived the destructive forces of nature and man for more than 750 years. Like the oldest known living thing in the world, Missouri's patriarch is a tree. This Missouri tree is an Ashe juniper, or "white cedar," that has looked down on the White River for the 750 to 1000 years. The tree grows on the Herman Kragh property less than a mile north of Table Rock lake in Taney county. It is the largest of its species in the nation with a height of 30 feet and circumference of seven feet, 10 inches. The age of the tree was estimated by Glenn Durrell, a neighbor of Kragh and former head of the forestry school at Oklahoma State University. Durrell supports his estimate with a cross-section of the trunk of another, smaller, juniper that had grown nearby. The younger tree was about 450 years old. The oldest known life in the United States—and possibly in the world—is a bristlecone pine still growing in the Sierra Nevada of Southern California. It is 4600 years old. That is about as old as the great pyramids of Giza. The record giant sequoia of California was 3200 years old, and a western juniper, a relative of Ashe juniper, lived just less than 3000 years. The oldest coast redwood recorded was 2200 years old. A Mexican tree, a Montezuma bald cypress at Santa Maria del Tule, has been estimated at more than 4000 years old, and may be the oldest tree on the continent. Other old Missouri trees include the state champion cypress in Scott county, which is believed to be older than 500 years. The estimate of the age of that tree was made by John Wylie, assistant state forester for the Missouri Conserva tion Department. 246 Missouri Historical Review
[33ISI1I§IIEI§I§[«1[§^ ii I«I m i§ m n ® (§ | EDITORIAL POLICY | g 1 ® g g The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is always inter- Hj ested in articles and documents relating to the history of B Missouri. Articles pertaining to surrounding states and g other sections are considered for publication when they gj involve events or personalities having a significant bearing B on the history of Missouri or the West. Any aspect of M Missouri history is considered suitable for publication in g the REVIEW. Genealogical studies are not accepted because B of limited general reader interest. g ^ g In submitting articles for the REVIEW, the authors M g should examine back issues for the proper form in foot- „ |j noting. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, |j |§] sources used in research, interpretation and the style in " g which it is written, are criteria for acceptance for pub- lj H lication. m ^ The original and a carbon copy of the article should g be submitted. It is suggested that the author retain a |§ carbon of the article. The copy should be double-spaced pj and the footnotes typed consecutively on separate pages g at the end of the article. The maximum length for an gj article is 7,500 words. g B All articles accepted for publication in the REVIEW g become the property of the State Historical Society and g] may not be published elsewhere without permission. Only B in special circumstances will an article previously published g in another magazine or journal, be accepted for the B Because of the backlog of accepted articles, publica- si REVIEW. ® g tion may be delayed for a period of time. gl Articles submitted for the REVIEW should be ad dressed to: g Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, Editor g MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW B The State Historical Society of Missouri ® g Corner Hitt and Lowry Streets g Columbia, Missouri 65201
g g g _ m iiiiigiisiig^^ Ice and Spring Houses Used By Pioneers In Preserving Food, Drink Early-Day Recollections on Refrigeration
BY ROBERT S. WITHERS
[EDITOR'S NOTE: This article was published in the Liberty Advance, October 6, 1947, and is reprinted here with permission from Don E. Smith, editor of the Liberty Tribune.] The real pioneer was not concerned with the ice house, he had his "spring house" and it sufficed. . . . The spring house was built over the spring. If there were a natural rock bottom it was used and if not, a rough floor of native stone was laid and the water ran into and covered this floor to a depth of about six inches. The crocks of milk and butter were placed on this floor and the cold flowing water kept them cool. Watermelons, cantaloupes and vegetables were kept in the flowing water also. Spring houses were usually built of logs, some were built of stone and a few of the stone ones are still standing and in use. . . . And then came the day of the ice house. I do not know where the idea came from or who built the first ones in the country, but it came to stay and occupied a very important and necessary place in the economic and health scheme of our lives for forty or fifty years. . . . One thing that made the ice house at all possible with us was the large number of saw mills operating in the country. At every mill was a pile of sawdust that contained several car loads and they were glad to give it to anyone who would haul it away. . . . When the first ice houses were filled the ice was chopped out with axes on the nearest creek or pond, hauled to the ice house and there beaten into small pieces and allowed to freeze into one solid mass of ice. This system was soon abandoned however and we began to saw it out in regular sized blocks. At first we used our regular cross cut saws that were used in cutting wood. We removed one handle so we could work easily beneath the water. Later we used a saw made for sawing ice only. . . .
247 248 Missouri Historical Review
These blocks of ice were laid as close together as possible and the interstices were filled with finely beaten up ice. Once the ice house was filled the ice was covered with a layer of sawdust about 14-inches thick. Then began the long vigil to care for it until summer time. . . . The ice had to be inspected and tramped down two or three times a week. As the ice melted away from the walls sawdust had to be tamped down around it. You could tamp and tamp an ice house and think it was keeping perfectly on Monday and on Wednesday you might find a hole in it big enough to swallow a half wagon load of saw dust. We always kept an extra load handy for this certain emergency. The filling of the ice house was one of the major jobs of the winter. It was never desirable to put up ice under five inches in thickness, in fact, it was hardly possible and always dangerous. In cutting the ice the sawer had to stand out on a corner of ice part of the time and ice thinner than this was certain to break and let him into the water. Everybody worked with all the speed possible. If snow was on top of the ice it had to be shoveled off the pond because ice wouldn't freeze under it and snow ice wouldn't keep. While winter seemed long and hard enough, not every winter would have enough cold days together to allow us to fill the ice house. The ideal condition was a few days of sub-zero weather to freeze the ice to six or seven inches thick and then for the weather to stay below freezing till the job was finished. . . . We were so anxious to get the ice in the house before a thaw set in that some of us always began cutting the ice about 4 o'clock in the morning, that is early in the winter time. Frequently one neighbor would intend swapping work with another but by the time the first house was filled, the weather would moderate and there would be no more ice cutting that winter. . . . The average family put up about 25 loads of ice. ... In nothing did the spirit of neighborliness of that day show up finer than with the carefully hoarded ice. While the store of ice was always considered a luxury, still in a case of sickness or dire necessity, that ice was always available. ... It was always given, never sold. . . . this task of taking the ice out of the ice house and getting it into the refrigerator was the most disagreeable. First you dug through about 16 inches of sawdust, scraped it off till you found a slice in the layer of ice, then with pick and crowbar you pried and dug until you loosened what you thought the refrigerator would hold. You got this out on top of the sawdust and then you went all over the top of the ice house tramping and tamping the sawdust cover. Then you put the ice you had dug up into an old wheelbarrow or hand cart and took it to the well and drew several buckets of water to wash off all the sawdust you hoped your mother would insist on and then you got it somehow into the refrigerator. I never saw one of these refrigerators that didn't have the door to put the ice in right on top. With the passing of the saw mills and their piles of sawdust, the keeping of ice in private icehouses became practically impossible, but by that time central ice plants with artificially produced ice had sprung up in all progressive towns. . . . Now the central Freeze-Locker plant and the home type electric refrigerator have supplanted the icehouse and all its most disagreeable features. . . . Missouri Women In History Fannie Hurst Fannie Hurst, daughter of Samuel and Rose (Koppel) Hurst of St. Louis, was born October 19, 1899, at the home of her maternal grandparents in Hamilton, Ohio. With the death of her four-year-old sister Edna, Fannie became the adored only child of her conservative, middle- class Jewish parents. She attended Central High School in St. Louis and in 1909 was graduated from Washington University. Her first published works appeared in William Marion Reedy's St. Louis Mirror. In opposition to her parents, who wanted her to remain in St. Louis, Fannie Hurst moved to New York to establish herself as an author. At frequent inter vals she returned to St. Louis to visit her parents. She worked for a brief time in a St. Louis shoe factory and as a waitress in a New York Child's Restaurant to gain first-hand material for her stories. Success came quickly. Her stories were accepted for publication in leading magazines and she became "the highest- priced short story writer in America." In 1911 she was secretly married to Jacques Danielson. Their unusual marriage arrangement in which each main tained a separate apartment was discussed in social and literary circles around the world. Her novels and short story collections became best sellers and popular motion picture versions of Four Daughters, Back Street, Imitation of Life, Lummox and Humoresque brought her added fame. In addition to her literary work, Fannie Hurst found time to lecture, to engage in civic and social work and in 1952 to serve as a United States delegate to the World Health Organization Assembly in Geneva. Fairleigh Dickinson Uni versity, Rutherford, New Jersey, and Washington University, St. Louis, honored her with LL.D. degrees. She died February 23, 1968, and was buried in the new Mount Sinai Cemetery, St. Louis. Miss Hurst always wore a calla lily and her jewelry was in that design. To her the lily was the symbol of serenity—a serenity into which she retreated to escape her beloved mother's stormy tantrums.