The Green Movement - Revolution Or Civil Rights Movement?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
PROTESTS and REGIME SUPPRESSION in POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n OCTOBER 2020 n PN85 PROTESTS AND REGIME SUPPRESSION IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar Green Movement members tangle with Basij and police forces, 2009. he nationwide protests that engulfed Iran in late 2019 were ostensibly a response to a 50 percent gasoline price hike enacted by the administration of President Hassan Rouhani.1 But in little time, complaints Textended to a broader critique of the leadership. Moreover, beyond the specific reasons for the protests, they appeared to reveal a deeper reality about Iran, both before and since the 1979 emergence of the Islamic Republic: its character as an inherently “revolutionary country” and a “movement society.”2 Since its formation, the Islamic Republic has seen multiple cycles of protest and revolt, ranging from ethnic movements in the early 1980s to urban riots in the early 1990s, student unrest spanning 1999–2003, the Green Movement response to the 2009 election, and upheaval in December 2017–January 2018. The last of these instances, like the current round, began with a focus on economic dissatisfaction and then spread to broader issues. All these movements were put down by the regime with characteristic brutality. © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR In tracking and comparing protest dynamics and market deregulation, currency devaluation, and the regime responses since 1979, this study reveals that cutting of subsidies. These policies, however, spurred unrest has become more significant in scale, as well massive inflation, greater inequality, and a spate of as more secularized and violent. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
How Soft, Deep, Or Left - Present Constituencies in the Environmental Movement for Certain World Views
Volume 20 Issue 2 Symposium on "Whither Environmentalism?" Spring 1980 How Soft, Deep, or Left - Present Constituencies in the Environmental Movement for Certain World Views Robert Cameron Mitchell Recommended Citation Robert C. Mitchell, How Soft, Deep, or Left - Present Constituencies in the Environmental Movement for Certain World Views, 20 Nat. Resources J. 345 (1980). Available at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nrj/vol20/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Natural Resources Journal by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. HOW "SOFT," "DEEP," OR "LEFT?" PRESENT CONSTITUENCIES IN THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT FOR CERTAIN WORLD VIEWS ROBERT CAMERON MITCHELL* Given a future characterized by both scarcity and the threat of continued environmental degradation, the contributors to this symposium on "whither environmentalism?" have suggested several possible directions which the environmental movement might take. In this paper I examine the degree to which these directions may be said to possess a constituency among the present members of some of the mainstream national environmental organizations as a possible clue to the likelihood of these directions becoming a more prominent feature of environmentalism in the future. The questions I will spe- cifically address are: (1) To what extent has the appropriate technol- ogy notion influenced mainstream environmentalists? (2) How widely spread is the deep ecology worldview among them? (3) How left-radical are they? I conclude with a few remarks about the role of the anti-nuclear movement in the environmental movement. -
China's Influence Activities in Estonia
With the exception of a series of articles in Postimees South and East China Seas, the Hong Kong protests in 2019, China’s influence in Estonia has not been and Taiwan. The Finns Party’s MPs Mika Niikko and studied before.1 There is every reason to study the Ville Vähämäki are founding members of the subject, as the company Powerhouse, which lobbies technology company Realmax, whose CEO, Hang Si, on behalf of the Chinese company Huawei, employs supported Niikko’s election campaign with €5,000. In three former Estonian ministers, whose abundant addition, Jenni Chen-Ye concealed her ties with the contacts provide access to the corridors of power Finnish united front organisation when she ran for and, as exemplified by Marko Pomerants, also to the the Vantaa council.7 Influence activities also include closed-door Question Time in the Riigikogu (Estonian foreign affairs work (外事工作/对外工作), which, Parliament).2 according to Song Tao (宋涛), Minister of the CPC China’s influence activities include propaganda work Central Committee’s International Liaison (宣传工作), which paints a positive picture of China Department (ILD, 对外联络部), is a symbiosis of party, and rejects any criticism.3 This was vividly illustrated public sector and NGO diplomacy that essentially in the “mask diplomacy” at the outbreak of the consists of four grips (抓)—political parties (政党), coronavirus crisis, which was used in an attempt to research (调研), contacts (人脉) and image (形象)— create the image of a responsible partner. To fend off which can be used to promote foreign relations and criticism, the European External Action Service unit a positive image of the party to the international tackling disinformation was pressured by China to community, and through which central authorities 8 alleviate accusations of China spreading can learn from foreign experience. -
Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia
Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia Sebastián Mazzuca and James A. Robinson Colombia has not always been a violent country. In fact, for the first half of the twentieth century, Colombia was one of the most peaceful countries in Latin America, standing out in the region as a highly stable and competitive bipartisan democracy. When faced with the critical test for political stability in that epoch, the Great Depression of 1930, Colombia was the only big country in South America in which military interventions were not even considered. While an armed coup interrupted Argentina’s until then steady path to democracy, and Getulio Vargas installed the first modern dictatorship in Brazil, Colombia cele brated elections as scheduled. Moreover, the ruling party lost the contest, did not make any move to cling to power, and calmly transferred power to the opposition. However, Colombia was not born peaceful. That half-century of peaceful political existence was a major novelty in Colombian history. Colombia’s nine- teenth century was politically chaotic even by Hispanic American standards: the record includes nine national civil wars, dozens of local revolts and mutinies, material destruction equivalent to the loss of several years of economic output, and at least 250,000 deaths due to political violence. How did Colombia make the transition from political chaos to political order? What were the causes of conflict before the turn of the century, and what were the bases of internal peace after it? The emergence of order in Colombia was temporally correlated with a major transformation of political institutions: the introduction of special mechanisms for power sharing between Liberals and Conservatives, Colombia’s two dominant political forces. -
Codebook 2006 Chapel Hill Expert Survey
Codebook 2006 Chapel Hill Expert Survey Funded by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill European Union Center for Excellence October 2008 This dataset provides the data for the 2006 Chapel Hill Expert Survey on the positioning of 227 political parties on European integration in all EU member states (24) apart from Luxembourg, Cyprus, and Malta. The survey was administered in the summer of 2007 to 528 academics specializing in political parties and European integration in one of the countries considered. Two-hundred-thirty-five surveys were completed, a 45 percent response rate. The Chapel Hill expert survey was conducted by Ryan Bakker, Anna Brigevich, Catherine de Vries, Erica Edwards, Liesbet Hooghe, Gary Marks, Jan Rovny, Marco Steenbergen, and Milada Vachudova. Please contact [email protected] or [email protected] for information on the reliability and validity of the survey.* The 2006_CHES_dataset_means.dta STATA file contains average expert judgments per political party. The dataset contains an array of party- and country-specific variables such as vote percentage, party family, and government or opposition status. Users interested in data at the individual expert level should consult the 2006_CHES_dataset_expert-level.dta STATA file, which has information at the level of the individual expert and which has a separate codebook. This alternative dataset allows researchers to aggregate expert scores, estimate standard deviations among expert judgments, and calculate uncertainty estimates. The survey questionnaire specifies -
Orientalisme 2.0 (Fanny Gravel-Patry) FINAL SANS IMAGES
Université de Montréal Orientalisme 2.0 : la Révolution verte iranienne en images Par Fanny Gravel-Patry Département d’histoire de l’art et d’études cinématographiques Faculté des arts et des sciences Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade Maître ès arts (M.A.) en histoire de l’art Décembre 2014 © Fanny Gravel-Patry Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales Ce mémoire intitulé : Orientalisme 2.0 : la Révolution verte iranienne en images Présenté par : Fanny Gravel-Patry a été évalué par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Richard Bégin, président-rapporteur Olivier Asselin, directeur de recherche Ersy Contogouris, membre du jury Résumé Depuis la colonisation jusqu’aux plus récents conflits qui affectent le « Moyen- Orient », le visuel participe à la création d’une image raciale et sexuelle du monde musulman dans laquelle l’Orient « archaïque » est représenté comme l’opposé moral de l’Occident « moderne ». Ce discours nommé Orientalisme (Saïd 1994) transforme l’Orient en objet du savoir et du regard occidental (Nochlin 1989). La peinture, la photographie, et les expositions universelles sont autant de moyens qui permettent d’instaurer un point de vue privilégié de l’Occident sur l’Orient. Avec le Web 2.0 et les technologies mobiles, le partage d’images fait partie intégrale de notre quotidien et celles-ci nous proviennent de partout et de n’importe qui. En considérant que l’Orientalisme est indissociable des techniques modernes de représentation du monde (Mitchell 2013), le présent mémoire souhaite interroger l’impact de ces nouvelles technologies sur la production, la circulation et la réception des images du dit Orient. -
U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
1 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION: Iran’s Perceptions of its Internal Developments and their Implications for Strategic Competition with the U.S. in the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – March 2011 By Alexander Wilner May 17, 2011 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] 2 With the assistance of Adam Seitz of the Marine Corps University, the Burke Chair has compiled a series of chronological reports that focus on Iranian perceptions of national security and assess Iran‟s intentions concerning competition with the US. The latest version of these reports is entitled “U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: Iran's Perceptions of its Ballistic Missile Program and Competition with the US and the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – Feb. 2011,” and is available on the CSIS web site at http://csis.org/publication/us-and- iranian-strategic-competition-2. Previous versions include “U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: Iranian Views of How Iran‟s Asymmetric Warfare Developments Affect Competition with the US and the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – Feb. 2011” (http://csis.org/publication/us- and-iranian-strategic-competition-1). The Iranian government‟s statements and actions provide considerable insight into the country‟s strategic competition with the US. They help show how the regime perceives and responds to external pressure and its relationship with the international community. The regime‟s rhetoric regarding its “soft war” against external cultural influence and domestic liberalism as well as laws such as the proposed Supervision of Members of Parliament bill provide key insights into the changing nature of the regime and its outlook. -
Download All with Our Work on a Daily Basis, All Year Round
EUROPEAN LIBERAL FORUM ANNUAL REPORT 2016 WELCOME ANNUAL REPORT 2016 EUROPEAN LIBERAL FORUM COPYRIGHT 2017 EUROPEAN LIBERAL© FORUM ASBL. All rights reserved. Content is subject to copyright. Any use and re-use requires approval. This publication was co-funded by the European Parliament. The European Parliament is not responsible for the content of this publication, or for any use that may be made of it. WELCOME CONTENTS THE ELF ANNUAL REPORT 2016 WELCOME 02 Letter From the President 04 Foreword by the Executive Director 05 GET TO KNOW US 06 Our Brochures | Connect With Us 07 Where Did You Meet Us in 2016? 08 OUR FOCUS 09 SECURITY EU Defence and Security Policies – Making Europe Safer for Citizens 10 ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Europe’s Energy Future 12 MIGRATION AND INTEGRATION Liberal Answers to Challenges on Sea Liberal Answers to Challenges on Land Integration Through Education 14 EUROPEAN VALUES Ralf Dahrendorf Roundtable: Talk for Europe 16 DIGITALISATION Digital Security Duet: Making European Cyber Defences More Resilient Through Public-Private Partnerships 18 List of all projects 20 List of Ralf Dahrendorf Roundtables 2016 21 Photos 22 ABOUT US 31 Member Organisations 32 List of all Member Organisations 70 The Board of Directors 72 The Secretariat 75 Imprint 77 3 EUROPEAN LIBERAL FORUM / ANNUAL REPORT 2016 WELCOME WELCOME LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT DR JÜRGEN MARTENS The unpredictable and sud- stitutions and for a way to move den political changes that 2016 forward. brought caught all of us in Eu- rope off guard. Brexit, the elec- At ELF, we seek to inspire and tion of Donald Trump as President support these developments. -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Indeterminate Governmentality: Neoliberal Politics in Revolutionary Iran, 1968-1979 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4fm253hw Author Davari, Arash Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Indeterminate Governmentality: Neoliberal Politics in Revolutionary Iran, 1968-1979 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Arash Davari 2016 ã Copyright by Arash Davari 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Indeterminate Governmentality: Neoliberal Politics in Revolutionary Iran, 1968-1979 by Arash Davari Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Kirstie M. McClure, Co-Chair Professor Mark Q. Sawyer, Co-Chair This dissertation situates the emergence of revolutionary resistance in Pahlavi Iran in parallel with the emergence of neoliberal political rationality in the Middle East. In the process, it theorizes neoliberalism anew. Through an engagement with archives of social practice in Iran and its diaspora between 1968 and 1979, neoliberalism is presented as a political rationality that involves rhetorical disavowal at root ¾ what I refer to as indeterminate governmentality. The study employs parallelism as a theoretical construct reflecting the logic of the revolutionary transformation and periodic shift at hand. The disavowals considered include renderings of a collective on individualist terms; formations of solidarity through empathy; and orientations toward order in the production of disorder. The archival material considered includes state documents; activist records, ephemera, and publications; theoretical texts; literature; popular cinema; periodicals; and ethnographic interviews.