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"We're from the Favela but We're Not Favelados" the Intersection of Race, Space, and Violence in Northeastern Brazil

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PhD thesis submission: abstract and declaration of word length This form should be submitted to the Research Degrees Unit with your thesis Name of candidate: Christopher M. Johnson Title of thesis:"We're from the favela but we're not favelados: Race, space and violence in northeastern Brazil Abstract The title-page should be followed by an abstract consisting of no more than 300 words. A copy of the abstract should be given below. This is required for publication in the ASLIB Index of Theses. In Salvador da Bahia's high crime/violence peripheral neighbourhoods, black youth are perceived as criminals levying high social costs as they attempt to acquire employment, enter university, or political processes. Low-income youth must overcome the reality of violence while simultaneously confronting the support, privileged urban classes have for stricter law enforcement and the clandestine acts of death squads. As youth from these neighbourhoods begin to develop more complex identities some search for alternative peer groups, social networks and social programmes that will guide them to constructive life choices while others consign themselves to options that are more readily available in their communities. Fast money and the ability to participate in the global economy beyond ‘passive’ engagement draws some youth into crime yet the majority choose other paths. Yet, the majority use their own identities to build constructive and positive lives and avoid involvement with gangs and other violent social groups. Drawing from Brazil's racial debates started by Gilberto Freyre, findings from this research suggest that while identity construction around race is ambiguous, specific markers highlight one's identity making it difficult to escape negative associations with criminality and violence. The discourse surrounding social capital suggests that such individuals can rely on it to overcome these problems. However social capital is used more often as a tool to spatially and socially segregate and consolidate power and opportunity among the powerful and well-connected. That race does not contribute significantly to the debate misses key elements in how social relationships develop and are maintained. This research was conducted over the period of ten months in a peripheral neighbourhood in Salvador through a community social development programme. The study used a mixed qualitative methodology that was part ethnographic examining social networks and protective factors that assist young people at risk from becoming involved in crime or violence. Declaration of word length I declare that my thesis consists of ……90,846…………….. words. Signature: Christopher M. Johnson Date: 28-07-2011 1 The London School of Economics and Political Science, Dept. of Geography and Environment, Human Geography Cluster "We're from the favela but we're not favelados" The intersection of race, space, and violence in Northeastern Brazil Christopher M. Johnson 2 Abstract In Salvador da Bahia's high crime/violence peripheral neighbourhoods, black youth are perceived as criminals levying high social costs as they attempt to acquire employment, enter university, or political processes. Low-income youth must overcome the reality of violence while simultaneously confronting the support, privileged urban classes have for stricter law enforcement and the clandestine acts of death squads. As youth from these neighbourhoods begin to develop more complex identities some search for alternative peer groups, social networks and social programmes that will guide them to constructive life choices while others consign themselves to options that are more readily available in their communities. Fast money and the ability to participate in the global economy beyond ‘passive’ engagement draws some youth into crime yet the majority choose other paths. Yet, the majority use their own identities to build constructive and positive lives and avoid involvement with gangs and other violent social groups. Drawing from Brazil's racial debates started by Gilberto Freyre, findings from this research suggest that while identity construction around race is ambiguous, specific markers highlight one's identity making it difficult to escape negative associations with criminality and violence. The discourse surrounding social capital suggests that such individuals can rely on it to overcome these problems. However social capital is used more often as a tool to spatially and socially segregate and consolidate power and opportunity among the powerful and well-connected. That race does not contribute significantly to the debate misses key elements in how social relationships develop and are maintained. This research was conducted over the period of ten months in a peripheral neighbourhood in Salvador through a community social development programme. The study used a mixed qualitative methodology that was part ethnographic examining social networks and protective factors that assist young people at risk from becoming involved in crime or violence. 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Gareth Jones for helping me through this long and arduous process. His advice and constant counsel proved invaluable to the completion of the thesis and the research. Thank you also to Claire Mercer who read through the thesis and gave constructive feedback. I would also like to thank my colleagues in Brazil for helping me access a very hard to reach population Cristiane Santos Souza, Haroldo Barbosa, and Ediane Lopes as well as Celina Souza from the Federal University of Bahia who graciously shared her office space with me during my fieldwork. I would also like to thank The London School of Economics and the University of London for supporting my work financially and intellectually. I would like to send a special thank you to all the young people who allowed me to interview them, speak with them, goof around with them and have a window into their lives. Without their willingness to accept me into their ranks this research would not have been possible. Finally and certainly not least of all I would like to thank my family who supported me throughout this entire process pushing me to go on when there was considerable doubt. There is little doubt that without their backing my journey would have been impossible. I want to send a special thanks to my wife, who supported me acting as an amazing sounding board and helping me get through the last push by giving me the necessary encouragement. 4 Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 10 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................... 10 A RESEARCHER’S ASSUMPTIONS – PERSONAL REFLECTIONS ABOUT MY FIELDWORK ........................................... 18 THE ROLE OF AN ETHNOGRAPHER IN A SOCIAL PROGRAMME – DUALITY IN THE FIELD ....................................... 27 THESIS STRUCTURE ............................................................................................................................... 32 CONCLUSION....................................................................................................................................... 36 CHAPTER 2: A MIXED METHODOLOGY TO UNDERSTAND YOUTH RELATIONS TO VIOLENT SOCIAL GROUPS ........................................................................................................................................ 38 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................... 38 METHODS AND ANALYSIS OF THE ETHNOGRAPHY ....................................................................................... 41 CONDUCTING ETHNOGRAPHY – WHAT IS IT AND HOW DO YOU DO IT? ........................................................... 42 POWER, POSITIONALITY, AND ETHICS ....................................................................................................... 51 SALVADOR, PLATAFORMA AND VIOLENCE ................................................................................................. 58 BRIEF HISTORY OF THE IMPACT OF POLITICS IN SALVADOR............................................................................ 73 CHAPTER 3 - SOCIAL CAPITAL, NETWORKS, AND GANGS .............................................................. 93 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................... 93 UNDERSTANDING HOW SOCIAL CAPITAL FUNCTIONS IN PLATAFORMA ............................................................. 96 CONCEPTUALISING GANGS ................................................................................................................... 108 URBAN VIOLENCE AND GANGS IN LATIN AMERICA .................................................................................... 114 SOCIAL NETWORKS IN PLATAFORMA ...................................................................................................... 122 CONCLUSION..................................................................................................................................... 128 CHAPTER 4 – RACE, EXCLUSION AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN SALVADOR ................................ 130 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................
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