DOCSLIB.ORG

The Politics of HIV/AIDS and Implications for Democracy in Kenya

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 6-2004 The Politics of HIV/AIDS and Implications for Democracy in Kenya Wambuii Henry Kiragu Western Michigan University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the African Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Kiragu, Wambuii Henry, "The Politics of HIV/AIDS and Implications for Democracy in Kenya" (2004). Dissertations. 1117. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/1117 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICS OF HIV/AIDS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY IN KENYA by Wambuii Henry Kiragu A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2004 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE POLITICS OF HIV/AIDS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY IN KENYA Wambuii Henry Kiragu, Ph.D. Western Michigan University, 2004 Democratic consolidation in newly transitioned democracies has traditionally been attributed to widely accepted political and legal mechanisms, like elections and constitutions. Existing literature on democratization in sub-Saharan Africa is preoccupied with these mechanisms as prime indicators for democratic takeoff in specific countries. Hardly any attention has been paid to other less openly political mechanisms, such as the response to external shocks, as potential sources of institutional development that could advance democratic practices. Yet national response to any external shock can entail a host of actions with potentially far ranging political implications, including transformation of the form and means of political contestation in a given country. The practical need for means to address urgent issues in response to the external shock could lead to the emergence of institutional mechanisms that foster democratic practices. A logical question to ask is: How does mobilization against external shocks affect the process of democratization in fragile democracies? This project identifies the institutions that emerged in response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Kenya and examines their impact on the country’s democratization. The dissertation adopts a historical institutionalist perspective, advanced through analyses of policy documents and a review of the secondary literatures dealing with HIV/AIDS and with post independence political developments in the country. Tracking Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. institutional developments before and during the HIV/AIDS era, and examining the contribution from responses to the HIV/AIDS pandemic to these developments, provides insight into this kind of political change. I conclude that although consolidation of democracy in Kenya is still in its infancy, mobilization against HIV/AIDS has inadvertently led to the emergence of institutional mechanisms that, along with other factors like civil society agitation and international pressure, have built a significant structure for the practice of democracy. I emphasize that while HIV/AIDS has been documented in existing literature as set to reverse political gains across sub-Saharan Africa, mobilization against the pandemic in Kenya has led to the emergence of citizen driven institutions that contribute to advancing democracy. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3130622 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3130622 Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Copyright by Wambuii Henry Kiragu 2004 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE GRADUATE COLLEGE WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY KALAMAZOO, MICHIGAN D a te . 5/11/2004 WE HEREBY APPROVE THE DISSERTATION SUBMITTED BY Wambuii Henry Kiragu ENTITLED THE POLITICS OF HIV/AIDS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY IN KENYA AS PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy Political Science (Department) Paul Clements, Ph.D. Dissertation Review Committee Chair Political Science (Program) Sushi Datta-Sandhu, Ph.D. Dissertation Review Committee Member Bllinda Straight, PtwD. Dissertation Review Committee Member APPROVED Date Dean of The Graduate College Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is the culmination of a long held aspiration to contribute to the search for solutions in the fight against HIV/AIDS. The pandemic is a sad reality that for over two decades has affected those not only close to my heart in Kenya, but also has caused many needless deaths across the world. This dissertation is foremost an acknowledgement of man’s ability to overcome, a salute to goodwill and cooperation for the sake of human kind, and an ode to the many hapless victims of a pandemic beyond their comprehension. I am deeply indebted to Dr. Paul Clements, my committee chair, for helping pick up the pieces that make up this study, and for many years of mentoring and friendship throughout my stay at Western Michigan University. I am also deeply indebted to Dr. Sushi Datta-Sadhu, and Dr. Bilinda Straight, both members of my dissertation committee, for their advice, encouragement, and extensive research support throughout the years, and especially the two years that I undertook this project. To all my committee members, I am grateful for your patience and understanding as we carried forward the dissertation process, and for your challenging me to explore every possible aspect in this project, never accepting nothing short of my very best efforts. I am also very grateful to Drs. Steven Benfell, and Lawrence Ziring, whose advice and support was instrumental in the formative stages of this study. Throughout my doctoral studies, I was fortunate to receive logistical support from the Department of Political Science at W.M.U. I am grateful to Dr. David Houghton for the many opportunities for self-improvement, and to the entire faculty in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Acknowledgments—Continued the Department for various forms of advice and encouragement. For Ms. Dotty Barr and Ms. Mary Grant in the Department office, i appreciate the many things you have done for me over the years, i was blessed to have around me a team of very supportive, intelligent people always willing to offer a helping hand, or to criticize whenever the need arose. To fellow graduate students in the Political Science Department at W.M.U., you have taught me a lot. I am thankful for the many years that we have labored together. While the list is long, I especially appreciate the academic companionship of Alper Dede, Jianfeng Wang, Moataz Abdel-Fattah, Duane Gundrum, Katia Levintova, and Aparna Thomas. Secondly, I am deeply indebted to a special group of people. Thanks Stacy and the entire Frattinger family for years of nurturing support; Dr. Tom Wolf for taking on the role of lifetime friend and mentor; Gamo Tounkara and Mareme Ngom for watching over me; and Mukaria Itang’ata, Felix Omondi Onyango, Jeremiah Christos, William Crockett, and Victor Garcia, for the constant encouragement, friendship and attention as I pursued completion of this study. Finally, this dissertation could never have been possible were it not for the vision and determination of my late mother, Margret Wanjiku Wachira, a hard working, blessed woman who kept her promise to her children, and sacrificed her dreams along time ago sd we could achieve ours. This dissertation is for you mom. Thanks for loving me, and for being the wind beneath my wings. May God rest you, my sister Wairimu, Cucu, and all the other dearly departed in eternal peace. For all my other family members, your patience and concern for all those years is highly appreciated. To all of you who have made such a big difference in my life, thank you. Wambuii Henry Kiragu Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...................................................................................................ii LIST OF TABLES..........................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Kenya Election History 1963-2013

    Kenya Election History 1963-2013

    KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997).
  • Post-Colonialism and the Politics of Kenya (Review)

    Post-Colonialism and the Politics of Kenya (Review)

    3RVWFRORQLDOLVPDQGWKHSROLWLFVRI.HQ\D UHYLHZ Peter Wafula Wekesa Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review, Volume 18, Number 1, January 2002, pp. 109-114 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\2UJDQL]DWLRQIRU6RFLDO6FLHQFH5HVHDUFKLQ(DVWHUQ DQG6RXWKHUQ$IULFD DOI: 10.1353/eas.2002.0004 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/eas/summary/v018/18.1wekesa.html Access provided by Kenyatta University. Library (4 Nov 2014 08:22 GMT) Book Reviews Ahluwalia D. Pal, Post-colonialism and the politics of Kenya (New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.) 1996, 217 pp. Post-colonialism as a framework of analysis remains subject to debate and controversy. Although post-colonialism has been around for close to two decades, it has in recent times been a fiercely contested and debated paradigm. Given its newness and elegance in the world of academic discourse, it is not surprising that its reception has been characterized by a great deal of excitement, confusion and in many cases scepticism. Debates surrounding the study have laid claims to questions of the legitimacy of post-colonialism as a separate analytical entity in the academic discourse, its validity as a theoretical formulation as well as its disciplinary boundaries and political implications. Also, the prefix ‘post’ has complicated matters as it implies an ‘aftermath’ in two senses - temporal, as in coming after, and ideological, as in supplanting. It is the second implication that the critics of the study have found contestable. The contestation has been on the dividing line between what is colonial and its link to what counts as post-colonial. The argument has been that if the inequities of colonial rule have not been erased, it is perhaps premature to proclaim the demise of colonialism.
  • Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya

    Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya

    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections.
  • Notes and References

    Notes and References

    Notes and References 1 The Foundation of Kenya Colony I. P[ublic] R[ecord] O[ffice] Kew CO 533/234 ff 432-44. Kenya was how Johann Krapf, the German missionary who was in 1849 the first white man to see the mountain, transliterated the Kamba pronunciation of the Kikuyu name for it, Kirinyaga. The Kamba substituted glottal stops for intermediate consonants, hence 'Ki-i-ny-a'. T. C. Colchester, 'Origins of Kenya as the Name of the Country', Rhodes House. Mss Afr s.1849. 2. PRO CO 822/3117 Malcolm MacDonald to Duncan Sandys. Secret and Personal. 18 September 1963. 3. The new rail routes in question were the Uasin Gishu line and the Thika extension. M. F. Hill, Permanent Way. The StOlY of the Kenya and Uganda Railway (Nairobi: East African Railways and Harbours, 2nd edn 1961), p. 392. 4. Daily Sketch, 5 July 1920, p. 5. 5. Sekallyolya ('the crane [or stork] looking out on the world') was first printed in Nairobi in the Luganda language in 1921. From time to time it brought out editions in Swahili and for special occasions in English. Harry Thuku's Tangazo was the first Kenya African single­ sheet newsletter. 6. Interview with James Beauttah, Fort Hall, 1964. Beauttah was one of the first English-speaking African telephone operators. He claimed to be the first African to have electricity in his house. 7. PRO FO 2/377 A. Gray to FO, 16 February 1900, 'Memo on Report of Law Officers of the Crown reo East Africa and Uganda Protector­ ates'. The effect of the opinion of the law officers is that Her Majesty has, by virtue of her Protectorate, entire control over all lands unappropriated ..
  • Mwai Kibaki (Nacido Emilio Mwaikibaki)

    Mwai Kibaki (Nacido Emilio Mwaikibaki)

    Mwai Kibaki (Nacido Emilio MwaiKibaki) Kenya, Presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 30 de Diciembre de 2002 - de de Nacimiento: Othaya, distrito de Nyeri, provincia Central, 15 de Noviembre de 1931 Partido político: PNU Profesión : Economista ResumenMiembro de la tribu kikuyu, gran subgrupo etnolingüístico bantú al que pertenecen algo más de la quinta parte de los kenyanos, recibió la educación primaria en la misión de Karima y en la escuela de Nyeri, un próspero distrito del centro del país, y la secundaria en la escuela Mangu de Thika. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 7 Biografía Su acceso en 1951 al Colegio Universitario Makerere de Kampala, Uganda, para estudiar Economía, Historia y Ciencia Política le convirtió en un auténtico privilegiado entre sus compatriotas, que apenas podían aspirar a terminar la educación elemental. La Makerere de Kampala estaba considerada en aquellos años de dominio colonial británico la más prestigiosa institución de enseñanza de toda África oriental. En 1955 se graduó y empezó a trabajar en la división para Uganda de la compañía petrolera Shell East Africa, pero a los pocos meses la organización de la Commonwealth le concedió una beca para perfeccionar su formación en la London School of Economics de Londres. Conseguida la diplomatura en Finanzas Públicas, en 1959 retornó de la metrópoli y se estrenó como docente en la Universidad Makerere, labor que también le duró poco porque se involucró en la efervescencia política de su país como uno de los redactores de los estatutos de la Unión Nacional Africana de Kenya (KANU), partido fundado el 14 de mayo de 1960 por el líder independentista Jomo Kenyatta.
  • WHAT IS a "FREE CHURCH"?* There Are Two Misunderstandings of the Church Which Are Very Widely Encountered Today

    WHAT IS a "FREE CHURCH"?* There Are Two Misunderstandings of the Church Which Are Very Widely Encountered Today

    1 * WHAT IS A "FREE CHURCH"?* There are two misunderstandings of the church which are very widely encountered today, misunderstandings which confuse almost ©very discussion of the church, her discipline and Indiscipline. Indeed, to raise the very question of church discipline in some circles Is to invite the charge that one represents the "sect-type" or favors the "sectarian Protestant" view of the alternatives, Hear the way in which Professor Max Weber defined the alternative church t$?pe8i "The church is an institution, a sort of establishment of faith ... for the saving of the soul of the individual. The individual is born into it, and is dependent upon it because of the dispensing power of Its office and position. In contrast, a sect is a voluntary association of individuals qualified solely by religious traits, in which the individual freely decides to become a member and the group freely de­ cides whether to accept him or not."* We are reminded immediately of the typology which Weber*s colleague, Professor Ernst Tree Its eh t popularized in The Social Teaching.of the. Christian Churches. *The first of five addresses on this general theme» delivered as the H#ff Lectures at Bethany Theologies! Seminary, Lombard, Illinois , October 15-17, 196 3, by Dr. Franklin H. Littell, Professor at Chicago Theological Seminary. —2 The "church type" represents a kind of continuum of Christ and culture, in which "the church" and "the world" speak the same language. There is no discontinuity of social and educational and religious and polit­ ical values. In effect, the church has consecrated the high places and now serves as one of the mainstays of society.
  • Muslim Relations in the Politics of Nationalism and Secession in Kenya

    Muslim Relations in the Politics of Nationalism and Secession in Kenya

    1 MUSLIM RELATIONS IN THE POLITICS OF NATIONALISM AND SECESSION IN KENYA Hassan J. Ndzovu Moi University, Kenya PAS Working Papers Number 18 ISSN Print 1949-0283 ISSN Online 1949-0291 Edited by Charles Stewart, Emeritus Professor University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Program of African Studies Northwestern University 620 Library Place Evanston, Illinois 60208-4110 U.S.A 2 Abstract Within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. Since independence, the racial and ethnic antagonism among them has weakened a united Muslim’ voice whenever political issues concerning the community arose. As Kenya was preparing for independence, a section of Muslims (Arab Muslims) living at the coast agitated to secede from the rest of Kenya. This demand for secession led to a hostile relationship between the Arab Muslims and other non-Arab Muslim leaders in the country. One effect of this political development is the lasting impact it had on post-independence Muslim politics. The events set a pattern for mistrust between the Arab Muslims and non-Arab Muslims in Kenya. This absence of unity has influenced the way the political elites in Kenya perceive the Muslim community in general. Politicians in Kenya are known to have capitalized on the disunity among Muslims to prevent any united political front from the community. As a result the Muslim community has felt politically marginalized. It is this perceived marginalization which Kenyan Muslims are presently striving to overcome. 3 Introduction In this article, I would like to bring forward the argument that within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement.
  • Our Turn to Eat: the Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗

    Our Turn to Eat: the Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗

    Our Turn To Eat: The Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗ Robin Burgess R´emiJedwab Edward Miguel Ameet Morjaria Draft Version: August 2010. Abstract By reducing trade costs and promoting economic specialization across regions, transportation infrastructure is a determining factor of growth. Yet, developing countries are characterized by infrastructure underdevelopment, the general lack of funding being often mentioned as the main reason for it. Then, even when such investments are realized, the welfare gains associated to them might be captured by political elites that are strong enough to influence their allocation across space. We study this issue by investigating the political economy of road placement in Kenya, an African country where politicians are said to favour individuals from their region of origin or who share their ethnicity. Combining district-level panel data on road building with historical data on the ethnicity and district of birth of political leaders, we show that presidents disproportionately invest in their district of birth and those regions where their ethnicity is dominant. It also seems that the second most powerful ethnic group in the cabinet and the district of birth of the public works minister receive more paved roads. In the end, a large share of road investments over the period can be explained by political appointments, which denotes massive and well-entrenched ethno-favoritism in Kenyan politics. JEL classification codes: H41, H54, O12, O55, P16 ∗Robin Burgess, Department of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). Remi Jedwab, Paris School of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]).
  • The Kenya General Election

    The Kenya General Election

    AAFFRRIICCAA NNOOTTEESS Number 14 January 2003 The Kenya General Election: senior ministerial positions from 1963 to 1991; new Minister December 27, 2002 of Education George Saitoti and Foreign Minister Kalonzo Musyoka are also experienced hands; and the new David Throup administration includes several able technocrats who have held “shadow ministerial positions.” The new government will be The Kenya African National Union (KANU), which has ruled more self-confident and less suspicious of the United States Kenya since independence in December 1963, suffered a than was the Moi regime. Several members know the United disastrous defeat in the country’s general election on December States well, and most of them recognize the crucial role that it 27, 2002, winning less than one-third of the seats in the new has played in sustaining both opposition political parties and National Assembly. The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition Kenyan civil society over the last decade. (NARC), which brought together the former ethnically based opposition parties with dissidents from KANU only in The new Kibaki government will be as reliable an ally of the October, emerged with a secure overall majority, winning no United States in the war against terrorism as President Moi’s, fewer than 126 seats, while the former ruling party won only and a more active and constructive partner in NEPAD and 63. Mwai Kibaki, leader of the Democratic Party (DP) and of bilateral economic discussions. It will continue the former the NARC opposition coalition, was sworn in as Kenya’s third government’s valuable mediating role in the Sudanese peace president on December 30.
  • Country Report 2Nd Quarter 1998 © the Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1998

    Country Report 2Nd Quarter 1998 © the Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1998

    COUNTRY REPORT Kenya 2nd quarter 1998 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Jeremy Eagle Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases Microfilm FT Profile (UK) NewsEdge Corporation (US) World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Tel: (1.781) 229 3000 Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (US) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 CD-ROM LEXIS-NEXIS (US) The Dialog Corporation (US) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 SilverPlatter (US) M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1998 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited.
  • Leksykon Polskiej I Światowej Muzyki Elektronicznej

    Leksykon Polskiej I Światowej Muzyki Elektronicznej

    Piotr Mulawka Leksykon polskiej i światowej muzyki elektronicznej „Zrealizowano w ramach programu stypendialnego Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego-Kultura w sieci” Wydawca: Piotr Mulawka [email protected] © 2020 Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone ISBN 978-83-943331-4-0 2 Przedmowa Muzyka elektroniczna narodziła się w latach 50-tych XX wieku, a do jej powstania przyczyniły się zdobycze techniki z końca XIX wieku m.in. telefon- pierwsze urządzenie służące do przesyłania dźwięków na odległość (Aleksander Graham Bell), fonograf- pierwsze urządzenie zapisujące dźwięk (Thomas Alv Edison 1877), gramofon (Emile Berliner 1887). Jak podają źródła, w 1948 roku francuski badacz, kompozytor, akustyk Pierre Schaeffer (1910-1995) nagrał za pomocą mikrofonu dźwięki naturalne m.in. (śpiew ptaków, hałas uliczny, rozmowy) i próbował je przekształcać. Tak powstała muzyka nazwana konkretną (fr. musigue concrete). W tym samym roku wyemitował w radiu „Koncert szumów”. Jego najważniejszą kompozycją okazał się utwór pt. „Symphonie pour un homme seul” z 1950 roku. W kolejnych latach muzykę konkretną łączono z muzyką tradycyjną. Oto pionierzy tego eksperymentu: John Cage i Yannis Xenakis. Muzyka konkretna pojawiła się w kompozycji Rogera Watersa. Utwór ten trafił na ścieżkę dźwiękową do filmu „The Body” (1970). Grupa Beaver and Krause wprowadziła muzykę konkretną do utworu „Walking Green Algae Blues” z albumu „In A Wild Sanctuary” (1970), a zespół Pink Floyd w „Animals” (1977). Pierwsze próby tworzenia muzyki elektronicznej miały miejsce w Darmstadt (w Niemczech) na Międzynarodowych Kursach Nowej Muzyki w 1950 roku. W 1951 roku powstało pierwsze studio muzyki elektronicznej przy Rozgłośni Radia Zachodnioniemieckiego w Kolonii (NWDR- Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk). Tu tworzyli: H. Eimert (Glockenspiel 1953), K. Stockhausen (Elektronische Studie I, II-1951-1954), H.
  • Seminole in Alaska

    Seminole in Alaska

    Inside This Issue . Reflections . 2 Community News. 3 Brighton News . 6 Big Cypress News . 7 Cartoon . 8 Sports . 9 Suzanne Davis Tommy Benn Tommy Benny Secody Health . 11 Classifieds/Announcements . 15 Judy Jim The Bowers: Paul Jr. and Sr., Graduation Day Raymond Mora’s crew. Diabetic Fun Day, page 11. 2001, Vanguard School, Lake Wales, page 8. Gone Fishin’, page 9. Presort Standard U.S. Postage Paid Lake Placid FL Permit No. 128 TheSEMINOLE TRIBUNE “Voice of the Unconquered” $1.00 www.seminoletribe.com Volume XXII Number 9 July 6, 2001 Florida Cattleman’s Convention By Tommy Benn Association (FCA) membership. Resources Director Don Robertson, cattle MARCO ISLAND - Cattlemen In conjunction with the FCA meetings, foremen Cotton Baxley and Joey Henry, from all over Florida converged on the similar events were held by the Florida herdsmen Bubba Johns and Mike Henry, Marco Island Marriott Resort Hotel, site Cattlewomen’s Association, the Junior Stanlo Johns, Billy Joe Johns, Richard of the annual Cattlemen’s Convention and Florida Cattlemen’s Association, and the Bowers, Rudy Osceola, and many other Trade Show, for a full agenda of meetings Florida Beef Council. Tribal citizens. and seminars about issues affecting the The Seminole Tribe of Florida, Events held during the three and beef animal industry. the 12th -ranked beef producer in the 1/2 day convention included committee State, Federal and local policies nation, sent a sizable delegation to the and directors’ meetings, seminars, a quiz affecting the beef industry and the elec- island resort. bowl, sporting events, and a ladies’ fash- tion of state officers and committee Attending were Brighton Board ion show, sponsored by Eli’s Western appointment were among the topics dis- Representative Alex Johns, B.C.