BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS Silviu Brucan. World Socialism at the Crossroads: an Insider's View. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS Silviu Brucan. World Socialism at the Crossroads: an Insider's View. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1 BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS Silviu Brucan. World Socialism at the Crossroads: An Insider's View. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1987. 208 pp. $37.50. This is a truly unusual book-an original analysis of the less than robust health of socialist systems. The author, Romania's former ambassador to Washington, a former editor-in-chief of the main Party daily, Scinteia, and Professor of Social Sciences at the University of Bucharest, wrote a blunt, bold, straightforward treatise that is free of leaden Marxist jargon and rich in heretical assertions and propositions. According to the author, the scientific-technological revolution is the most profound challenge of our times, with which the East European societies, still handicapped by the legacy of Stalinism, are incapable to cope. A crisis of socialism he charges, is caused by clinging to Stalin's dogmas "which have never been critically reexamined" (p. 111). Accordingly, the economic and technological gap dividing the East from the West is getting wider. In the decade of the 1960s, the scientific-technological revolution which the command type planning system cannot assimilate, spoiled the chances of the East to catch up. Persuasive data are offered in support of these assertions. Brucan argues that these developments rendered obsolete the entire Marxist- Leninist approach to the building of a communist nirvana, and a thorough revision (hence "revisionist," the dreaded deviation) is in order. No economic reform can succeed without restoring the primacy of economic criteria over political/ideological criteria. Moreover, industrialization should be at best a premise, not the goal of a socialist society. The frame is chronological, the book is divided into three parts: the past, the present, the future. As to the matters past, Brucan points out that Marx spoke of only two types of society, capitalist and communist, and that the concept of a "socialist society," inserted by Stalin, is thoroughly non-Marxist, later to become the core conservatism permeating Soviet officialdom. Brucan puts a somewhat surprising emphasis on the legacy of Lenin's NEP, which he views as very relevant to both the socialist orbit and to all the Third World countries (p. 15). Stalin's pernicious role is dealt with in some detail, as is the characterized as "reform "post-1953 period, aptly the economy without really trying." The author concludes in Part Two (The Present) that not only the economic but also the political system is outdated. The Leninist substance of the Party must be abolished, along with the virtual life-peerage of the nomeklatura; and the principle of separation of powers must be observed. Brucan advocates an introduction of Party pluralism, i.e., an accommodation of interests of all the social forces under the umbrella of a one-Party system rather than a multi-Party system which he dismisses without much justification. In Part Three, the author delves into the future, i.e., a subject from which the Marxists-Leninists conspicuously shy away. Brucan has no inhibition in stating that in this contest of modem economic acumen, the USSR and its partners "simply do not count" (p. xvii). The use of force has ceased to be the decisive factor in changing power relations. The author praises China for having been the first to grasp the new reality of geopolitics, to redirect her energies from a military buildup to an economic drive for modernization. He projects that by the year 2010, the Soviet Union will be pushed back from second to fourth place in the world economy, behind the United 82 States, China, and Japan. Ergo, China according to this scenario, will not only outstrip the USSR but Japan as well. Such prospects confront the Kremlin with a dramatic choice-to adhere to its old-fashioned ways as a military power or to dare to make a radical change in both its economic policy and global strategy. Brucan's laudatory assessment of Hungary's economic reforms (p. 79f.) seems excessive. Even the official Hungarian sources acknowledge that most people's living standards have declined as has the average life expectancy for men (by five years). Referring to Soviet agriculture, the author asserts that nature has been "particularly generous" (p. 61), yet the subsequent information rather invalidates this premise. Somewhat oddly, the gist of the author's thought is presented not in the Conclusion but in the Introduction of the book (pp. ix-xii). This eminently useful book is carefully edited. In the Index twenty references are made to Gorbachev, while Ceaxescu, not surprisingly, is not mentioned at all. OUo U16 State Universityof New York Catherine Andreyev. Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement: Soviet Reality and Émigré Theories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. xiv, 251 pp. $34.50. What is a decent person to do when his country, a merciless tyranny, is attacked by another? This was the dilemma of General Vlasov, one of the ablest military leaders who survived the purges. Vlasov had served in the Red Army with distinction, but when he was captured by the Germans he was willing to make common cause with enemy and thereby substantially harmed the interest his homeland. In other words, he became a traitor. The history of the Vlasov movement reveals much about the attitude of ordinary citizens toward their country in war-time. Undoubtedly, Catherine Andreyev chose an important subject. It must have been a difficult topic to research. Very little information is available about Vlasov and his movement: few participants survived and most documents were destroyed. Andreyev examined all the available evidence, talked to those who were still alive and presented her findings in a reasoned and objective manner. Unfortunately she organized her material in a clumsy way. The first section of the monograph tells the story of General Vlasov and his movement in a straightforward fashion. Since there is very little material available, the author should not be held responsible: but Vlasov remains a shadowy figure. The author approaches the dilemma of General Vlasov with considerable sympathy. She describes a courageous . man, who was politically naive, but one who saw himself as a patriot and who was by no means a reactionary. She points out more than once that at the end of the war the General had the opportunity to escape to Spain and survive, but that he chose to share the fate of those who had followed him. Other major participants, such as the fascinating M. A. Zykov, remain altogether mysterious. Zykov, at least for awhile, greatly influenced the ideology of the movement, yet we do not know who he was. One day in the middle of the war he simply disappeared without a trace. The second section is devoted to an analysis of the various manifestos of the movement. Of course, ideology is a most important topic. But it was an error to separate this discussion from the body of the narrative. Andreyev always stays close .
Recommended publications
  • Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
    TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Festschrift for Immanuel Wallerstein Part I
    The Hard-Earned Integration of the East in the World Economic System Silviu Brucan orld socialism was a subsystem of the world-system and as such Wcould not run deeper than the system of which it was a part. Had Lenin realized the workings of the world economic system, he would have concluded that Russia had no chance whatsoever to build an antisystemic economy in the midst of an overpowering world capitalist system. In his earlier writings, Lenin had a glimpse of that reality, hoping that another socialist revolution would break out in Germany, bailing out the Russian one. Instead, as his dream failed to materialize he began a desperate enter- prise: socialism in one country. In retrospective, I venture to say that the pervasive power of the world- system expressed itself in the fact that Lenin and Stalin, unconsciously, conceived both socialist society, as well as the future communist society, within the limits of the industrial system, which historically belongs to the capitalist epoch. This began when Stalin presented industrialization as the goal of socialism (industrialization being essentially a capitalist operation), and ended with Lenin’s defi nition of communism “Soviets plus electrifi cation,”and Stalin’s threshold to communism expressed in terms of millions of tons of pig iron, steel, coal and oil B both indicating the limit of their historical perspective within the industrial system. Never did they formulate a new type of productive forces that would usher in the formation of a postcapitalist society, remaining intellectual prisoners of the industrial system. Silviu Brucan Str. Helesteului 26 Sector 1 71297 Bucuresti Romania journal of world-systems research, vi, 2, summer/fall 2000, 444-453 Special Issue: Festchrift for Immanuel Wallerstein – Part I http://jwsr.ucr.edu issn 1076-156x © 2000 Silviu Brucan 444 445 Silviu Brucan The Hard-Earned Integration of the East in the World Economic System 446 Stalin tried hopelessly to escape from that theoretical framework.
    [Show full text]
  • Editors' Notes
    Editors’ Notes Sam Beck, Cornell University David Kideckel, Central Connecticut State University Time seems irrelevant in current Central and East European affairs. Each day brings such new, stirring, and seemingly impossible developments that students of the region are hard-put to keep up with them all, let along make sense of what they mean. We are putting out this interim edition of the Review now mainly because of this temporal dissonance. So many things are happening quickly that we thought it best to inform you of a few especially important items now instead of saving them for the larger issue of The Review that should be out sometime in late April or early May. We originally began to put together this special issue to inform you of a letter writing campaign organized by Ken Jowitt and Gail Kligman on behalf of the Romanian diplomat and social scientist, Silviu Brucan. Less than one month ago Brucan was under house arrest in Bucharest in life-threatening conditions. As is par for the current East European course, he is now a leading member of the National Salvation Front; clearly no longer under house arrest. Brucan's release, of course, was a result of the Romanian revolution. The loss of life and property in Romania (e.g. the University of Bucharest library building and collection were severely damaged) compels us to bring to your attention the relief efforts on-going to assist Romania through the winter. Both the International Committee of the Red Cross and the World Health Organization have set up an emergency task force in Bucharest under the direction of the Vice Minister of Health, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Romanian Marsh
    Chapter 16 The Romanian Marsh As early as 1988, we started focusing on Romania, using a sister organization, “Second World Center” housed with us in the same office, as a base. The country was a strictly orchestrated communist dictatorship ruled by the megalomanical couple, Nicolae and Elena Ceaucescu’s. While the Ceaucescu maintained a ruthless, repressive machinery at home, they were welcomed with open arms by many countries in the West. Ceaucescu followed a policy independent from Moscow, and that was enough to reap recognition, support, medals and awards from Western governments and royalty. Because it gradually became less and less necessary to support the dissident movement in the Soviet Union through couriers, our small team of associates had the chance to focus their attention on a different country. At the beginning of 1989, we decided to take the chance and try to establish contacts with dissidents in Romania to see how we could best provide assistance. The very first time things went immediately wrong. After a meeting with one of the few well-known dissidents, Silviu Brucan, our courier was stopped by the police. He was released some time later, but with the clear instruction that he had to leave the country. The Romanian authorities, however, did not count on the persistence of the Dutch Ambassador; Coen Stork was not a regular Dutch diplomat. He had a very clear opinion, had no problem expressing it, and organized weekly meetings with other ambassadors in Bucharest to discuss the human rights situation in the country. Coen Stork proposed to our courier that he could stay with him as a guest.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Tismaneanu
    Vladimir Tismăneanu este profesor de ştiinţe politice la Universitatea Maryland. În perioada martie–decembrie 2006 a fost preşedintele Co- misiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din România. Între februarie 2010 şi mai 2012 a fost preşedintele Consiliului Ştiin- ţific al Institutului de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului şi Memoria Exilului Românesc (IICCMER). În 2007 a primit din partea Univer- si tăţii Maryland Distinguished International Service Award, iar Aso - cia ţia Americană de Ştiinţe Politice i-a acordat certificatul pentru me rite excepţionale în predarea ştiinţelor politice. Deţine titlul de doc- tor honoris causa al Universităţii de Vest din Timişoara (2002) şi al Şcolii Naţionale de Studii Politice şi Administrative din Bucureşti (2003). În iulie 2011, preşedintele Traian Băsescu i-a conferit Ordinul Naţional pentru Merit în grad de Mare Ofiţer pentru eforturile susţi- nute de promovare a democraţiei în România. Volume publicate (selecţie): Reinventarea politicului. Europa Răsăriteană de la Stalin la Havel (Free Press, 1992 şi 1993; Polirom, 1997 şi 2007); Fantasmele salvării. Democraţie, naţionalism şi mit în Europa post- co mu nistă (Princeton University Press, 1998 şi 2009; Polirom, 1999); Sta linism pentru eternitate. O istorie politică a comunismului românesc (University of California Press, 2003; Polirom, 2005; Humanitas, 2013; în 2004, Premiul Barbara Jelavich din partea American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, ca lucrare excepţională în domeniul istoriei Europei de Răsărit şi Centrale); The Devil in History: Communism, Fascism, and Some Lessons of the Twentieth Century (University of California Press, 2012). Coeditor, împreună cu Dorin Dobrincu şi Cristian Vasile, al Raportului Final al Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din România (Humanitas, 2007); coeditor, împreună cu Bogdan C.
    [Show full text]
  • Ceausescu's Trial and Execution
    Online international journal of philosophy WWW.METABASIS.IT May 2009 year IV # 7 PHILOSOPHY AND COMMUNICATION CEAUSESCU’S TRIAL AND EXECUTION by Ruxandra Cesereanu (Babes-Bolyai University - Cluj-Napoca, Romania) Nicolae Ceausescu, the Romanian dictator who got shot in December 1989, after popular revolt movements against the communist regime and after the National Salvation Front took the power, was a head of state endowed with a peasant cunning and with an ambition for power on account of which he never had any scruples. He slyly got rid of his rivals and strategically appointed family members in key positions. He promoted a tribal type of communism. Similarly to all communist leaders, Ceausescu got in power as a Moscow subordinate. Towards the half and the end of his regime he played, however, the nationalist card out of tactics reasons: both in the foreign and domestic politics. At the beginning he wanted to seduce the Western World, offering the image of a communist independent from Moscow, then, towards the end, to make the Romanians’ look turn away from the economic disaster and from the extreme poverty in the country, but also to shut out Gorbachev’s influence, which signified a reformed communism the Romanian dictator was allergic to. During the hasty trial he and his wife were brought to, in December 1989, Ceausescu proved to be almost an autistic individual, shut out in his dictator clichés, a dictator who was never interested in the way Romanians lived and in what their needs were. There were two visible obsessions during the trial: his belief that the Romanians’ popular explosion is exclusively due to a double conspiracy (external and domestic) and his desire to be allowed to speak in front of the ‘working class’ that he still credited as his ally.
    [Show full text]
  • Soviet-Romanian Relations Under Gorbachev "
    FINAL REPORT TO NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : THE EXTERNALIZATION OF REFORM : SOVIET-ROMANIAN RELATIONS UNDER GORBACHE V AUTHOR : RONALD H . LINDE N CONTRACTOR : UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURG H PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : RONALD H . LINDEN COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 803-1 7 DATE : APRIL 1990 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY : "The Externalization of Reform : Soviet-Romanian Relations Under Gorbachev " PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Ronald H . Linden The principal aim of this research was to determine i f the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev was applying th e same standards and employing the same practices in it s reactions with the non-reforming East European states, as ha d previous regimes for different purposes . Specifically, th e investigation sought to determine if the USSR was using it s hegemonic position to promote change, in the form o f glasnost, perestroika and reform of regional institutions, i n the same way earlier regimes had acted to prevent reform . While an answer to this question can be offered, th e events of 1989 made this more of a historic than a curren t question . A broader approach to which this research wa s amenable was to look at existing Soviet policies in light o f the revolutions of 1989 and determine what, if anything , remained of post war Soviet policy . The question of how i t reacted to the recalcitrance of the Ceausescu leadership an d how it has reacted to the changes in Romania and elsewhere i n the region since the revolutions remains central . The mai n context of the research was Soviet-East European relations ; that context remains but the dynamics changed dramaticall y enough to extend the research focus in time and breadth .
    [Show full text]
  • On Romanian-American Cultural Relations. INSTITUTION Washington Univ., Seattle
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 109 908 FL 006 995 AUTHOR Giurescu, Constantin C. TITLE On Romanian-American Cultural Relations. INSTITUTION Washington Univ., Seattle. SPONS AGENCY Institute of International .Studies (DHEW/OE), Washington, D.C. BUREAU NO BP-67-7901 PUB DATE 13 May 72 CONTRACT OEC-0-72-0918 NOTE 36p.; Paper presented at the Conference on Romanian Language and Literature (Seattle, Washington, May 12-13, 1972); For related document, see FL 006 989 EDRS PRICE MF-$0.76 HQ-$1.95 PLUS POSTAGE DESCRIPTORS American Literature; Cultural Awareness; *Cultural Exchange; Cultural Factors; *Culture Contact; European History; Foreign Relations; Historiography; *Literary Influences; *Music; *Romanian; Translation IDENTIFIERS NDEA Title VI ABSTRACT This Paper presents a brief outline of the history of cultural relations between Romania and the United States. Instances are cited of the first mentions in Romanian writing of American and specifically United States life. A history is given of the major American literary works translated into Romanian. Examples of Romanian works show the interest of Romanians in American scientists, technicians, and politicians. The introduction of American dance and music to Romania is discussed. Centers of historiographical research are cited which contributed greatly to close Romanian-American relations. Finally, the influence of Romanian music groups in introducing Romanian culture to America is mentioned. (AM) University of Washington Conference on May 12, 13, 1972 Seattle, Washington On Romanian-American Cultural
    [Show full text]
  • THE ROMANIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY in the 1990'S
    32 Romanian Journal of Political Science THE ROMANIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE 1990’s Bogdan Murgescu∗ Abstract The quantity and quality of Romanian historians work improved seriously after the fall of communism. Altough the new generation of historians, historians that borrowed the know-how from the West, have to face many obstacles, the battle is not lost already. The battle between those who want to revive the “grand-narrative” from communism and those who are trying to deconstruct some unfounded myths is still on the scene. Ideological constraints and political active involvement in sustaining the “grand-narrative” are serious obstacles for those trying to promote new methodological frameworks and debates. It seems that the state still holds the power to determine the official writers of Romanian history by encouraging a certain number of chosen historians to write a treaty under the aegis of Romanian Academy. Whatsoever, the deconstructivist generation managed to survive and their work to be appreciated by a serious number of intellectuals. Foreign grants are permitting nominal research and each historian can follow its own academic choice. Key words: grand-narrative, deconstructivism, reluctance to change, historian debate, mentalities ∗ Bogdan Murgescu, Ph.D. in history at the University of Bucharest and also a Roman Herzog Fellow of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation in Berlin . He is currently professor at the History Department of the University of Bucharest, and has been visiting professor also at the University of Pittsburgh. Romanian Journal of Political Science 33 The general framework The revolution of 1989 brought important changes in the field of Romanian historical studies6.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Tismaneanu
    Vladimir Tismăneanu (n. 4 iulie 1951, Brașov) a studiat sociologia și și-a susținut în 1980 doctoratul în filozofie la Universitatea din Bucu - rești cu o teză despre teoria critică a Școlii de la Frankfurt. A părăsit Ro - mâ nia în septembrie 1981 și a locuit un timp la Paris și la Caracas. Din septembrie 1982 trăiește în Statele Unite. Între 1982 și 1990 a fost cer - cetător la Foreign Policy Research Institute din Phila delphia. În anii 1985–1990 a predat științe politice la Universitatea Pennsyl vania. Înce - pând din 1990 este profesor de ştiinţe politice la Universitatea Maryland. În perioada martie – decembrie 2006 a fost preşe dintele Comisiei Prezi - denţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din România (CPADCR). Între februarie 2010 și mai 2012 a fost preşedintele Consi liului Ştiin - ţific al Institutului de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului şi Me mo ria Exilului Românesc (IICCMER). În 2007 a primit din partea Uni versi - tăţii Maryland Distinguished Inter national Service Award, iar Asociaţia Americană de Ştiinţe Politice i-a acordat certificatul pentru merite ex- cepţionale în predarea științelor politice. Deţine titlul de doctor honoris causa al Universităţii de Vest din Timişoara (2002) şi al Şcolii Naţio - nale de Studii Politice şi Admi nistrative din Bucureşti (2003). În iulie 2011 președintele Traian Băsescu i-a conferit Ordinul Național pentru Merit în grad de Mare Ofiţer pentru eforturile susținute de promo vare a democrației în România. Volume publicate (selecţie): Reinventarea politicului. Europa Răsăriteană de la Stalin la Havel (Free Press, 1992 şi 1993; Polirom, 1997 şi 2007); Fantas mele salvării. Democraţie, naţionalism şi mit în Europa postcomunistă (Princeton University Press, 1998 şi 2009; Polirom, 1999); Stalinism pentru eternitate.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing Soviet Cultural Policy: Cybernetics and Governance in Lithuania After World War II, 2008
    EGLė RINDZEVIčIūtė IS AFFILIATED WITH TEMA Q, (CULTURE STUDIES) AT THE DEPARTMENT FOR STUDIES OF SOCIAL CHANGE AND CULTURE, LINKÖPING UNIVERSITY, AND THE BALTIC & EAST EUROPEAN GRADUATE SCHOOL AT SÖDERTÖRN CONSTRUCTING UNIVERSITY COLLEGE (SÖDERTÖRNS HÖGSKOLA). THIS IS HER DOCTORAL DISSERTATION. SOVIET CULTURAL CYBERNETICS AND POLICY GOVERNANCE IN LITHUANIA AFTER WORLD WAR II EGLė rINDZEVIčIūtė LINKÖPING STUDIES IN ARTS AND SCIENCE NO. 437 TEMA Q (CULTURE STUDIES) LINKÖPING UNIVERSITY, DEPARTMENT FOR STUDIES OF SOCIAL CHANGE ISBN 978-91-7393-879-2 (LINKÖPING UNIVERSITY) ISSN 0282-9800 AND CULTURE ISBN 978-91-89315-92-1 (SÖDERTÖRNS HÖGSKOLA) SÖDERTÖRN DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS 31 LINKÖPING 2008 ISSN 1652-7399 Constructing Soviet Cultural Policy Cybernetics and Governance in Lithuania after World War II Egl Rindzeviit Linköping Studies in Arts and Science No. 437 Tema Q (Culture Studies) Linköping University, Department for Studies of Social Change and Culture Linköping 2008 Linköping Studies in Arts and Science No. 437 At the Faculty of Arts and Science at Linköpings universitet, research and doc- toral studies are carried out within broad problem areas. Research is organized in interdisciplinary research environments and doctoral studies mainly in gradu- ate schools. Jointly, they publish the series Linköping Studies in Arts and Sci- ence. This thesis comes from the Department of Culture Studies (Tema kultur och samhälle, Tema Q) at the Department for Studies of Social Change and Culture (ISAK). At the Department of Culture Studies (Tema kultur och samhälle, Tema Q), culture is studied as a dynamic field of practices, including agency as well as structure, and cultural products as well as the way they are produced, consumed, communicated and used.
    [Show full text]
  • Comitetul Central Al Partidului Comunist Roman Albume Foto
    PREFAŢĂ Albumele cu fotografii care fac parte din Fond C.C. al P.C.R. au fost preluate de către Arhivele Naţionale de la Ministerul Apărării Naţionale în anul 1999 pe baza unei evidenţe sumare şi deseori eronate, constând într-un tabel în care au fost înscrise cotele, un rezumat al cuprinsului, tehnica realizării fotografiei (alb-negru sau color), tipul documentului (album cu fotografii, cu ilustraţii sau hărţi), precum şi numărul de fotografii. La rândul său, Ministerul Apărării Naţionale, ridicase aceste documente în decembrie 1989 de la Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, creatorul fondului arhivistic cu acelaşi nume, unul dintre cele mai importante şi cercetate fonduri deţinute în prezent de Arhivele Naţionale. Arhivele Naţionale au păstrat, în general, albumele în forma în care le-a constituit creatorul (C.C. al P.C.R.) sau deţinătorul (M.Ap.N.) acestora, procedând la ordonarea, descrierea (iniţial, sub forma fişelor de inventar) şi (re)numerotarea lor. Totodată, s-a stabilit împărţirea lor, mai întâi cronologică (în două mari perioade: Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej şi Nicolae Ceauşescu), apoi în următoarele structuri tematice: Activităţi în ţară, Vizite externe, Primiri, Viaţă privată şi Diverse. Prezentul inventar conţine un număr de 85 înregistrări (cote), respectiv 117 albume (din care 2 dublete) cu fotografii alb-negru şi, mult mai rar, color, în care sunt surprinse aspecte de la evenimente oficiale şi, uneori, instantanee ale unor activităţi care ţin mai mult de viaţa privată. În interiorul albumelor din acest inventar se pot regăsi fotografii cu portretele lui Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej din anii 1916, 1927, 1928, 1932, 1934, 1937, 1938, chiar şi fişele de carceră ale acestuia, aspecte ale vizitelor interne şi externe la care a luat parte, primirile unor delegaţii din ţară şi străinătate, participarea acestuia la diferite festivităţi care au avut loc în plan politic, cultural, militar, economic, social, precum şi unele aspecte din viaţa sa privată.
    [Show full text]