PEACE Info (May 26, 2017)
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Important Facts About the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - Emref
Important Facts about the 2015 Myanmar General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation (EMReF) 2015 October Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF 1 Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF ENLIGHTENED MYANMAR RESEARCH ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABSTRACT FOUNDATION (EMReF) This report is a product of the Information Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation EMReF is an accredited non-profit research Strategies for Societies in Transition program. (EMReF has been carrying out political-oriented organization dedicated to socioeconomic and This program is supported by United States studies since 2012. In 2013, EMReF published the political studies in order to provide information Agency for International Development Fact Book of Political Parties in Myanmar (2010- and evidence-based recommendations for (USAID), Microsoft, the Bill & Melinda Gates 2012). Recently, EMReF studied The Record different stakeholders. EMReF has been Foundation, and the Tableau Foundation.The Keeping and Information Sharing System of extending its role in promoting evidence-based program is housed in the University of Pyithu Hluttaw (the People’s Parliament) and policy making, enhancing political awareness Washington's Henry M. Jackson School of shared the report to all stakeholders and the and participation for citizens and CSOs through International Studies and is run in collaboration public. Currently, EMReF has been regularly providing reliable and trustworthy information with the Technology & Social Change Group collecting some important data and information on political parties and elections, parliamentary (TASCHA) in the University of Washington’s on the elections and political parties. performances, and essential development Information School, and two partner policy issues. -
Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team
Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team Seventeen Ethnic Armed Organizations held a conference in Laiza, the headquarters of KIO/KIA on 30 Oct – 2 Nov 2013. At the end of the conference, ethnic leaders established Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) on Nov 2, 2013. The NCCT will represent to member ethnic armed organizations when negotiating with government peace negotiation team, UPWC. NCCT Leader: • Vice-Chairman : Nai Hong Sar, New Mon State Party • Deputy Leader 1 : General Secretary – Padoh Kwe Htoo Win (Karen National Union) • Deputy Leader 2 : Deputy Commander-in-Chief – Maj. Gen. Gun Maw (KIA) Member • Lt. Col. Kyaw Han, Arakan Army • Central Committee Member Ms. Mra Raza Lin, Arakan Liberation Party • General Secretary Twan Zaw, Arakan National Council • Presidium Dr. Lian Sakhong, Chin National Front • Col. Saw Lont Lon, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army • Secretary-2 Shwe Myo Thant, Karenni National Progressive Party • Gen. Dr. Timothy, Foreign Affairs, KNU/KNLA Peace Council • Col. Hkun Okker, Patron, Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization • Central Committee member Sai Ba Tun, Shan State Progress Party • Secretary-General Ta Aik Nyunt, Wa National Organization NCCT member Organizations: 1. Arakan Liberation Party 2. Arakan National Council 3. Arakan Army 4. Chin National Front 5. Democratic Karen Benevolent Army 6. Karenni National Progressive Party 7. Chairman, Karen National Union 8. KNU/KNLA Peace Council 9. Lahu Democratic Union 10. Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army 11. New Mon State Party 12. Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization 13. Palaung State Liberation Front 14. Shan State Progress Party 15. Wa National Organiztion 16. Kachin Independence Organization Note: Representatives of Restoration Council of Shan State attended the ethnic armed organizations conference held in Laiza, the headquarters of KIO. -
Myanmar's Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement
Myanmar’s Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement BACKGROUNDER - October 20151 1 Photo: Allyson Neville-Morgan/CC SUMMARY examples over the last 25 years were the 1989 agree- The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement ment with the United Wa State Army (UWSA), (NCA) seeks to achieve a negotiated the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) in settlement between the government of 1994 (albeit which broke down in 2011), and the Myanmar and non-state ethnic armed New Mon State Party (NMSP) in 1995. Upon organizations (EAOs) that paves the way coming to office as president in August 2011, U for peace-building and national dia- Thein Sein initiated an effort to end fighting on logue. Consisting of seven chapters, the a nation-wide scale and invited a large number of “draft” text of the NCA agreed on March EAOs for peace talks, with negotiations initially 31, 2015, stipulates the terms of cease- seeking to secure a series of bilateral accords. Upon fires, their implementation and monitoring, and concluding many of these, the government agreed the roadmap for political dialogue and peace in February 2013 to multilateral negotiations over ahead. As such, the NCA, if signed by all parties, a single-document national ceasefire agreement would represent the first major step in a longer that encompasses the majority of EAOs. Signifi- nationwide peace process. While the government cantly, this was the first time that the government in particular hopes to conclude the NCA before had agreed to negotiate a multilateral ceasefire.2 national elections take place on November 8, de- mands for amendments in the final text, ongoing 2. -
Finding Common Ground
EBO Background Paper No.5 | 2019 September 2019 AUTHOR | Paul Keenan Finding Common Ground Ethnic Political Parties and the 2020 elections As Myanmar moves towards the 2020 election, ethnic political parties now, more than ever, need to work together and find common ground if they ever want to influence the future politics of the country and ensure ethnic equality. Minority ethnic groups make up a third of the country's 51.5 million people.1 Currently, ethnic politics can be defined as consisting of five main actors: merged ethnic political parties, the NCA non-signatory armed ethnic groups, NCA signatory groups, the Nationalities Brotherhood Forum (NBF), and the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA). All of these groups have divergent interests and it is these interests that may weaken ethnic policymaking in the future. While all groups profess a singular goal – ethnic equality and a genuine federal union, it is how they work together, if they can, that will ultimately decide the future of ethnic representation in the country after the 2020 election. One of the main ethnic alliance is the United Nationalities Alliance which was formed after the 1990 election and was considered one of the most influential and experienced political alliances operating in the country.2 The UNA encompassed a varied spectrum of ethnic political parties, dominated by the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), which had contested and won seats in the 1990 general election. Originally, in the UNA there were 12 different political parties. Today, there -
EBO Background Paper NO. 4 / 2015 AUGUST 2015 EBO MYANMAR
EBO Background Paper NO. 4 / 2015 AUGUST 2015 EBO MYANMAR AUTHOR | Paul Keenan ALL-INCLUSIVENESS IN AN ETHNIC CONTEXT After what had been recognised as successful ostensibly an agreement not to militarily engage talks in July that brought the Nationwide Ceasefire the government’s armed forces. Agreement (NCA) closer to fruition only three While two of the three main points, signatories and points remained to be addressed before a binding witnesses to the agreement, were satisfactorily agreement could be signed. Perhaps crucially the settled at a meeting between the Union Peace- most important for all concerned parties were making Work Committee (UPWC) and Ethnic Armed which groups are to be included in the signing of Organizations-Senior Delegation (SD), from 6 to 7 the NCA. This has become a particularly difficult August 2015, at the Myanmar Peace Centre, the point to address as the Government and the main one, all-inclusiveness, or more correctly who armed ethnic group leaders have differing views gets to sign the ceasefire agreement, continues as to the validity of those groups that can be a part to be unresolved and without compromise could of the process at the initial ceasefire stage. see the peace process delayed until well after There are six groups that are a major concern May 2016, as the 8 November election and the during these talks, each groups has a different installation of a new government is finalised. background, a different goal, and different claims Consequently, there remains little time left for an as to why they deserve to participate in what is agreement to be made. -
Media Monitoring Report – UNHCR Thailand
Media Monitoring Report – UNHCR Thailand MEDIA MONITORING REPORT – OCTOBER 2015 NATIONWIDE CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT Eight ethnic armed organizations signed a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in Nay Pyi Taw on Thursday 15th October. It is a major step towards peace after more than six decades of civil conflict in the Southeast Asian country. The event was observed by foreign diplomats from 50 countries, political parties, civil society organizations as well as international witnesses including the United Nations, the European Union, China, India, Thailand and Japan.1 Three days before the formal signing of the NCA, the government removed the eight signatory groups from the list of "Unlawful Associations" and "Terrorist Organizations" respectively. The eight ethnic groups that signed the NCA with the government are: (1) Karen National Union (KNU) (2) Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) (3) Karen National Liberation Army - Peace Council (KNLA-PC) (4) Chin National Front (CNF) (5) Pa-o National Liberation Organization (PNLO) (6) All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) (7) Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) (8) Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS/Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) The Global New Light of Myanmar, 16 October 2016, Vol. II, No. 178 1 Media Monitoring Report – UNHCR Thailand Seven groups said that they are not ready to sign the NCA at the moment2. They are: (1) Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) (2) Kayinni National Progressive Party (KNPP) (3) National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) (4) New Mon State Party (NMSP) (5) National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) (6) Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N) (7) United Wa State Army (UWSA). -
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 16 | September 2015 Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar KEY POINTS • The 2015 general election presents an important opportunity to give political voice to Myanmar’s diverse ethnic nationality communities and empower them to pursue their aspirations, provided that it is genuinely free and fair. • If successfully held, the general election is likely to mark another key step in the process of national transition from decades of military rule. However the achievement of nationwide peace and further constitutional reform are still needed to guarantee the democratic rights, representation and participation of all peoples in determining the country’s future. • Although nationality parties are likely to win many seats in the polls, the impact of identity politics and vote-splitting along ethnic and party lines may see electoral success falling short of expectations. This can be addressed through political cooperation and reform. It is essential for peace and stability that the democratic process offers real hope to nationality communities that they can have greater control over their destiny. • Inequitable distribution of political and economic rights has long driven mistrust and conflict in Myanmar. The 2015 general election must mark a new era of political inclusion, not division, in national politics. After the elections, it is vital that an inclusive political dialogue moves forward at the national level to unite parliamentary processes and ethnic ceasefire talks as a political roadmap for all citizens. ideas into movement Introduction Myanmar/Burma1 is heading to the polls in November 2015, in what will be a closely watched election. Provided that they are free and fair, the polls are likely to have a major influence over the future political direction of the country, with an expected shift in power from the old elite to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD). -
Headquarters of Ethnic Political Parties
Headquarters of Ethnic Political Parties Ethnic Political Parties 1 Akha National Development Party 2 All Mon Regions Democracy Party KACHIN 3 Arakan League for Democracy Party STATE 4 Arakan National Party INDIA 5 Arakan Patriot Party 41 43 44 6 Asho Chin National Party 29 20 19 7 Chin League for Democracy Myitkyina !! 29 8 Chin National Democratic Party Waingmaw 9 Chin Progressive Party CHINA 10 Daingnet National Development Party 11 Danu National Democracy Party SAGAING 12 Danu National Organization Party REGION 13 Dawei Nationalities Party 14 Eastern Shan State Development Democratic Party 46 ! Hopang 39 15 Ethnic National Development Party Namhsan ! ! 16 Federal Union Party CHIN MANDALAY Lashio STATE REGION 26 27 45 17 Inn National Development Party 40 38 18 Ka Man National Development Party Mandalay SHAN 19 Kachin Democratic Party 15 ! STATE ! 20 Kachin State Democracy Party Paletwa 25 Matupi 12 11 ! ! 21 Karen National Democratic Party Ywarngan 14 32 10 ! 34 36 Kengtung 22 Kayah State Democratic Party ! !Buthidaung 17 Kyaukttaw ! Taunggyi 23 Kayan National Party 31 Nyaung Shwe! 1 ! ! 24 Kha Me National Development Party 33 24 5 4 Mrauk-U MAGWAY Tachilek Sittwe ! REGION 23 25 Khumi (Khami) National Party Pekon ! 22 26 Kokang Democracy and Unity Party \ !Loikaw RAKHINE Nay Pyi Taw 27 Lahu National Development Party STATE 28 Lhaovo National Unity and Development Party KAYAH STATE 29 Lisu National Democracy Party BAGO 30 Mon National Party REGION THAILAND 31 Mro National Democracy Party KAYIH 32 Mro National Development Party STATE -
Democracy First, Federalism Next? the Constitutional Reform Process in Myanmar
ISSUE: 2019 No. 93 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |8 November 2019 Democracy First, Federalism Next? The Constitutional Reform Process in Myanmar Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party launched a process of constitutional amendment in February 2019, but without the support of the unelected military bloc that holds a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament, constitutional amendment remains impossible. • Whereas the NLD wants gradually to reduce the power of the military in politics, the military and its proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) seek to increase that power or at least maintain the constitutional status quo. • Ethnic political parties have called for an immediate reduction of the power of the military and demanded more devolution of powers to ethnic states. They are unhappy with the NLD’s silence concerning federalism. • The politicking over constitutional amendment has made clear that these three groups — the NLD, the military and the USDP, and ethnic parties — will each go their own way to capitalize on the rift between them for gains in the general elections due in November 2020. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 93 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The increasingly controversial and heated topic confronting Myanmar is the 2008 Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, under which the country’s political transition began in 2010. In the view of democrats or civilian politicians under the leadership of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party and its chair State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the constitution gives undue power to the military. -
Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review of Myanmar July 2020 37Th Session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council January/February 2021
Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review of Myanmar July 2020 37th Session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council January/February 2021 Human Rights Violations in the Armed Conflicts in Arakan, Burma/Myanmar Submitted by: All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC) Contact: Mr. Ting Oo, General Secretary All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC) Email: [email protected] About All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC) All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC) is an independent and non-profit organization founded in October 6, 1995 in Bangkok, Thailand by the Arakanese students and youths who were exiled after the 1988 democracy uprising in Burma/Myanmar. AASYC works promote democracy and human rights of the Arakanese people in Arakan/Rakhine and beyond and to establish a genuine federal democratic union of Burma through non-violent means in collaboration with other democratic alliances in Burma/Myanmar. AASYC is a member organization of Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB), Network for Human Rights Documentation (ND-Burma), Ethnic Community Development Forum (ECDF), Indigenous Peoples/Ethnic Nationalities of Myanmar (IPs/EN), Coalition of Indigenous People in Burma/Myanmar. Website: www.aasyc.info 1 A. Introduction 1. This submission was prepared for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar in July, 2020. Within it, the All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC) evaluates the implementation of recommendations made to the Government of Myanmar (GoM) in its previous UPR, assesses the national human rights framework and the human rights situation on the ground, and makes a number of recommendations to the government of Myanmar to address the human rights challenges outlined in this report. -
The Ethnic Political Parties of Myanmar (2018 Update)
The Ethnic Political Parties of Myanmar (2018 update) States/ States/ States/ Total No. of elected No. of candidates fielded by parties No. of candidates fielded by parties 2017 No. of candidates fielded by parties 2018 Union Union Union UPDJC Regions Regions Regions candidates in both 2015 General Elections By-Elections By-Elections No. Parties Parliament Parliament Parliament UPDJC Working NBF UNA Parliaments Parliaments Parliaments parliaments by parties 2015 2017 2018 Committees 2015 2017 2018 2015+2017+2018 Total LH UP S/R Ethnic Total LH UP S/R Ethnic Total LH UP S/R Ethnic 1 Akha National Development Party 1 1 1 7 1 5 1 1 1 0 2 All Mon Regions Democracy Party 1 1 1 1 x 35 7 10 17 1 1 1 0 3 Arakan League for Democracy Party 0 x 0 0 3 1 2 4 Arakan National Party 22 23 1 46 1 1 x 79 21 15 41 2 0 1 1 5 Arakan Patriot Party 0 x 16 5 3 8 0 0 6 Asho Chin National Party 0 x 10 2 6 2 0 0 7 Chin League for Democracy 1 1 x 27 7 5 14 1 0 2 2 8 Chin National Democratic Party 0 x 58 13 13 29 3 1 1 1 1 9 Chin Progressive Party 0 x 23 4 5 13 1 0 1 1 10 Daingnet National Development Party 0 3 1 2 0 0 11 Danu National Democracy Party 0 x 19 5 3 11 0 0 12 Danu National Organization Party 0 x 7 2 1 4 0 0 13 Dawei Nationalities Party 0 x 13 3 3 7 0 0 14 Eastern Shan State Development Democratic Party 0 7 2 1 4 0 0 15 Ethnic National Development Party 0 x 7 1 2 4 0 0 16 Federal Union Party 0 x 37 12 3 22 0 0 17 Inn National Development Party 0 x 6 1 1 3 1 0 0 18 Inn Nationalities League Party 0 x 5 1 3 1 0 0 19 Ka Man National Development Party 0 4 -
Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 23 | September 2020 Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election KEY POINTS • The 2020 general election is scheduled to take place at a critical moment in Myanmar’s transition from half a century under military rule. The advent of the National League for Democracy to government office in March 2016 was greeted by all the country’s peoples as the opportunity to bring about real change. But since this time, the ethnic peace process has faltered, constitutional reform has not started, and conflict has escalated in several parts of the country, becoming emergencies of grave international concern. • Covid-19 represents a new – and serious – challenge to the conduct of free and fair elections. Postponements cannot be ruled out. But the spread of the pandemic is not expected to have a significant impact on the election outcome as long as it goes ahead within constitutionally-appointed times. The NLD is still widely predicted to win, albeit on reduced scale. Questions, however, will remain about the credibility of the polls during a time of unprecedented restrictions and health crisis. • There are three main reasons to expect NLD victory. Under the country’s complex political system, the mainstream party among the ethnic Bamar majority always win the polls. In the population at large, a victory for the NLD is regarded as the most likely way to prevent a return to military government. The Covid-19 crisis and campaign restrictions hand all the political advantages to the NLD and incumbent authorities. ideas into movement • To improve election performance, ethnic nationality parties are introducing a number of new measures, including “party mergers” and “no-compete” agreements.