IVORY COAST (COTE D’ IVOIRE)
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TEXT HIGHLIGHTS: Diaries updates, key events, briefly analysis and relating news articles in timeline
Overview
The Europeans came to the area to trade in Ivory and Slaves and estimated that local kingdoms were gave way to French inluence in the late eighteenth century. Côte d’Ivoire is the present name of formerly Ivory Coast, it was part of French colonial West Africa. It was a major area of agricultural development under French rule, attracting immigrant workers from throughout the French African Empire. It gained independence from France in 1960, retaining close ties with the former colonial power through a number of bilateral agreements including membership of the Franc Zone, a defence pact, and provision for a French military base in the country. Félix Houphouët-Boigny became the first President and ruled for 33 years until his death in 1993. His party, the PDCI, was the sole legal party until 1990 when multipartyism was introduced. During his time in office, Côte d’Ivoire was renowned as the most prosperous and most stable country in the West African region. It also hosted the largest French community in Francophone Africa. But his rule was shaken by economic recession in the 1980s, when prices of the main exports, cocoa and coffee, plunged. The first multi-party elections since independence were held in 1990, which Houphouët-Boigny easily won against veteran opposition leader Laurent Gbagbo. At his death in 1993, he was succeeded by Henri Konan Bédié, the speaker of the National Assembly. The careful ethnic and regional balance which Houphouët-Boigny had nurtured, together with his welcoming of immigrant workers, was soon compromised by the concept of 'Ivoirité' (Ivorian nationalism), which quickly acquired xenophobic connotations. This began a sequence of events which was to deprive the country of its long record of stability and prosperity. Cote D’ Ivoire’s rapid decline following a long period of ethnic and religious harmony has been one of the continent’s more tragic tales. Under Felix Houphouet-Boigny, the nation was a model of tranquility, which anchored the country’s rapid economic growth for three decades after independence.
Achieved it's independence on 7th August, 1960, from France.
Headship since independence; Head of State
From 1960 to 1993, the country was led by Mr. Felix Houphouet-Boigny founder president, and the leader of the ruling Parti Démocratique de Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI).
Mr. Felix Houphouet-Boigny, nicknamed "Le Vieux", was the founder president of Cote D'Ivoire and the leader of the Parti Démocratique de Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI), Ivory Coast's single party. Originally a village chief, he worked as a doctor, an administrator of a plantation, and a trade union leader, before being elected to the French Parliament and serving in a number of ministerial positions in the French government. From the 1940s until his death, he played a leading role in the decolonization of Africa and in his country's politics.
Under President Houphouët-Boigny's politically moderate leadership, Côte D'Ivoire prospered economically. Maintained close political and economic association with its West African neighbours, while at the same time maintaining close ties to the West, especially to France.
Côte D'Ivoire is a republic with a strong executive power invested in the President
Yamoussoukro became its de-jure capital, Abidjan remains the commercial city and a main port. Since the end of Houphouët-Boigny's rule, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced one coup d’état, in 1999, and a Civil war, which broke out in 2002.
A political agreement between the government and the rebels brought a return to peace.
Côte d'Ivoire is a republic with a strong executive power invested in the President. Its de-jure capital is Yamoussoukro and the biggest city is the port city of Abidjan.
Its de-jure capital is Yamoussoukro and the biggest city (commercial) is the port city of Abidjan.
Foreign Policy Issues under President Houphouet-Boigny; Cote d’Ivoire plays a central role in mediating regional conflicts Côte d'Ivoire continues to maintain close relations with France.
Since the end of Houphouët-Boigny's rule, Côte D'Ivoire has experienced one coup d’état, in 1999, and a civil war, which broke out in 2002.
At later, a political agreement between the government and the rebels brought a return to peace.
A Republic in west Africa on the gulf of Guinea.
Cote D' Ivoire, is a French name for a country formerly known as “Ivory Coast” which means for "A Land of Ivories", the present name for a country mostly known as Ivory Coast previously, as it's meaning almost the same. Believed Chimpanzees in Cote d’Ivoire have been using stone tools to crack open nuts for more than 100 years. The Europeans came to the area to trade in Ivory and Slaves and estimated that local kingdoms were gave way to French inluence in the late eighteenth century. Côte d'Ivoire became independent on 7 August 1960. From 1960 to 1993, the country was led by Felix Houphouet-Boigny. It maintained close political and economic association with its West African neighbours, while at the same time maintaining close ties to the West, especially to France. Mr. Houphouët-Boigny was commonly known as the "Sage of Africa" or the "Grand Old Man of Africa". Mr. Houphouët-Boigny moved the country's capital from Abidjan to his hometown of Yamoussoukro and built the world's largest church there, the "Basilica of Our Lady of Peace of Peace of Yamoussoukro", at a cost of US$300 million. At the time of his death on 7th December 1993 he was the longest-serving leader in Africa's history and the third longest-serving leader in the world. In order to make the transfer of power appear constitutional, in accordance with the Article 11 of the Cote D' Ivoire constitution, which empowered the president of the national assembly to complete the term of the republic's president, if the president died or was incapacitated while in office, in this regard, President Houphouet-Boigny was succeeded by the house speaker Mr. Henri Konan Bedie, on the 7th December, 1993. The Army led by General Robert Guei overthrew the Interim president on the 25th of December, 1999, a coup the first ever in Cote D' Ivoire history. The coup leader General Robert Guei, blatantly rigged, election held in late 2000 that announced he won it, but a public uprising and foreign pressure forced him to step aside and brought Mr. Laurant Gbagbo, who spent all the 1980s in exile in France, has served as history lecturer until recently in Paris University onto power, the military once agan launched a failed-coup attempt that brought the assassination of General Robert Guei, on the 17th of September, 2002, as a result of internal contradictions within the political system that Cote D' Ivoire had been operating for the past fourty years, it began to fracture politically into North & South, a civil war insued, an armed rebellion split the world's largest Cocoa producer country b/n the North, held by the rebel Forces Nouvelles (FAFN), which supported former premier Alassane Ouattara, who's accused of a foreigner born that together with the Burkinabe president Blaise Compaore, he was responsible for the 2002 rebellion, and the government controlled the South part in the hands of the Gbagbo led government split the country in half in 2002 and polls are seen as a vital step to end the political crises, until a power-sharing agreement was signed between rivals in 2007, to hold free elections on March, 2010 which that extended again for October, 2010. Since then, Cote D' Ivoire has had two governments, administrations, armies, and "national" leaders.
Internal Conflict
Civil War
When: 1999 – 2007
Who: North vs South
Why: Rebels from the north were against the southern dominated government and the high number of foreigners in Cote d’Ivoire added to tensions. The rebel Forces Nouvelle (FAFN) under Mr. Guillaume Soro has joined the Unity government under the incumbent president Laurant Gbagbo in 2007, but the peace process has been dogged by delays. Elections have been postponed in Cote D' Ivoire at least six times in the last five years since the president's mandate expired. Mr. Laurent Gbagbo has been in power since 2000 and had already overstayed his mandate by five years when the long delayed presidential election was finally held in November, 2010.
Politics
In March 2007 Gbagbo and former New Force rebel leader Guillaume Soro signed onto the Ouagadougou Political Agreement, which saw Mr Soro joining the Gbagbo government as Prime Minister. The two leaders sought to reunite the country by dismantling the zone of confidence that separated the North from the South, and also agreed to integrate rebel forces into the country’s armed forces and to hold elections. Polls are yet to be held. Issues that led to the civil war are yet to be resolved and French and UN peacekeepers, known as the Impartial Forces, patrol the buffer zone. The UN Security Council has extended an arms and diamond embargo imposed in 2004 on the country for another year until October 31, 2010. The UN has imposed travel restrictions targeting Ivorian political figures and a freeze on their foreign assets. The vote was intended to help reunify the country, which was divided by the 2002 to 2003 civil war into a rebel controlled North and a loyalist South. For such reason, and of strategic importance, it was inevitable that this electoral contest would decide the long-term future of the country. In protracted negotiations from 2002, the Ivorians agreed that the presidential elections would not be held until various conditions had been met. These included the reunification of the country, the restoration of the national administration to all parts of the Ivorian territory, and the disarmament of the rebels and all militia and their integration in the national security machinery, with latter process completed at least two months ahead of any presidential elections, but despite the fact that none of this was honoured, the presidential elections were allowed to proceed, and the date for long-delayed presidential elections in Cote D' Ivoire set for 31 October, 2010. The first round was held on 31 October, 2010 but it produced no clear winner, having been repeatedly postponed since 2005 owing to issues arising from the country's civil war, the run-off vote is expected to herald a new era of peace in the country, which has been in a tense state for nearly twenty years. Then the Ivorians have voted again in a second round of the presidential election in Cote D' Ivoire on the 28th of November, 2010, to decide b/n pitted two long-standing polilical opponents against each other, the incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo and the former premier Alassane Dramane Ouattara. The Ivorian Constitutional Council (CC), is the only body constitutionally empowered to determine the winner in any presidential election and to install the president, with Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) mandated to forward it's provisional poll results to the Constitutional Council (CC). The Constitutional Council overturned earlier poll results and declared that the incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo a winner after a run-off, that the main opposition candidate Mr. Alassane Ouatara declared a winner by the Independent Electoral Commission. The election in Cote D' Ivoire condemned by the UN, and the continental organ, the African Union, which suspended the country temporarily from membership until the incumbent president, who is believed to have lost the election, handed power to the winner, Mr. Alassane Ouattara. But then the Ivorian electoral structure itself looks absurd, on the one there is the IEC and on the other the CC. The former declared the opposition candidate Mr. Alassane Ouattara winner only to be overruled by the latter which declared the incumbent Mr. Laurent Gbagbo the winner. If the CC had the authority to overrule the IEC why was the IEC allowed to declare the results without consulting the council in the first place? And if the IEC has the mandate to declare the winner, why would the so- called CC interfered ? Not known well if this issue has been addressed by the African Union or the UN before they took sides on the result. The November elections were supposed to open a more positive chapter in Cote D' Ivoire's history eight years after civil war splits the west African nation into the mainly Muslim-north, which backs Alassane Ouattara, and the Christian-south, where Mr. Gbagbo holds sway. In December, 2010, President Laurent Gbagbo refuses to step-down as president after he was decisively defeated in the presidential election as the IEC announced his opponent Alassane Drammane Ouattara has won the election by a nine- point margin. Instead, the election has renewed divisions that threaten to plunge the country back into civil war, while Cote D' Ivoire was officially reunited in a 2007 peace deal, the main opposition candidate Alassane Ouattara still draws his support from the northern half of the country, where residents feel they are often treated as foreigners within their own country by the southerners, these are that Alassane Ouattara is accused by the government as foreigner born in Burkinafaso, that together with Burkinabe president Blaise Compaore, he was responsible for the 2002 rebellion; that his accession to power would result in the takeover of the country especially by Burkinabe foreigners; and that historically, to date, he has been ready to advance French interests in Cote D'Ivoire. The United Nation security council had also called on president Laurent Gbagbo to honour the voice of the Ivorian people, as expressed in the 28th of November, 2010 presidential run-off election. And the US, taking stronger line than usual, had warned Laurent Gbagbo that he had very little time in which to avoid stronger sanctions against him and his followers. The problem arose when Cote D' Ivoire, which fought a civil war that tore it apart between 2002 and 2004, was ushered into a renewed tension by Gbagbo's actions after he had lost the elections, he refused to yield power to the opposition ctandidate Alassane Ouattara who had clearly won it. The election was the second round of contest whose first round had produced figures that should have told Laurent Gbagbo he would not be reelected:- Gbagbo got 38% to Ouattara's 32%, with former president Henri Konan Bedie taking 25%.
It was obvious that whoever obtained Konan Bedie's support would be the winner of the second round. Alassane Ouattara secured Konan Bedie's blessing, and indeed won over 54% of the vote, to the 45 obtained by Laurent Gbagbo, in the run-off. But just as the election results were being announced, the government prevented the Independent Electoral Commissio (IEC) from announcing the results on the national TV and the Radio. In one instance, an IEC official was physically prevented from making announcement, as the papers containing the results were taken from his hands and torn to pieces. The IEC thus missed it's deadline, but found a hotel room, without national TV or Radio present, where it made it's announcement, after having insisted by the government to hand-over the results to the so called Constitutional Council, whose majority of members were the president's men, and that the "Constitutional Council" would deliver the final results. Yet seizing on this legal nicety, the so called Constitutional Council has declared the result in favor of Laurent Gbagbo. The IEC figures had been certified by the UN observer team and witnessed by the European Union, the two organizations that had borne the brunt of the election expenses, as donors, counted for nothing with Laurent Gbagbo. So he was sworn in as president, cling to power by appointing an unrecognized government, but Alassane Ouattara also had himself has sworn in as president, as widely recognized new president of Cote D' Ivoire, waits for his mandate. The 15-member Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has warned Laurent Gbagbo, it could use force to oust him if he does not step down, a threat the President has brushed off. In the spirit of brotherliness in Africa, three presidents have been nominated by their colleagues to confront Mr. Laurent Gbagbo in Abidjan to encourage him to leave office and end the impasse over the disputed elections without any delays. And the three presidents can fly back with Mr. Laurent Gbagbo as all the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) including non-members Angola, South Africa, Malawi, Nigeria and the United States are prepared to offer him asylum, but he turned-down all of them. This internal crises will, of course prevent Cote D' Ivoire from obtaining the investment needed in the coming years to bring it's Cocoa and Coffee production to world markets as well as it's industries, back to the buoyant economic success they enjoyed in the days when the late president Houphouet- Boigny was in charge of office. Cote D' Ivoire threatens to slide back toward civil war since Laurent Gbagbo refused to accept that he lost the November election.
The International community and Cote D' Ivoire's Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) says Allassane Ouattara won the November presidential election, but Laurent Gbagbo has refused to give-up power after a decade-long in office, up to 1 million people have fled the fighting caused by political chaos and over 500 people have been killed since the election. Fighters supporting the internationally recognised leader seized control of the country's administrative capital Yamoussoukro on the 29th, March 2011, but many believe a final bloody battle over the presidency is now destined for the commercial capital of Abidjan, only 143 miles (about 230 km) away. The rebels "Republican Forces" advanced on three fronts; in the west, center, and east of the country. The west and central columns have converged on Yamoussoukro and may join the eastern front, which is heading directly for Abidjan. Along Cote D' Ivoire's eastern border with Ghana, the rebels "Republican Forces" secured Bondoukou and Abengourou and got as far as Akuoupe, which is only 70 miles (about 113 km) from seat of the government, Abidjan. Allassane Ouattara, who is from the northern part, had long tried to distance himself from the rebels "Republican Forces" based there who fought in a brief civil war almost a decade ago that left the country split in two. However, the rebels have been stepping-up their offensive to install him on power in recent weeks. A draft-UN resolution, demands "an immediate end to the violence against civilians and urges all the Ivorian parties and stakeholders to respect the will of the Ivorians and the election of Alassane Dramane Ouattara as President". The battle for Cote D' Ivoire's presidency neared a decisive phase as the opposition "Republican Forces" reached the out- skirts of Abidjan, the country's commercial center, as the Ivorian Army chief of staff, General Phillipe Mangou, sought refuge for himself, his wife, and five children in the home of the South African Ambassador in Abidjan, his flight appeared to deal a significant blow to Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, whose forces have crumbled from east to west in the west African nation. a string of cities, including the strategic Cocoa-exporting port city of San- Pedro, have already fallen to forces loyal to Mr. Laurent Gbagbo's rival, Mr. Alassane Ouattara, as they have swooped south toward Abidjan, the crucial stake in what has now become an open war for presidency in Francophone Africa's former economic power. The rebels, "Republican Forces" had begun besieging Abidjan from the outside as supporters within the city attacked a prison and freed it's inmates. The city of Abidjan divided neighborhood by neighborhood between the supporters of the two loyalists. Meanwhile, Mr. Alassane Ouattara's prime minister, and leader of the rebel "Republican Forces", Guillame Soro, delivered an ultimatum to Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, saying he had only "several hours" to give-up power. After winnng control of most of the country within a week, the rebel "Republican Forces" who are seeking to oust Laurent Gbagbo in favor of president-elect Alassane Ouattara on 30th March, 2011 entered Abidjan and attacked the presidential palace, army camps and the state-run TV headquarters. If Laurent Gbagbo prevails, he would be the third African leader to refuse to accept election results, following the leaders of Zimbabwe and Kenya. Mr. Laurent Gbagbo "is exploring different options for turning himself, he has been intouch with different leaders involved in this crises", said an Ouattara spokesman. He has absolutely not resigned and is currently being scandalously held against his will, some said. It's to be recalled that, following four months of attempts to negotiate Laurent Gbagbo's departure, the UN-security council unanimously passed an especially strong resolution giving the 12,000-strong peace-keeping operation the right "to use all necessary means to carry out it's mandate to protect civilians under imminent threat of physical violence-including to prevent the use of heavy weapons against the civilian population. Laurent Gbagbo, the former history professor in the University of Paris, who won 46% of the vote, held power for a decade and already had overstayed his mandate by five years when the November election took place. Mr. Alassane Drammane Ouattara, the president-elect has tried to rule from a lagoonside hotel. In a latest development, the elected president used the Republican Forces troops, French tanks and airpower to oust strongman Laurent Gbagbo, ending their four-month standoff on Monday the 11th of April, 2011 by storming the bunker where he hung on to power by pulling him from his burning Abidjan residence, arresting the man whose refusal to handover the presidency, to the election winner left hundreds dead and threatened to re-ignite a civil war in the west African nation. Mr. Laurent Gbagbo looked pathetic as his captors surrounded him and barked-out orders, he looked so helpless, defenseless, friendless and hopeless, his forlom eyes told the whole story, the man who had thumbed up his nose at the world for the past five months while his country was burned visibly hyperventilating and drenched in sweat. He could hardly put on his shirt, it was a totally humiliating experience for Laurent Gbagbo, it was devastating, depressing and dispiriting to any African who values self- dignity. There is substantial evidence to show that as a direct result of Laurent Gbagbo's refusal to concede the November, 2010 presidential election, thousands of people lost their lives in officially sanctioned extra- judicial killings. Many Ivorians have died and in excess of one million Ivorians have been forced to leave the country to avoid the internal violence, much infrastructure has been destroyed, and historic animosities have been exacerbated in the lead-up to this outcome. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, took the extra-ordinary step of notifying Laurent Gbagbo and his henchmen that they will be held personally responsible and accountable for human rights violations in connection with the discovery of two mass-graves. But there is also substantial evidence of extra-judicial or arbitrary executions, sexual violence, enforced or involuntary disappearances, arbitrary detentions and tortures against Gbagbo and his regime, back-dating one decade. The end game for Laurent Gbagbo is to face justice for his crimes in an Ivorian- court, a special court for Cote d' Ivoire or before the International Criminal Court (ICC), in The Hague, the Netherlands. The president-elect has been receiving pledges of allegiance from senior military officers and the heads of main institutions at Abidjan Golf-Hotel, where he has been based since the post-election crises began. He says "Laurent Gbagbo will be brought to justice and a truth and reconciliation-style process instituted to address the causes and effects of the decade-long political crises in the country". The ICC prosecutor-General Luis Moreno Ocampo said, he would like Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the sub- regional economic bloc to request an ICC investigations into the massive human rights violations in Cote D' Ivoire, a preliminary step to Laurent Gbagbo's prosecution. All suspects, including the president designate's supporters "Republican New Forces", the often ill-diciplined force is also accused of looting and perceived as a threat by some civilians, allegedly involved in human rights violations, must be investigated and brought to justice. There are also compelling evidences that forces loyal to Alassane Ouattara have been involved in gross human rights violations, including extra-judicial killings, rapes and burning of villages. The 5, 000 combatants of the "Republican Forces" would be integrated in to the national army. Mr. Alassane Dramane Ouattara has been sworn-in as Cote D' Ivoire (Ivory Coast) president, as predecessor Laurent Gbagbo is reportedly questined for the first time over rights abuse. Mr. Alassane Dramane Ouattara took his oath of office at the presidential palace in Abidjan on the 6th May, 2011. Swearing-in is to be followed by a ceremony attended by heads of states planned for 21st May, 2011 in the official capital, Yamoussoukro, after months of violence and political turmoil. In the meantime, the Netherland based International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor is to open an investigation into Ivoary coast's post- election violence that left over 3,000 dead.
Sidenote: Ivory Coast violence: Laurent Gbagbo allies attacked Abidjan' Fighters loyal to ex-Ivory Coast President Laurent Gbagbo carried out recent attacks in Abidjan, killing 11 soldiers, a minister has said. Hamed Bakayoko told Radio France International (RFI) he believed the attackers received their orders from Gbagbo loyalists in neighbouring Ghana. One assailant was also killed in the gun battle on Monday in the Riviera district of Abidjan, the main city. Ivory Coast is recovering from months of unrest after a disputed poll. The attacks on Sunday and Monday were said to be the biggest in Abidjan since Mr Gbagbo was ousted in April 2011. "They [the attackers] were people who come from the myriad pro-Gbagbo militiamen and former armed forces nostalgic of the Gbagbo regime," Mr Bakayoko told RFI. He believed that "everything was ordered" by pro- Gbagbo militiamen who fled to Ghana after they were ousted from power in Abidjan, RFI reports. Mr Bakayoko told state TV the army would step up its presence across the country. "The orders have been given, our instructions are firm," he said. "From today, you'll be able to note this by the presence of our men in all the districts of Abidjan as well as towns in the interior." The BBC's John James in Abidjan says there was a gory scene at the Akouedo military camp, with bodies lying on the ground and blood spattered over the walls after Monday's attack. Corp Ousmane Kone, who took part in the fighting, told Reuters news agency that the attackers had made off with guns. "They took lots of weapons, loaded them in a truck and drove off with them. They took AK-47s [automatic rifles], machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades," he said. The head of the national assembly, Guillaume Soro, said the situation was under control. "The attackers just want to give the impression that the security situation in Ivory Coast is precarious," he added. The army is patrolling the areas east of Abidjan looking for the attackers. UN peacekeepers have been posted at key junctions. Defence Minister Paul Koffi Koffi had told AFP the Yopougon attack was an apparent bid to free people who had been arrested the previous day. Yopougon district suffered some of the heaviest fighting during the battle for control of Abidjan last year following the disputed elections. Although Abidjan has been relatively peaceful recently, there have been outbreaks of unrest, especially in the west of the country, which correspondents say remains awash with guns. Some 3,000 people were killed in a dispute after the November 2010 poll. Mr Gbagbo refused to accept defeat to President Alassane Ouattara, who eventually ousted his rival with the help of former rebel forces, the UN and former colonial power France. Mr Gbagbo is currently in The Hague, awaiting trial at the International Criminal Court on charges of crimes against humanity. End note: Former Côte d'Ivoire minister now faces murder charges' A former ally of Ivory Coast President Laurent Gbagbo who was arrested in late September, 2012 by Interpol in Accra Ghana is now facing facing murder charges. Justin Katinan was charged with conspirancy to murder and two counts of murder when he appeared before an Accra magistrate on. The former Minister in charge of Budget and Gbagbo's spokesman was granted $25 641 bail by the Osu magistrate's court last week after the court considered that he was an asylum seeker among many other factors. But he was dragged back to court on Monday accused of conspiring with one Dalo Desire in Cote d'Ivoire to murder two men in the capital Abidjan. The first alleged murder of a 33 year-old welder, Kamagate Seyobou, took place on March 19, 2011 while Diabate Drissa, 37, a trader, was allegedly killed on March 29, 2011, at Port Bouet, a neighborhood in Abidjan. Katinan was not asked to plead to the charges was remanded in custody October 16. The prosecutor, DSP Abraham Annor asked the court to remand him in custody to enable Interpol to carry out further investigations into the matter. He said they had been informed that Katinan's accomplice, who is also an ex-minister in Cote d'Ivoire, had been arrested in that country. Opposing to the prosecution's submission, Katinan's lawyer, Patrick Sogbodzor said his client was was taken to court where an extradition process was supposed to start and it was not proper for Interpol to amend the charges. He said Katinan had lived in Accra since April 13, 2011 as an asylum seeker and there was need to to protect his rights under Ghana's laws. On September 29, Ivorian authorities issued a warrant of arrest against Katinan and asked Ghana to arrest him. He was first charged with leading a gang that robbed some banks and financial institutions in Ivory Coast. The murder charges come hard on the heels of a diplomatic spat between the two neighbours following claims that an incursion on Côte d'Ivoire was being launched from Ghana. Last month, Côte d'Ivoire closed its land, air and sea borders with Ghana after several attacks on security installations - including police stations and Gendarmerie barracks in Abidjan and the Ivorian side of the Ghana-Côte d'Ivoire border – were reportedly launched by armed assailants. Following talks between the leaders of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, Alassane Ouatarra and John Mahama, respectively, the borders were re-opened. But they were closed again after a unilateral decision by the Ivorian authorities.
Accession to power of ex-president Laurent Gbagbo - 26th October, 2000 elected by nomination.
Tentative election calendar- Presidential/Parliamentary, October/ November
Ivory Coast (Cote D’ Ivoire) – Timeline Diaries updates and related Key notes:
1842 - France imposes protectorate over coastal zone. 1893 - Ivory Coast made into a colony.
1904 - Ivory Coast becomes part of the French Federation of West Africa.
Leader Felix Houphouet-Boigny
Died as continent's longest serving leader
Worked as doctor, union leader and politician
President from 1960-93
Played leading role in African decolonisation
1944 - Felix Houphouet-Boigny, later to become Ivory Coast's first president, founds a union of African farmers, which develops into the inter-territorial African Democratic Rally and its Ivorian section, the Ivory Coast Democratic Party.
1958 - Ivory Coast becomes a republic within the French Community.
1960 - France grants independence under President Felix Houphouet- Boigny. He holds power until he dies in 1993.
1990 - Opposition parties legalised; Houphouet-Boigny nicknamed ‘Grandman of Africa’ wins Ivory Coast's first multiparty presidential election, beating Laurent Gbagbo of the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI).
1993 - Henri Konan Bedie becomes president following the death of Houphouet-Boigny.
October 1995 - Bedie re-elected in a ballot that is boycotted by opposition parties in protest at restrictions imposed on their candidates.
July 1999 - Alassane Ouattara, a Muslim, leaves job at International Monetary Fund and returns to run for president in 2000; his plan to challenge Bedie splits country along ethnic and religious lines. Opponents say he is national of Burkina Faso, not Ivory Coast.
1999 - Bedie overthrown in military coup led by Robert Guei. Bedie flees to France.
October 2000 - Guei proclaims himself president after announcing he has won presidential elections, but is forced to flee in the wake of a popular uprising against his perceived rigging of the poll.
October 2000 - Laurent Gbagbo, believed to be the real winner in the presidential election, is proclaimed president. Opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, excluded from running in the poll, calls for a fresh election. October 2000 - Fighting erupts between Gbagbo's mainly southern Christian supporters and followers of Ouattara, who are mostly Muslims from the north.
December 2000 - President Gbagbo's Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) emerges as the biggest single party in parliamentary elections.
January 2001 - Attempted military coup fails.
March 2001 - President Gbagbo and opposition leader Ouattara meet for the first time since violence erupted between their supporters in October 2000 and agree to work towards reconciliation.
2001 - Reports of child slave ship off Africa's west coast spark allegations of child slavery in cocoa plantations, straining international relations. Government moves to tackle the issue.
March 2001 - Calls for fresh presidential and legislative elections after Alassane Ouattara's party gains majority at local polls.
June 2001 - Amnesty International criticises government's human rights record over alleged extra-judicial killings of 57 northerners during presidential election campaign in October 2000. Eight gendarmes accused of the killings are cleared in August.
October 2001 - President Gbagbo sets up National Reconciliation Forum. General Guei refuses to attend in protest against the arrest of his close aide Captain Fabien Coulibaly.
November 2001 - Opposition leader Alassane Ouattara returns, ending year-long exile in France and Gabon.
August 2002 – Alassane Ouattara's RDR opposition party given four ministerial posts in new government.
September 19, 2002 - Mutiny in Abidjan by soldiers unhappy at being demobilised grows into full-scale rebellion, with Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement rebels seizing control of the north.
September 20, 2002: The body of Ivory Coast's former military ruler General Robert Guei, accused of being behind an army uprising in the west African country, was found dead in a road near a large hospital in Abidjan. Defense Minister Moise Lida Kouassi told the press on 19 September that he believed Guei had been killed in an abortive coup attempt that started at around 03.00, when "about 280 soldiers" descended on Abidjan and more on towns in Bouake and Korhogo. Mortar and automatic weapons fire started in a district where the country's military police have a base, and spread to other parts of the city. Gunfire also broke out in the northern city of Khorogo, a stronghold of Ivory Coast's opposition. Armed youths in civilian clothes were reported to be roaming the streets.
Up to 800 disgruntled troops staged the attacks, to protest their pending demobilization. Those involved were wearing a mix of street clothes and military dress, so it was not clear which branch of the security forces they belonged to (if any). After about five hours of fighting, at least 10 people had been killed and dozens wounded. By the 20th, fighting was still taking place in several places. Death toll appears to be about a hundred, with somewhat more wounded. A former French colony and the world's top cocoa producer, Ivory Coast was once regarded as a haven of peace and stability, until Guei staged the 1999 coup that toppled President Henri Konan Bedie. - Adam Geibel
September 22, 2002: Although the man thought to be leading the coup attempt (former dictator general Robert Guei) died on 19th, the fighting continues in the cities of Bouake and Korhogo. Some 2,000 government troops, with some armored vehicles, have massed in Bouake. The government has called for the rebels to hand in their weapons, many stolen from army bases and being handed out to civilians. The government blamed an unnamed "rouge nation" for "hiring mercenaries" for the attempted coup. Since Ivory Coast's population is 36 percent foreign born, this statement was calculated to get the native born population fired up.
While often touted as a West African success story, it is still corrupt, with a large percentage of the young men unemployed and not very happy about the government.
France has announced that it is sending several hundred troops to protect the thousands of French citizens (and the French backed government) in Ivory Coast.
September 23, 2002 The Ivory Coast is home to 20,000 French citizens, about 8,000 of those being dual- or tri-nationals (including a large Lebanese community). Residents of Bouake said they heard heavy and automatic weapons firing around 18:45 on the 22nd, but a French businessman told AFP later in the evening that all was calm.
While quibbling about joining in on a war on Iraq, 6,000 troops in five ex- colonies remain on permanent guard in Africa; joint multilateral peacekeeping forces and ensure that defense pacts are adhered to. Contrary to it's earlier post-colonial period strategy, the French no longer provide African countries with military assistance but stand ready to intervene at any moment. Senegal and Chad each host about 1,000 soldiers each, with 600 troops in Gabon and 2,700 in Djibouti. In a crisis, these troops can be brought in as reinforcements much faster than if they were stationed in France and with greater flexibility in terms of sending equipment and vehicles. Some of the Transall C-160 transports used to fly the 200 French reinforcements to Abidjan went on to wait on standby in nearby Senegal and Gabon, ready to return at a moment's notice. The main worry for French authorities in such situations is when French nationals get caught in crossfire (many of the rebels are wearing civilian clothes.)
Government state television announced on the night of 21 September that 270 people had been killed since the coup started, with another 300 wounded. After initially refusing to negotiate with the mutineers, unless they surrendered, Prime Minister Pascal Affi NGuessan offered to negotiate with the mutineers, if they laid down their arms.
By accusing foreigners of backing the coup attempt, the government has sparked off a wave of anti-foreign violence. Gangs of pro-government youths armed with machetes were reportedly roaming the streets of Abidjan, targeting foreigners from predominantly Muslim neighboring countries.
Once considered a peaceful country that welcomed millions of immigrant workers to build up the nation after it's independence from France in 1960, up to 40 percent of the 16 million population is now foreign. The immigrant issue has fueled political, religious and ethnic divisions between the largely Muslim north versus the predominantly Christian south and west. These splits were kept under control by the country's post- independence president, Felix Houphouet-Boigny until he died in 1993. Rampant xenophobia became commonplace afterwards. - Adam Geibel
The US State Department urged Americans to avoid travel to Ivory Coast for the next 30 days. The rebels do not appear to be numerous (fewer than a thousand armed men in two cities). But the army has been reluctant to attack, if only because the enormous damage that would result, as well as civilians caught in the cross fire (many of the rebels are wearing civilian clothes.)
September 24, 2002: The UN and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have both weighed in on the Ivory Coast's coup, condemning the actions of mutineers. The central and northern towns of Bouake (350 km north of the capitol Abidjan) and Korhogo (634 km north) were still under the control of rebel soldiers by 23 September despite government counterattacks. Government troops targeted the Bouake military training college in the east of the central city. Rebels in Korhogo were under attack by a unit of the paramilitary gendarmerie before the mobile phone network (their link to the outside world) was abruptly cut off.
In Bouake, a brief but intense barrage of gunfire during the night of 22 September was probably the beginning of the "ferocious battle" promised by the government, but counter-attack against the mutineers which quickly petered out. Some analysts thought that the Ivorian government and mutinous troops were both trying to avoid further bloodshed, where possible.
The French contingent had flown into the capital, Yamoussoukro (100 kilometers) south of Bouake. Their commander, Colonel Charles de Kersabiec, noted that his rescue force has light armor, 15 jeeps, and three Cougar helicopters for Medevac. He told the press that this intention is to maintain peace and protect foreigners and French nationals. They set up camp at Yamoussoukro's airport, preparing to evacuate 1,000 foreigners in Bouake: 600 of which are French nationals, plus 170 children from Canada, the Netherlands and the United States boarding at the International Christian Academy (originally established for the children of missionaries).
At least 5,000 people were displaced and hundreds of residential shelters burnt down in the suburbs of Abidjan. Red Cross officials noted that the displaced included immigrants from Burkina Faso, Liberia and Mali, as well as a number of Ivorians. The authorities said the uprising was assisted by mercenaries and an unnamed neighboring country from the north, now widely thought to refer to Burkina Faso. - Adam Geibel
September 25, 2002: The United States' European Command dispatched 200 Special Forces troops to the Ivory Coast on 24 September, joining 600 French troops already in the country. The Americans' mission is to safeguard 100 American schoolchildren trapped in Bouake. Ranging from 5-year-olds to 12-year-olds, the young Americans are among 200 foreigners holed up at the boarding school for missionaries' children. There are a total of 2,000 American citizens in the Ivory Coast.
Heavy gunfire had splashed the International Christian Academy in Bouake since the mutiny began, more from errant rounds than deliberate targeting. Gunfights broke out again on the 24th, with identically-dressed troops so chaotically engaged that observers could make no sense of the fighting. - Adam Geibel
The French, who have several hundred troops nearby, are reluctant to move on Bouake for fear of being drawn into the fighting. The rebels are soldiers part of a battalion recruited years ago by a now-deposed dictator and their loyalty to anyone else was always suspect. The government attempt to disband the battalion, and the reaction of the troops, seems to prove those suspicions. The American Special Forces have sent a small advance party into Ivory Coast, with the rest of the troops staying in Ghana. It is thought the main reason for the American troops being their is to motivate the French to rescue the kids.
September 27, 2002: French troops evacuated more than 1,200 westerners from the Ivory Coast town of Bouake on 26 August: more than 60 percent were French or other Europeans, US and Lebanese citizens About 600 of the town's 1,000 expatriates were French. The remainder came from other African nations or had double citizenship. The French ERC 90 F4 six-wheeled armored cars apparently convinced the Ivory Coast mutineers to behave, since their 350-vehicle convoy mission was uneventful. Further evacuations were scheduled on the morning of the 27th, for any other people wishing to leave Bouake. But with most of the foreigners safely out of town of 500,000, the general feeling among the remaining civilians is that there will be a bloodbath.
After heavy fighting on the 25th, correspondents found more than 100 bodies in the town's morgue. There was no fighting on the 26th, but several thousand excited demonstrators took to the streets of Bouake to demonstrate support for the rebels. The mutineers were seizing territory between Korhogo and the Mail border (to the northwest), capturing hearts and minds with their good treatment of civilians.
But the population realizes that the Ivory Coast's government can finally launch their counteroffensive against the mutineers. Three Nigerian "Alpha Jet" fighters were flown into Yamoussoukro, even as President Laurent Gbagbo tried to convince his neighbors that the foreign mercenaries backing the rebels had heavy weapons. Meanwhile, unemployed youths have been recruited to join the original force of 400 mutineers. They are paid the equivalent of $7 a day, but where the rebels get the money remains a mystery. - Adam Geibel
September 28, 2002: The Italian Catholic news agency MISNA reported on 27 September that rebel forces in the Ivory Coast had attacked and conquered Odienne, 500 miles north west of Bouake and close to the Guinea border. Norwegian missionaries in the city were requesting evacuation.
The rebels in Bouake said they beat off a government assault during the night of 25-26 September and captured an army truck. Their commander is former Warrant Officer Tuo Fozie, who fled the Ivory Coast into exile in 2000. Fozie told journalists that General Guei (killed on 19 September) had had nothing to do with the uprising. Neither had opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, a former prime minister who took refuge with the French ambassador after claiming that Ivorian security forces had tried to kill him. Ouattara's home was torched by security forces early on the 22nd. The mutineers have demanded that all soldiers in exile be allowed to return and that those in prison be freed.
In response to his request for a regional peacekeeping force, West Africa's leading powers assured President Laurent Gbagbo they would stand with him. Nigeria had already dispatched 60 troops, in addition to three Alpha jets. It's in the neighborhoods' best interest, since the Ivory Coast is sub- Saharan Africa's third biggest economy, the catalyst for the French- backed West African CFA franc currency zone and a vital port for the landlocked countries to the North. At the Ghanaian border town of Elubo, 125 miles away from fighting, thousands of dollars in revenue and taxes were being lost each day articulated commercial cargo trucks sat idle.
The Ivory Coast also produces 40 percent of the world's cocoa crop. News of the fighting pushed cocoa futures above 16-year highs and on the 27th traders said that if fresh beans did not come on the market in the next two months, the situation would be "catastrophic".
Refugees entering the Malian border town of Zegoua reported that the rebels controlled many towns in the North. One man claimed that the rebels, finding children aboard his bus, filled the tank with gas and escorted it to the border. When they requisitioned something (like the fuel at a gas station in Korhogo), they paid in new bank notes rather than simply looting it. However, the rebels did sack an arms depot in the Ivorian town of Nielle (40 miles from the Malian border) on the 22nd.
The last French military vehicle left the rebel-held city of Bouake around 14.30 GMT on the 27th, after the troops had escorted out all foreigners who wanted to leave (750 that day following the 1200 foreigners on the 26th). With approximately 20,000 French citizens in the country, the 200- man French escort unit was drawn from the 500 men of the 43rd Marine Infantry Battalion (based in Port Bouet adjacent to the Abidjan Airport), which had been reinforced on the 22nd by an additional 250 men flown in from other French African garrisons. This column then took up a covering position only 12 miles to the East (near the town of Brodo) to make sure things didn't get out of hand, while other French troops secured the airport at Yamoussoukro and other sites.
The Ivorian government has had about 2,000 troops (back by tanks and armored cars) outside Bouake since the 19th. According to America's State Department, the Ivorians had the majority of their Army in the First Military Region concentrated in and around Abidjan, its principal units there being a rapid intervention battalion (airborne), an infantry battalion, an armored battalion, and an air defense artillery battalion. The Second Military Region (located in Daloa) is assigned one infantry battalion.
The Third Military Region (headquartered in Bouake) was home to an artillery, an infantry, and an engineer battalion. The Fourth Military Region maintained only a Territorial Defense Company headquartered in Korhogo. The fifth region is the Western Operational Zone, a temporary command created to respond to the security threat caused by the civil war in neighboring Liberia.
Like many African wars of the recent past, the fighting style of both government and rebels can best be described as "medieval": a mob nominally resembling a unit, in a mix of civilian clothes and military uniforms but all heavily armed, descend upon a target (or hold a position) while kicking out as much fire as they can, for as long as the ammunition on hand lasts. Retirement points seem to be awarded for those who show the most attitude and firing postures worthy of a music video. Sometimes a show of force (by simply firing their weapons in the air and yelling) is enough to get the other side to displace - one rebel unit was able to force a dozen government border guards at the border town of Pogo to turn tail on the 22nd this way. - Adam Geibel
September 30, 2002: Being in France's sphere of influence, the Ivory Coast's military and gendarme was armed with a selection of aging French weapon; from MAS 49 rifles and AA52 machine guns to Brandt mortars. However, both government and rebel troops have recently been photographed with the ubiquitous AK-47 assault rifle and RPG-7 grenade launcher. Where did these new weapons come from?
In late July 2000, Ukrainian arms dealer Leonid Minin chartered an Antonov-124 transport aircraft in Moscow, had it flown to Kiev (Ukraine) where it was loaded with 113 tons of weaponry: 10,500 AK-47s and 330 RPG-7s, along with sniper rifles, night vision equipment and assorted munitions. The weapons were supplied and transported by Moscow-based air cargo firm Aviatrend. The shipment was then directed to Abidjan, where General Robert Guei signed for them. Guei had also ordered five million rounds of ammunition from Aviatrend, as well. Apparently, the shipment cost $150,000 in cash and $500,000 worth of African diamonds. Aviatrend is run by former Soviet test pilot and longtime Minin associate Valery Cherny. Minin was arrested in August 2000 by an Italian vice squad for having prostitutes at his party in Milan and when incriminating arms dealing documents were discovered, a special branch team was called in to investigate. - Adam Geibel
October 1, 2002: What started as a coup attempt in the Ivory Coast is now a civil war. The Ivorian government has declared the center and north of the country a war zone. Over the 28-29 September weekend, rebel forces in the north advanced south towards the town of Tiebissou (only 26 miles north of the administrative capital, Yamoussoukro). Most of the gendarmes [government military police] in the rebels' path fled before they arrived.
Early on 29 September, French forces and helicopters backed by US C-130 transport planes and Hummers armed with .50 caliber machineguns evacuated 320 church and aid workers and other (mostly Western) foreigners from Korhogo. The operation was placed under French command and began at dawn, although the escort forces' arrival startled the rebels at Korhogo airport. Shots fired during the French helicopters' approach were met with 7.62 mm machine gun suppression fire, which caused the mutineers to run away. Spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Ange- Antoine Leccia described the event as "a minor accident".
Leaders from the 15-nation Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) met in Ghana the same day, ending their meeting with a pledge by the West African leaders to mediate between the government and the rebels. If these negotiations failed to end the conflict, the leaders agreed to dispatch a regional military force. On the night of the 28th, the French had promised logistical help but no troops for direct action.
Yet the rebels remain a curious force, having no known overall leader and claiming to have no ties to any political group or foreign nation. At least some of them are from the Ivorian Army's 3rd Battalion. However, many sources describe them as "disciplined" and all government counterattacks to date appear to have failed. One rebel commander, Tuo Fozie, told the press that he would resist any ECOWAS intervention as an attempt to deprive the rebels of success: "If Ecomog comes here, there won't be peace for 20, 30, 40 years. There must be justice".
The "white flight" from the Ivory Coast's north is cause for concern to those who remain behind and a complete about-face from Africa's independence days, when the locals cheered as Europeans fled as the new nation-states were being handed over to African rulers. Food supplies in many occupied cities were running low and communications largely cut off. Ivorian refugees attempting to leave Bouake were turned back by rebel checkpoints, although apparently without any violence. - Adam Geibel
October 2, 2002: The French military announced on 1 October that it was sending 70 additional troops from the 11th Paratrooper Brigade to join the hundreds already in Ivory Coast. French Foreign Legionnaires have also been recently seen in the area. However, the presence of French and American troops haven't defused the situation - heavy gunfire was reported on the 1st near Tiebissou, 25 miles north of Yamoussoukro. The rebels had also captured Sakassou (about 26 miles southwest of Bouake) and Seguela, toward the Guinea border.
Paris-based American diplomat Richard Buangan, who was helping coordinate the evacuations, said embassy staff were trying to contact about 70 U.S. citizens (mostly missionaries) to check on their welfare and advise some to move to more secure areas.
Rebel spokesmen are sounding less like disgruntle mutineers and more like men who want to topple the government. In Bouake, a "Lieutenant Elinder" told the press that their aim was to "restore justice, peace and the rule of law among all Ivorians". The rebels also announced their name on the 1st (the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast), but their leadership remains unclear. There is local speculation that the men staging the former French colony's first rebellion are veterans of the wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia (the Ivory Coast's western neighbors), "floating groups looking for trouble". A good place to start looking would be among the ranks of Sierra Leone's Revolutionary United Front (RUF). Deposed and recently dead President Guei was funneling weapons and munitions to that group in 2000. - Adam Geibel
The unrest in Sierra Leone can be traced to the growing Moslem-Christian strife, which is made worse by tribal disputes. As with many West African nations, the coastal tribes are Christian, while the interior ("northern") tribes are Moslem. For decades, Ivory Coast managed to avoid the religious and tribal based politics, but this is no longer the case. The Christians have been trying to run the country themselves, but the northern Moslems are now fighting back, and the rebellion of these northern soldiers is part of that.
October 3, 2002: The situation in the Ivory Coast remains fluid and confused, since all of the telephone lines are down in the north and contacts can only be made on cell phones. The standstill on the battlefield - as previously reported by the international press - doesn't match Ivory Coast State radio and television broadcasts, which are reporting clashes between government troops and rebel forces around Bouak. The Italian Catholic news agency MISNA also reported fighting along the Tiebissou to Sakassou and Tiebissou to Bouak roads.
On 2 October, AFP reported the capture of the cities of Segel, Katiola, Bouna (along border with Ghana and Burkinafaso) and Kong (about 120 miles west of Bouna). MISNA claims these are not real conquests, but merely rebel forces seeking alternative routes to the Ivorian commercial capital of Abidjan. During their bypass, the rebels avoid French and loyalist barricades around Tiebissou, encountering little resistance by the few gendarmes left and enrolling sympathetic youths from the villages.
The rebels captured the village of Sakassou (25 miles south of Bouake) on the 1st but were stopped from advancing east by French soldiers on an evacuation mission. A French military spokesman noted that while the army had not stopped anyone, they had set up a security perimeter of 13 miles around the official capital, Yamoussoukro. He said the rebels were still 30 miles from the city.
Meanwhile, the situation grows worse for both the civilians who have become refugees and those left behind. Food supplies are dwindling in Boake, Adibjan and Korhogo, while hospitals and other care centers were reportedly closed.
So why would France care so much about one of it's former colonies? While the safety of it's citizens is laudable, the real motivation for wars usually lie behind the question "who benefits?". Western Europe reportedly consumes over 40 percent of the chocolate sold worldwide and the EU imports about 90 percent of it's cocoa from West Africa, mainly the Ivory Coast. The chocolate trade is worth some $3 billion a year across the European Union. Cocoa shortages had already sharply driven prices up this year by about 60 percent and if the fighting continues, could exacerbate poor supplies of cocoa beans for the third consecutive year. Although the main cocoa- growing areas are in the south and the west, production could be affected by growing tension between immigrant cocoa plantation workers from Burkina Faso and Ivorians. Analysts say the next three months are vital, as the bulk of the crop is shipped between October and the end of December. Reuters reported that fuel shortages and a ban on tanker-truck travel into the interior had virtually brought the Ivorian cocoa industry to a halt, hitting both buyers and exporters. Do the math, then watch for more Legionnaires. - Adam Geibel
October 4, 2002: The northern Moslem rebels finally got themselves organized and in touch with the government. A deal was quickly worked out for a ceasefire, followed by negotiations over the ethnic, political and religious differences that divide the country from north to south. Soldiers and civilians who had fled the country over the last three years, because of persecution by southerners, played a large role in the uprising.
October 5, 2002: The ceasefire agreement signing between the Ivory Coast's government and it's mutinous soldiers was delayed, with both sides expressing dissatisfaction with the wording. The government was reluctant to commit to some aspects (such as the suggestion of a peacekeeping force in the country) while the mutineers felt they were not granted proper status. They also had a problem with the government moving more troops up to Bouake. The signing was scheduled for 16:00 GMT but by 18:00, none of the delegates had turned up. There was no time specified for another signing attempt.
Mohammed Ibn Chambas, the executive secretary of the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), led the group of ministers from Nigeria, Niger, Mail, Togo, and Ghana in ceasefire negotiations at Bouake. The peace mission arrived in French army helicopters and was taken through quiet streets to a French school, although rebel leaders kept the foreign ministers waiting for an hour before driving up in a convoy of pickup trucks. Rebel leader Tuo Fozie climbed out, shook hands and saluted the delegation.
Save for the cameras and television crews, the talks could have been straight out of a scene from the 19th century. While French soldiers formed a protected cordon around the cluster of tiny pastel school chairs placed under the school's tin-roof pavilion, the representatives gathered for 90 minutes before agreeing to stop operations and sign a ceasefire on the 5th.
What follows the ceasefire is anyone's guess. The rebels conquered 40 percent of the country in 15 days and will be loath to give up their gains. President Laurent Gbagbo certainly won't turn over power willingly, yet his government must depend on the French if they want to stick around. Given recent African military history, the phrase "ceasefire" is usually interpreted as "reload" by all parties. The rebels may be using this opportunity to arm more sympathetic youths and infiltrate them past French blocking positions, while the Loyalists are probably praying for the arrival of ECOMOG troops. - Adam Geibel
October 9, 2002: As expected, the Ivory Coast lost it's opportunity for a ceasefire. President Gbagbo told ECOWAS on 6 October that both sides had moved too far from what was agreed at Accra, that his government would not be treated on the same footing as the rebels and that the insurgents must be disarmed before further debate. On the 5th, the mediators waited all day for the government to provide a document attesting to the signing authority of its representative, but it was never delivered. The delegates went home with the conclusion that "it's basically a problem for Ivory Coast - If they want outside support they have to invite us."
Within hours, government troops were on the move. So were the rebels, apparently: unidentified saboteurs damaged the French television channels TV5 and Horizon transmitters in Abidjan overnight.
The rebels claim to have beaten back several loyalist local offensives launched on 6 October, chiefly around Bouake. An AFP correspondent found an army reconnaissance unit of five vehicles, including a pick-up with a heavy machine-gun, at Kouasiblekro (only four miles from Bouake) around 09:50. President Gbagbo's forces moved to seize the rebel-held city in a pincer movement from east and south around 13.00 local time. Fighting was still going on by mid-afternoon at a commando camp and at the city's southern entrance, reportedly punctuated with artillery fire.
The rebels at Korhogo (125 miles north of Bouake) dispatched a column of 40 vehicles loaded with men early on the 6th to reinforce Bouake's defenses, followed by 30 more troop-laden vehicles that afternoon.
About 100 rebels had been detailed to hunt down government infiltrators inside of Bouake, after capturing 100 suspected gendarmes who had slipped into the city overnight on the 5th/6th. The rebels taunted one loyalist prisoner with threats of "we are going to eat you".
Army sources admitted that over 400 loyalist troops in a convoy of 15 all- terrain vehicles (some fitted with 20mm cannons) were moving to Bouake. Ivorian military sources said that since the uprising broke out on 19 September, the army had acquired these cannon-armed four-wheel- drive vehicles and type-unspecified armored vehicles from Belgium (for $9 million), as well as night-vision goggles and sniper rifles. French troops near Yamoussoukro saw 300 Ivorian troops moving north on the night of the 5th, toward rebel-held areas. The government hasn't been doing well in the "Minds and Hearts" department. As loyalist troops moved out of Tiebissou, local residents emerged to discover that Ivorian forces had looted shops and restaurants.
Gbagbo's forces also launched an offensive at Sakassou (25 miles from Bouake), moving unopposed from the East to within six miles of the outskirts.
A rebel commander said his men had "violently repulsed" a 19-vehicle army column near the western town of Seguela (60 miles west of Bouake) late on the 5th, although the claim could not be independently verified. Government military officials could not be reached and the phone lines to Seguela were cut.
Heavy weapons fire erupted on the morning of the 7th, near Bouake's commando camp and a sappers' camp. An AFP journalist reported a dozen wounded rebels being transported to hospital, while the rebels admitted losing two vehicles and two troops killed, with an unknown number of wounded. However, they claim to have captured an armored vehicle, an all-terrain vehicle with two machine-guns and a pick-up loaded with ammunition. The French and rebels reported that one government convoy apparently feared being encircled and left Bouake overnight, heading southeast. The rest of the loyalist units had pulled back by late afternoon on the 7th, vowing to take the city on the 8th.
The rebels promised their own counterattack on the 8th, although there was no mention of specific targets. Meanwhile, loyalist troops at Yamoussoukro's airport unloaded fresh ammunition from a foreign- registered aircraft onto new pickup trucks.
The columns on both sides seem to be ad-hoc units, reinforced with whatever heavy weaponry can be mustered up (there were only four 105mm howitzers in the country, before the mutiny). Most of the 'heavy stuff' will probably come from 106mm recoilless rifles and 120mm mortars. While some government armored cars were photographed in the first few days of the mutiny, none of the AMX-13s, AML-60/90s or ERC- 90s have been reportedly engaged in the fighting.
The rebels also have their own PYSOPS capability, with the local traditional hunters known as Dozos. This secret society has magical overtones, which supposedly affords their members keen sight and amplified hearing. The locals believe that a Dozo cannot be killed by a bullet or knife, since his amulets prevent metal from entering his body. Dozos were frequently hired to guard vehicles, direct traffic or patrol religious sites.
Light skirmishing could be heard in Bouake's suburbs throughout the morning of the 8th, while bands of pro-rebel youths armed with sticks and iron bars roamed the streets in a hunt for loyalist infiltrators. - Adam Geibel October 15, 2002: On 9th October, the Ivory Coast's rebels refused President Gbagbo's demand to lay down their arms as a precondition for peace talks, and announced they would go on the attack. However, the mutiny-turned-civil war is turning brutal. During the see-saw fighting in Bouake, there were rumors of massacres in at least two neighborhoods. During a temporary retreat, some rebels were attacked and a few burned alive by local citizens. In a few hours, the rebels regained control of the neighborhoods and unleashed all their fury on the locals, indiscriminately killing and destroying houses.
By the 10th, there were an estimated 150,000 civilians fleeing the city. While governmental troops concentrated on Bouak, the rebels took over the city of Vavoua in western Ivory Coast on the 7th, although some may not have been fast enough: the rebels claim to have captured at least 30 loyalist soldiers.
After hearing that the Gbagbo government was so confident of routing the rebels and that they required no help combating the "armed terrorists", Nigeria recalled it's three Alpha jets and their 17-man detachment on 7 October.
On the 13th, the rebels entered Daloa (the main cocoa processing center, 250 miles north-west of the main city of Abidjan) and Angola sent troops to help the loyalists (which Angola initially denied). President Gbagbo has courted Angola since the elections two years ago and his personal bodyguard was trained by those foreign troops. Two Angolan BMP-1 armored vehicles arrived that morning and an Angolan state airline capable of carrying 120 men arrived late on the 14th. Angolan effectiveness may not be the best (one of the BMPs broke down a day after arriving), but they did help the Congo-Brazzaville government defeat rebels a few years ago.
The Ivory Coast rebels had agreed in principle to freeze their frontlines, as long as they were not attacked by government troops, but when they heard that 500 Angolan troops were in-country, they called off negotiations and demanded Gbagbo's resignation. The rebels also complained that France was actively aiding the government, since they captured 300 new French weapons at Daloa - while the French have made it clear that they were providing logistical support. The 1,000 French troops in-country have so far not been deliberately engaged by the rebels and - if the rebel leadership has any sense - will not be targeted.
The fighting is starting to play hell with the region's economy. In the western port of San Pedro, banks closed indefinitely and while trading continued normally, shipping companies warned they could continue operations for only a few more days unless the banks reopened. The Abidjan Port Authority was barred from unloading all containers midday on the 13th at the request of Ivory Coast's gendarmes and in one or two days, the docks will be jammed. Abidjan is the largest port in Ivory Coast and one of the most important in west Africa. - Adam Geibel
October 17, 2002: Witnesses in Daloa reported that the rebels had fled the town and government troops are in control, following heavy fighting on 14 October. Four Angolan armored vehicles supposedly fought alongside government troops in the battle for the city, along with Angolan "technical advisers". Barrages of machine gun fire and occasional explosions could still be heard for the next two days, indicating that some rebels were still in the area.
However, as late as 15 October, the Angolan Presidency was still denying that the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) were involved in the Ivory Coast's internal crisis and that they had armored vehicles in-country. Photographic analysis can't be denied - western news sources clearly showed a BMP-2 Infantry Fighting Vehicle with it's engine hatch raised. This vehicle was not in the Ivorian inventory.
The Loyalists have also claimed that the rebels have received support from outside of the county, specifically pointing to heavy weaponry not in the Ivory Coast's arsenal. Several western press photographs show rebel- operated pickup trucks fitted with ZPU-1 single-barrel 14.5mm machineguns. While these weapons were not on the pre-mutiny lists for the Ivorian Army, Burkian Faso had 30 of them and this lends credence to loyalist claims of Burkianian meddling. Of lesser interest were the new- looking World War II-era Russian PPSH43 submachineguns carried by some rebels (again, not an Ivorian weapon).
Far behind the scenes, this could well be another war for oil. The Ivory Coast contains an estimated 100 million barrels of recoverable oil reserves, with offshore reserves first discovered in the 1970's. During the twenty-year period from 1970 to 1990, over 100 wells were drilled offshore, resulting in the discovery of several commercial oil and gas fields.
President Gbagbo issued the rebels an ultimatum, warning that the rebellion would be ended either by war or peace this week - after his army had received military supplies. Meanwhile, the rebels opened their own website (www.supportmpci.org) titled "Mouvement Patriotique de Cote d'Ivoire -- For a united and democratic Cote d'Ivoire, where every citizen lives under the protection of the law". The site is bilingual, in both French and English. - Adam Geibel
October 18, 2002: Long one of the most stable nations in West Africa, Ivory Coast achieved this status due to a string of able politicians who did not exploit tribal, national (many foreign workers) and religious (Christians in the south, Moslem in the north) differences. That changed in 1999 when an army coup put an unpopular general in charge. Since then, the tribal and religious differences have become something to fight over and hostility towards the millions of foreign workers has increased. Most of these foreign workers come from Moslem nations to the north, and the Christians who have long run Ivory Coast feel that these Moslem nations are providing weapons and other support to Moslem rebels in the north. Rebels have signed a ceasefire, but the government has delayed doing so.
October 22, 2002: For a brief four days, it looked as if the Peace Accord in the Ivory Coast would hold: There had been no reports of fighting since the peace deal, signed by the rebels on the 17th and approved by President Gbagbo, took effect on the 18th. While rebels in Bouake rested at their posts, the loyalists continued to build up strength behind their own lines and in a suburb of Abidjan, about 3,000 pro-government youths marched to call on the army to take the offensive.
French officers said that between 19 and 21 October, half of their 1,000 troops would move west from their current positions to deploy along the front between the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast rebels and President Gbagbo's forces. Vowing to retaliate "very strongly" if attacked, the French will deploy patrols, set up observation posts, checkpoints and previously agreed upon contact points between government and rebel forces.
On the 20th, French reconnaissance and contact teams reached Bondoukou (near the Ghana border) and Mbahiakro (50 miles south of Bouake). On the 21st, they extended their buffer zone through Bonoufla, a small town in the western cocoa-growing region. The French have also taken up posts at Tiebissou and Brobo (about 15 miles east of Bouake), as well as the Man and Touba regions. The buffer zone now separates Daloa, the country's third largest city, from the town of Vavoua, under rebel control.
The worst French nightmare is that this war could very easily degenerate into an ugly fight between ethnic and religious groups, with wholesale atrocities. The loyalists accused the rebels of violating the ceasefire on the 20th, by looting homes at an air base at Bouake. The rebels have already accused the government of planting Angolan-supplied antipersonnel landmines in Daloa, the northeastern town of Bondoukou, and in M'Bahiakro in the center of the country.
A textbook example of how things unravel occurred on the 17th, when Muslim-owned shops in Daloa were sacked. Paramilitary gendarmes broke into a shop owned by wealthy Muslim merchant Khalilou Toure and looted it, after raiding his home and finding a weapon (which would be a reasonable thing to have, in a time of national uncertainty). The gendarmes then went to Daloa's main market, where most of the traders are Muslim and fired shots into the air to scare away the crowd. Gangs of youth (mainly ethnic Betes, who predominate in Daloa) jumped on the bandwagon and pillaged other Toure-owned shops, as well as various Muslim-owned stalls in the market. One Lebanese merchant in Daloa described the atmosphere as unhealthy and expected to see old scores settled.
The day before, paramilitary gendarmes and police exchanged gunfire for several minutes at a working class district in the main city of Abidjan. The shooting began when gendarmes tried to ring a building of the anti-riot police squad in the Abidjan quarter of Yopougon. It was not clear why the gendarmes tried to encircle the police building.
The only shooting in Daloa after the ceasefire was supposedly from loyalist soldiers firing in the air at around six in the evening, simply to announce the curfew. However, a more sinister explanation soon surfaced: on the night of the 20th, "uniformed personnel" descended on the Daloa neighborhood of Orly 2 and gathered a crowd of Muslim residents. They stripped the people and then demanded 5,000 CFA (seven US dollars) from each person. Those who paid were allowed to leave, those who didn't were shot. Daloa residents claim that 42 people were killed that night. The figure was unofficially raised to 56 dead on the 21st, with 19 bodies still unclaimed in the streets. Ivorian army spokesman Colonel Jules Yao Yao had heard of atrocities being committed in government-held areas by "people in uniform." He called on Ivorians to report such acts and warned that those guilty "could be shot on sight."
The Ivorian army seemed to have retaken the initiative with the recapture of Daloa, thanks to an infusion of new weapons and possibly some foreign advisors (either mercenaries or state-sponsored). During the battle of Daloa, some locals reported the presence of loyalist fighters "of mixed race" in new combat fatigues, tough-looking and totally silent, giving rise to speculation on the intervention of Angolan soldiers. Two rebels were killed and about 12 wounded on the 17th, after a government ambush about 13 miles from Daloa. A group of about 150 rebel reinforcements had left the town of Vavoua (31 miles from Daloa) when they came under fire from government troops using a tank and snipers. The rebels later claimed the attackers were Angolan soldiers.
The loyalist army's apathy (obvious since the beginning of the conflict) was dissipated by the dismissal of Minister of Defense Moise Lida Kouassi's on 12 October. Army leaders had demanded that he be relieved before they were ordered into action. To further prepare his counteroffensive, Gbagbo sent one special advisor to Paris and another to Israel, seeking financing, weapons and to strengthen his intelligence services. The Ivorian government allegedly signed a contract with Eurocopter's Romanian subsidiary for the purchase of three Pumas, an unspecified number of Alouettes and reconnaissance planes, but the transaction apparently collapsed. According to other sources, up to six Angolan "tanks" that arrived in Ivory Coast were delivered with service personnel. Yet the Ivorian government claims that their two tanks (BMP2s) were ordered (and paid for in cash) from the recognized Israeli supplier to the Angolan Army and only "transited" through Luanda.
The country remains a tinderbox. Many Western diplomats suspect that the rebels have foreign support, pointing out that their arsenal, uniforms and equipment (like satellite phones) cannot have come from government stores and arsenals (as the rebels claim). Despite the truce agreement, on the 18th the State Department urged Americans to depart the Ivory Coast and there were unconfirmed rumors that the UN had ordered families of its staff to leave. - Adam Geibel
October 31, 2002: Rebels have taken control of the northern half of the country. This is where most of the cocoa growing goes on (40 percent of the world total), and disruption of this has led to a jump in cocoa prices worldwide. ECOWAS plans to send 2,000 peacekeepers in the next two weeks, but the rebels fear that the government is hiring South African mercenaries to fight them first. The disruption of the cocoa trade is catastrophic for the Moslem north, whose anger with the Christian south over economic issues brought about the current crises in the first place.
November 1, 2002: On the morning of 30th October, Togos President Gnassingbe Eyadma met with the delegations from the Ivory Coast's two sides separately, prior to reuniting them behind closed doors in an afternoon meeting. Being in the same room might be as close as the two sides get, for now.
Gbagbos marching orders to his delegates now in Togo's capital Lome were a repetition of his mantra since dissident soldiers began their mutiny almost six weeks ago: "We are ready to negotiate as soon as the assailants put down their arms. If that is done, we are ready to discuss anything". The rebels, rightfully fearing medieval-style retribution from loyalist forces if they lay down their weapons, want to negotiate an agreement first. They also want Gbagbo to step down. This is traditionally known as a "Mexican Standoff". Stay tuned. - Adam Geibel
November 6, 2002: The office of the Ivory Coast's President Gbagbo denied that South African mercenaries were fighting alongside his country's army on 31 October even as western wire services were reporting their presence in Adibjan. At the time, the rumor was that 40 mercenaries were already in-country and another 160 were enroute. An unnamed source told Reuters that the plan was put together by a French "godfather", but relied mostly on South African manpower and was backed by Russian-built helicopters including Mi-8s for transport and at least one Mi-24 "Hind" gunship.
Meanwhile, Nigeria will not supply troops for a 2,000 man peacekeeping force mandated by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Nigeria is currently involved in a standoff with its neighbour Cameroon over the disputed Bakassi Peninsula. However, Gambia will is considering sending 137 troops but no one else has stepped up to the plate.
Any peacekeeping troops who are sent would receive American logistical support, primarily through one contracted IL-76, food and fuel, as well as equipment from the U.S.-run ECOWAS depot in Sierra Leone. The total value of the U.S. military assistance, which should last from six months to a year, is worth $2 million.
Meanwhile, the hatred remains firmly in place. Thousands of rebel supporters demonstrated in Bouake on 3 November, cheering a rebel leader who promised that they would never lay down their arms. - Adam Geibel
November 11, 2002: The Ivory Coast rebels are bracing themselves for more fighting after pulling, out of peace talks with the government on 9 November because of the murder of Benoit Dakoury-Tabley. They also sent 600 men and supplies from the north of the country to their central stronghold of Bouake. Rebel spokesman Cherif Ousmane explained that shots fired in the town were merely rebel units firing off "practice rounds" with recently received heavy weaponry. The rebels also claim that Gbagbo's army was moving tanks towards the frontline town of Tiebissou, south of Bouake.
A wave of murder, abduction and torture by unknown death squads has raised questions over how far elements of the Ivory Coast's security forces might allow the West African country's peace process to progress. President Gbagbo is "a hostage" (as one one civil servant described it) caught in the middle: on one side are people telling him he has to make concessions for peace and on the other, that his own army and people will get rid of him if they think he is caving in.
However, the rebels assured mediator Togolese President Gnassingbe Eyadema on the 10th that they had not broken off peace talks permanently. Meanwhile, Mali's General Oumar Diarra (a senior ECOWAS official) stressed that the suspension of the peace talks did not jeopardize the deployment of the peacekeeping force. - Adam Geibel
November 12, 2002: Bulgarian mercenaries have apparently joined contract soldiers from France and South African in Ivory Coast, to help the government deal with the rebels. Earlier on 11 November, between 50 and 60 foreign mercenary instructors and helicopter pilots were seen helping the Ivory Coast's regular army use recently acquired Russian- made weapons and vehicles (including heavy machine guns and armored personnel carriers). However, Bulgarian Foreign Ministry Spokesman Lyubomir Todorov quickly told the press that his government had no knowledge of any mercenaries. Local sources reportedly said that primarily Bulgarian crews were helping the army fly three Mi-24 Hinds and two Mi-17 transports. Civilians first reported pilots practicing aboard two MI-24 combat helicopters off the Grand Bassam seaside resort (25 miles from Abidjan) . These helicopters arrived in Cote d'Ivoire in late October.
However, Ivorian sources became indignant at any suggestion that the mercenaries were anything other than trainers or that they might fight alongside Ivorian soldiers. Meanwhile, the rebels claim to have fixed two Alpha jets, but no one has seen them in the air. - Adam Geibel
November 22, 2002: Negotiations between the Patriotic Movement of the Ivory Coast (MPCI) and the government have stalled, because the MPCI delegation did not appreciate the rebels' proposals being leaked to an Ivorian newspaper. West African mediators handed both delegations in nearby Togo a fresh draft peace plan on the 21st.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) launched a $16 million appeal in a bid to avert a possible humanitarian crisis. The money would cover basic requirements such as shelter, water, sanitation, food, health, education and protection over the next three months.
The threat of more fighting remains, since both sides have been rearming during the impasse in the Togo talks. - Adam Geibel
November 25, 2002: A leading Ivorian rebel spokesman accused the government of Ghana of providing military support to the Ivory Coast government and of allowing its northwest border territory to be used by loyalist troops. These would become rear area bases for launching attacks on rebel positions across the frontier. The rebel Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement (MPCI) accusations were immediately rejected by both Ghanaian and Ivorian authorities.
President Laurent Gbagbo also has to worry about the situation unraveling inside the Ivory Coast still under his control. The resignation of Transport Minister Marcel Amon Tanoh on 25 November was a blow for Gbagbo's efforts to present a united front against the rebels. Tanoh, an opposition party member, resigned because of the inability of the government to end the abuses, rapes, disappearances and murders committed by the death squads. Security forces have denied any responsibility and suggested the rebels might be murdering people in order to discredit Gbagbo. Human rights groups are investigating at least 50 suspected death squad killings in the city of Abidjan, since the failed coup - cum - war started on 19 September. - Adam Geibel
November 28, 2002: Fighting broke out on 27 November in the Ivory Coast, between the western town of Man and Seguela in the northwest. Rebels riding 20 four-wheel-drive vehicles attacked government forces at the garrison in Man. Man lies among rich cocoa plantations and the surrounding region is the heart of strong popular support for the president. However, the rebels denied any new assault and French forces reported no sign of fighting.
The same day, the Ivory Coast's opposition leader (and former prime minister) Alassane Ouattara left the French ambassador's residence in Abidjan, where he took refuge since September. A large part of the Ivorian press and the nation's public are convinced that "Ado" (from the initials of Alassane Dramane Ouattara) is the real hidden inspirer of the revolt. According to various Ivorian and international press sources, Alassane Dramane Ouattara and his wife are already in exile in Gabon. While Ouattara's move is designed to help defuse the situation, he could wind up doing the exact opposite if he somehow reaches rebel forces - Adam Geibel
November 29, 2002: Ivory Coast rebels drove a 150-man government garrison out of Man, a city of 135,000 people about 310 miles in the heart of cocoa plantation area northwest of the commercial capital of Abidjan. An Ivorian officer said that the attackers had cut off water and electricity in the town. The attackers (some dressed in civilian clothing) had overrun the city's streets in all-terrain vehicles, shooting in all directions. Farther west, rebels also took the town of Danane (near the Liberian border, 600 km west of Adibjan). Heavy artillery, mortar and sustained ground fire could be throughout the 28th , while hundreds of Ivorian and Liberian refugees had crossed to temporary safety in Liberia. The government immediately dispatched reinforcements from the capital, Yamoussoukro, although the route to Man requires a seven-hour drive.
One odd twist to this offensive is that the main rebel group (the Patriotic Movement of Cote d'Ivoire or MPCI) has denied involvement in the western fighting. The MPCI is based in the country's north and center. The Ivorian Popular Movement (MPI, also known as the "Patriotic Movement for the Greater West") claimed that they had attacked Danane. The MPI is close to the late former military leader General Robert Guei. A third, previously unknown group - the Movement for Justice and Peace - also appears to be operating in the west.
Meanwhile, in Abidjan's main administrative "Le Plateau" district, a heavier military presence was reported. Groups of men in civilian clothes could be seen filling sandbags around the Presidential Palace under the supervision of uniformed troops
French peacekeepers reported a lull in the fighting later on the 29th, indicative that both sides were probably low on ammunition. The French Foriegn Minister also managed to convince Burkina Faso's President to meet his Ivorian counterpart Laurent Gbagbo to resolve their differences. December 1, 2002 The final toll from the French Peacekeepers' skirmish with rebels at the Man airport was one wounded and 10 rebels killed. French forces have since withdrawn from that region, although Ivorian government troops replaced on the afternoon of 1 December. However, the rebels who overran the city of 135,000 last week claimed that they still held Man. Local reports indicate that this rebel group includes both undisciplined, looting Ivorians and Liberians. Danane definately remains in rebel hands and they also knocked out a government BMP-2 Infantry Fighting Vehicle at Vavoua (500 kilometers northwest of Abidjan) on 30 November.
Late in the afternoon of 29 November, French peacekeeping troops in Ivory Coast came under rebel attack north of Bangolo. The next day, another patrol was fired on near Man's airport while they made preparations to evacuate 80 French nationals. In both cases, the French patrols returned fire and there were no casualties among their troops. The recently-appearing Movement for Peace and Justice (MPJ) is suspected of initiating these firefights. This same group also fought with government troops at Toulepleu (about 60 miles south of Danane, which was taken by the rebels on the 29th). The French have made it blatantly clear that attacks on their troops and nationals is not a reasonable idea. - Adam Geibel
December 3, 2002: Renewed fighting in the civil war in the Ivory Coast could develop into a South African "battlefield", with mercenaries from that country fighting on both sides. Fighting troops loyal to President Laurent Gbagbo last month admitted that South African, French and Bulgarian soldiers are helping to train soldiers. The Liberians are reportedly providing air support and (with the help of an unknown number of South African mercenaries) lending expertise and training to the rebels.
The Ivory Coast government recruited 48 South Africa mercenaries last month, who are allegedly former members of the special forces, 32 Battalion, the Selous Scouts and ex-Zimbabwean soldiers. If accurate, some of these soldiers must be getting long-in-the-tooth. The contract soldiers will earn between $6 000 and $10 000 a month, on three-month renewable contracts.
An Ivorian military convoy of at least 60 vehicles that moved into Man on the 1st was supported by these mercenaries. A government Mi-24 helicopter, with some South Africans on board, crashed on that afternoon during a fight with rebel forces. It is not clear if the chopper was shot down, or what happened to the occupants.
Residents who had fled Man to safety said that government troops bombarded Man throughout the night. While Loyalists claimed to have begun mopping-up operations in Man on the 2nd, other witnesses saw both rebel and government troops in the town during the day. - Adam Geibel
December 5, 2002: Ivorian loyalist troops supported by mercenaries attacked the rebel-held border town of Toulepleu on 4 December. Neither side has shown an advantage in this battle yet.
Recent rebel attacks in the west had forced 30 Ivorian government soldiers to flee over the Liberia border and seek safety. All were were turned over to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and repatriated. Responding to Ivorian government and news wire reports, Liberia's Information Minister admitted that while it is possible that mercenaries from his country might be involved in the conflict, his government does not sanction them. Over 9,000 Liberian nationals had also fled the fighting and crossed the Liberia border, while another 1,900 civilians had crossed into Guinea on 30 November - 1 December.
The Ivory Coast's two new rebel groups - the Movement for Peace and Justice (MPJ) and the Ivorian Popular Movement of the Great West (MPIGO)- now say they want to join forces with the main rebel group, the Patriotic Movement of the Ivory Coast (MPCI.) A MPCI spokesman said that while they had not been contacted directly, the merger of the two new groups would strengthen the MPCI's negotiating hand in peace talks.
Meanwhile, French troops escorted another 27 foreign civilians out of Touba and moved them to safety in Daloa by late afternoon on 4 December, after a 12-hour, 190 mile trip. There had been no incidents with rebel forces on this mission. - Adam Geibel
December 6, 2002 The Ivory Coast's nasty little war has taken a foul turn, with apparently heavy urban combat. Refugees fleeing Man told the press that there were hundreds of dead, most of them rebels recognizable by their distinctive yellow or black headbands. Residents said bodies were being collected and buried, but no official death toll has been given. Those slain earlier in the week are already starting to stink. Soldiers at a roadblock four miles south of the city admitted on the 5th that they were still hunting rebels in the city. A French expatriate who fled the city saw two loyalist Mi-24 helicopters, two "tanks" and heavy machine guns in action during fighting on the 1st.
There is a legitimate concern that atrocities committed earlier in other parts of the country will be repeated in Man. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) appealed to both rebels and loyalists in the Ivory Coast on 5 December to stop summary executions, and to treat wounded and captured combatants "with humanity." - Adam Geibel
December 7, 2002: French troops discovered a mass grave in rebel-held territory in northwestern Ivory Coast about 40 miles from the key town of Daloa, on the afternoon of 5 December. The French spokesman said the grave near Pelezi was "a mound 30 meters long and two meters high, from which bodies protruded." A villager who had led the French soldiers to the grave also pointed out a nearby well where there could be more bodies.
Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement (MPCI) rebel commander Zacharias Kone demanded an international inquiry. There are no details yet on how fresh the grave was, the number of dead or who the victims might be, but the MPCI claimed that government troops bombarded the nearby town on the night of 4 December, killing 12 civilians and wounding a similar number. The rebels allege that loyalists rounded up the Malian, Burkinabe and Nigerian expatriates, herded them to the sites and beat them before throwing them into the graves. Loyalists point out that the graves were found in an area controlled by rebels. - Adam Geibel
December 10, 2002: Ivory Coast suffers from a problem common in West Africa. In addition to the tribal loyalties, there are the religious differences. Moslems in the north, Christians in the south. The combination of tribal and religious loyalty requires little to set off a civil war. And that's what is happening in Ivory Coast. The government, controlled by Christian southerners, is invoking religious and tribal hatreds when recruiting southerners to put down the rebellion in the north. The rebels are largely driven by distrust of the southerners who are in charge, especially since northern politicians have, for decades had more power in the area. For centuries, the Moslems, bolstered by technology, weapons and a new religion brought by Moslem traders further to the north, had an edge over the southerners. Colonialism brought Christianity to the south, and a feeling that now it was the southerners turn.
December 11, 2002: Villagers in the Ivory Coast's western region said the recent massacre started when six trucks with military markings arrived on 27 November, carrying uniformed soldiers. Accusing villagers of feeding rebels, soldiers went house to house with a list of names rounding up cocoa and coffee field workers. Over 27-28 November, the soldiers shot some victims on the spot and gathered others for execution. The locals estimate 120 people were killed.
Another mass grave was discovered in Bouak, nearly 180 miles north of the commercial capital Abidjan, containing 86 bodies from the beginning of the revolt. The rebels had attacked the 3rd Gendarme Battalion's barrack and various police posts. Other civilians saw the rebels arbitrarily killing those who "took sides" at their roadblocks.
On 8 December, the government called for nearly 3,000 men between the ages of 20 and 26 in mostly pro-government Abidjan to volunteer for the army at their headquarters on the 10th. What good these untrained volunteers can do is debatable, since an Ivorian newspaper pointed out that there were too many aging soldiers holding non-commissioned rank and even went so far as to question whether they were up to the job. The Defense Minister has also admitted that only those units in the field are actually armed.
By 9 December, life was slowly returning to normal in Man. Loyalist troops were roaming the streets and local Red Cross representatives estimated that there were 150 bodies in the streets. However, other towns in the West were reportedly falling to various rebel factions.
Diplomacy is failing: on the 9th, the main rebel group threatened to abandon peace talks while Togo's president, Gnassingbe Eyadema, traveled to the Ivory Coast to meet President Gbagbo. On 6 December, Liberian President Charles Taylor urged that an African task force by immediately deployed in the Ivory Coast. - Adam Geibel
December 13, 2002 On 11 December, 2002 Ivorian loyalist troops regained control of Blolekin, about 35 miles from the Liberian border. According to the local press, government-hired mercenaries also took part in the attack, which penetrated at least 35 miles into the area controlled by the MPIGO (Ivorian Peoples Movement for the Great West).
Meanwhile, the larger rebel group Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement (MPCI) said warned that France would incur the wrath of west African nations if it "involved itself in one way or another in the crisis." The warning came a day after France said it would reinforce its troops in Ivory Coast and offered to host a meeting of the belligerents to defuse the crisis. - Adam Geibel
December 22, 2002: The situation in the Ivory Coast has turned sour for the government in mid-December. The first reports on 15 December were from a soldier who had escaped from the battle front. He reported that Biakouma and Semien, north-east of the town of Man, had been taken by two rebel groups and about 135 persons had been killed. Like many African wars, the Ivory Coast rebellion would involve forces hopping from town to town, since the population centers are islands of resources. The key to this war will be the economic center of Abidjan, a city of high-rises, highways, and international businesses, as well as one of Africa's most vital economic hubs and ports.
Rebel and loyalist troops in Man dueled with heavy artillery throughout the night of the 17th. By morning, the city of 135,000 had fallen to the rebels and France decided to send an additional 1,500 peacekeeping troops by the end of December. About 300 troops, light armor and helicopters boarded the military naval transport vessel Foudre at the Toulon naval base, in southern France.
Positively identified was the Foreign Legion's 1st Company/ 2nd Paratrooper Regiment, which was flown in to take up at positions on the Sassandra River near Guessabo, 37 miles west of Daloa. These Legionnaires set up posts armed with anti-tank missiles and rocket launchers, vowing to block any rebel attempt to cross the Sassandra and make a sprint for the commercial capital, Abidjan. The 150 paratroopers were also armed with a tough new mandate - to shoot anyone threatening their ability to enforce the ceasefire.
This is a new French tactic, since they swore off being Africa's policeman in the late 1990s. Prime Minister Lionel Jospin then ushered the ``ni-ni'' (neither-neither) policy for Africa: neither indifference, nor interference. In the case of the Ivory Coast, the stakes are too high to ignore: cocoa prices have been climbing sharply since the rebellion started and manufacturers promise a sharp spike for the New Year. Then again, there are also the largely unexploited oil fields just offshore.
Meanwhile Senegal has called on the United Nations to intervene in the war and is irked at the French government, for not allowing it's 600 troops on standby since late November to enter the embattled country. Senegal currently holds the rotating presidency of a 15-nation ECOWAS west African bloc, and does not like being slighted.
The rebels claim that they know the local terrain well enough not to be obliged to pass through Duekoue (which is only 55 miles south of Man) to get to Abidjan.
Ivorian Popular Movement of the Far West (MPIGO) rebels overran Bangolo, about 25 miles from Man, on the 20th after encountering virtually no loyalist resistance. In Dakar, Senegal, opposition leader Alassane Ouattara joined the rebels for the first time in demanding that President Gbagbo end the crisis by stepping down.
French troops exchanged fire with advancing rebels near the western town of Douekoue on the 21st, using their light armored vehicle cannon on targets while a truck-borne mortar unit set up near a school. The rebels took the town of Blodi, just outside Duekoue, which straddles a secondary road that would allow them skirt French positions and push on to Abidjan. Loyalist forces initially fled, leaving 40 French troops posted near Blodi to face a rapidly-approaching convoy of rebels in pickup trucks and other vehicles.
The French fired one warning round, quickly followed by a second and when the rebels responded with assault rifle fire, French forces blasted the lead rebel vehicle with rounds from one of their light armored vehicles. French light armor also destroyed the next two pickup trucks. While light- arms fire drove back French troops attempting to inspect the destroyed vehicles, they saw one body and one rocket launcher. Soldiers think four to seven other rebels were killed, but their bodies were taken away by comrades. While the Far West Ivory Coast People's Movement (MPIGO) end-run was stopped and no French soldiers were wounded, the Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement (MPCI) claimed that the action against the MPIGO unit clearly showed that the forces of the former colonial power were "exceeding their mandate and acting like real conquering forces of occupation". Could this be MPCI's excuse to join the fight against the French? - Adam Geibel
December 27, 2002: The light armored unit has apparently arrived just in time. Between 14.00 and 14.30, a French patrol was attacked by 30 to 40 rebels just north of Duekoue on the road to Bangolo. The French unit extricated itself with the help of it's own 81mm mortars, without suffering casualties. Due to heavy vegetation, it was impossible to estimate rebel casualties - although the rebels did fall back to the North. The French presence around Duekoue is vital, since it's not only a crossroads but also a gathering place for refugees. About 24,000 displaced civilians from across western part of the country have sought shelter in and around the town. MPCI faction rebels also allegedly attacked a government position in Prikro, a town east of the rebel stronghold Bouake. French troops enforcing a fragile cease-fire confirmed the clash but said there were no losses.
A 19.00-to-dawn curfew in the main city of Abidjan was also extended the same day, further strangling the economic center. Once known as "Paris Of West Africa" that now lies only 150 miles from the front lines. Policemen stand watch at roadblocks while smoke from burning immigrant shanties drifts across the city are indicators of an environment not conducive to business.
A United Nations human rights mission met with representatives of civil society and women's organizations, human rights experts and the diplomatic corps on 26 December. The UN representatives had arrived earlier in the week, to assess the human rights situation behind what has become a civil war. Government goon squads are apparently just as prevalent as rebel thugs. Villagers in Blolekin, a cocoa center 90 miles from the Liberian border, were murdered by Liberian-backed rebels. More rebels had prevented workers from going to their cocoa plantations, looted villages, wrecked homes and shops, then fled with cars and cocoa trucks to the border.
Reporters have been told about death squads in Abidjan coming in the night, taking away politicians, merchants, and opposition party leaders. On the night of 24 December, ten men in fatigues in an armored vehicle belonging to the riot police arrived at Abidjan's Lama Fofana High School, which apparently was suspected of being a rebel hide-out. They promptly set fire to a Volkswagen auto, three computers, 600 desks and 60 classrooms. However, another counterbalance to these lawless elements is waiting in the wings.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) initially agreed on September 29 to send a force with contingents from Senegal, Ghana, Togo, Niger and Benin. Both sides claim to want to work things out diplomatically, but negotiations have stalemated in Lagos. President Gbagbo has sent a 10-point plan to the mediator of the peace talks, but the draft copy of the plan apparently addresses only a few of the rebels' core demands. - Adam Geibel
December 28, 2002: While the rest of African is quietly reloading during this season of Peace, the civil war in the Ivory Coast continues to simmer. At Abidjan, they landed 300 additional French troops with about 20 trucks, a dozen jeeps, more than 30 light armored vehicles and five helicopters. The reinforcements had just made the 10-day journey from Toulon aboard the Landing Platform Dock Ship "Foudre" and would immediately join the Peacekeeping Force. In addition to French Marine battalions, there are elements of the 2nd Dragoon Regiment, 8th Paratrooper Regiment and the 2nd Foreign Legion Paratrooper Regiment involved in "Operation Licorne".
December 29, 2002: Far West Ivorian Popular Movement [MPIGO] rebels clashed with a 2nd Foreign Legion Paratrooper Regiment outpost north west of Duekoue. Fire from 81mm mortars and three Sagaie wheeled armored vehicles drove the rebels off after 30 seconds, without casualties on either side. It was the second clash in two days.
A rebel leader soon apologized for the clashes and claimed that the French were fired on by mistake, but also accused them of tolerating government mercenaries in Duekoue. He swore that there were no Ivorian soldiers in the town, only hired fighters.
If rebel units can bypass Duekoue, their path to the coast would be open and the situation could get even uglier. A large French community lives in San Pedro, the country's second largest port where a good proportion of Ivory Coast's cocoa is shipped and an obvious rebel objective. - Adam Geibel
December 31, 2002: The French peacekeepers' presence in the Ivory Coast cannot last forever and the longer the crisis lasts, the greater the hatred becomes between the different ethnic groups along the cease-fire line. Like a cop involved in a domestic dispute, the French are turning from the problem-solvers to the focus of that hatred. Putting an all-African peacekeeping force between the combatants will allow the diplomats more time to work out their issues, but the question remains "are the Africans up to the job"? The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has been preparing a 1,500-strong regional peacekeeping force, but they are already running into problems. The first 100 troops had been due to land on 30 December, with most of the units expected in-country around 10 January 2003. However, there was the last minute change was due to "communication difficulties," the first batch of 50 to 60 troops will not arrive until 3 January.
There have been other organizational hang-ups. Despite Gambia's willingness to provide an infantry company, some of the Francophone members have showed reluctance to have the former English colony's troops on the job. French foot-dragging has irritated Senegal, but the Senegalese simply put 650 of their troops on alert for Ivory Coast duty anyway. A bold move has to be made by someone soon, or the rebels will wind up getting into a serious fight with the French.
January 2, 2003 Relations between the French peacekeeping force and the Ivorian Army were further strained when an Mi-24 gunship strafed civilians in the village of Menakro on 31 December. French troops at Beoumi said that the 11 villagers killed and unknown number wounded "were shot at as though they were rabbits." The fishing village, about 100 kilometers north of the capital of Yamoussoukro, sits on the shores of a large inland lake is also 40 kilometers behind the ceasefire line monitored by the French. The lakeside village is about 65 kilometers west of the rebel stronghold of Bouake, as well as an important ferry crossing between eastern and western Ivory Coast.
MPIGO rebels and Liberia looters also crossed over from Liberia early on 1 January and took everything of value not nailed down at an oil palm plantation near the village of Neka, 200 kilometers from the port of San Pedro. Many plantations in the cocoa-growing far west of Ivory Coast have been abandoned, where 40 percent of the world's supply of the cocoa beans are harvested. The Liberians have been having a field day of violence with the Burkina Fasian farmers in the area, stealing and killing at will. When government forces and foreign mercenaries recaptured Blolekin earlier in December, the rebels scattered into the bush and stopped farmers going to their plantations.
Diplomatically, this the country is stuck in a 'one step forward, two steps back' loop. President Gbagbo promised to win the war in his New Year's message of "lay down your arms and then we can talk", the day after the French had held peace talks with the rebels (who had even apologized for shooting at the peacekeepers).
One bright spot was the rebels' release of American doctor William Foster, two French nationals, two Canadians and one Lebanese. Foster is a Lutheran doctor from a Missouri-based missionary order who was pressed into service by the MPIGO rebels to treat their wounded in late November. He had called authorities in mid-December, using a rebel phone, from the rebel-held western town of Toulepleu on the Liberian border (about 300 miles northwest of Abidjan).
An Abidjan newspaper had claimed that the State Department had decided to dispatch intervention forces stationed in Ghana, since the crisis broke out, to go in and look for Reverend Foster. The State Department also supposedly pressured the US ambassador to make the necessary contacts with both the government and the rebel groups, and tell them to either find the missing Baptist missionary or face American troops. Whether this was just typical wartime hyperbole, a planted story or just dumb luck, Foster was shaken loose. The six hostages were freed on 30 December. - Adam Geibe
January 4, 2003 According to President Gbagbo, the last government- hired mercenaries will leave the Ivory Coast on 4 January. French foreign minister de Villepin, would also be leaving Abidjan the same day, after a 48-hour visit. At a joint news conference, both men told the press that the faltering peace process would gain a new lease of life and Gbagbo vowing to rein in government forces.
That same day, 28 peacekeeping troops from Benin, Ghana and Togo arrived at Abidjan airport, and a flight carrying 21 Senegalese soldiers arrived about 45 minutes later. The rebels have also hinted that they would not immediately launch an attack on key positions, giving France a chance to first intervene. With so much love suddenly in the air, the French government announced that they would host a conference in Paris on settling the crisis on 15 January 2003. - Adam Geibel
January 7, 2003 Another cease-fire in the Ivory Coast evaporated on 6 January, when a rebel splinter faction opposed to the 17 October ceasefire attacked French troops for three hours. A group of about 40 rebels armed with mortars attacked a French position north of Duekoue on the road to the rebel-held city of Man (100 km away). Another group of 30 simultaneously attacked a French outpost northeast of Duekoue on a dirt road to Blodi. The French counterattacked, but the rebels recovered their injured and dead as they retreated. When the smoked cleared at around 14:00, there were 30 dead rebels and nine wounded French soldiers. French sources were initially unsure of which of the three rebel groups the splinter dissidents belonged to, but MPIGO leader SGT Felix Doh claimed responsibility for the attacks.
MPIGO also took the town of Grabo on the 4th, when government troops fled before them without a fight. A local civilian claimed that this rebel group included "several English speakers" (most likely Liberians) and that looting was widespread. The Liberian fighters are notorious for drug use and extreme violence. The government tried to claim that their troops had been battling Liberian raiders, but had beaten them back. Grabo is 200 km south of Duekoue and less than 100 km from the port city of San Pedro (where 2,200 refugees are taking shelter and a large French expatriate community lives). The UNHCR also reported that 32,800 Liberians and 20,800 Ivorians refugees had been registered at various border posts in Liberia.
Things were looking so much better for the French on the 4th. They had managed to get the main rebel group, the Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement (MPCI) and the Ivorian government to agree to a handshake ceasefire. The amphibious assault ship Foudre had also left Ghana's Tema Harbor for Abidjan, with that country's peacekeeping contingent on board. - Adam Geibel
January 9, 2003 Rebel leader sergeant Felix Doh claimed that Ivorian government helicopter gunships attacked his forces at Grabo on the morning of 9 January. A French unit at Pont-Yaka (30 miles south of Grabo) confirmed fighting in the region, but said it was taking place at Olodio, a village 12 miles south of Grabo.
The Ivory Coast's two western rebel groups - Doh's Popular Movement of Ivory Coast's Far West (MPIGO) and the Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP) - had just signed a truce with French troops in Duekoue on the 8th and promised to attend peace talks scheduled to take place in Paris next week. However, both groups had also pointed out that they were not signing anything with the Ivorian government. After the attack, Doh said he still planned to attend the meeting and had dutifully reported it to the French army.
The talks are due to start on the 15th and appear to be the only hope for ending the war, short of wholesale French retaliation. Former prime minister Alassane Ouattar's opposition party Rally of Republicans has been keeping a low profile, since all of its top leadership are in France. Meanwhile, President Gbagbo pleaded for peace in a 8 January newspaper interview and said he would even consider an amnesty for some of the rebel leadership.
The French are particularly concerned with their expatriate community in the port city of San Pedro (368 km southwest of Abidjan) which has become the latest transit town for thousands of refugees. The city normally has 430,000 residents and it's local curfew was just extended, from 9 PM to 7 PM overnight to 6 AM. About 400,000 civilians have fled the central and northern regions towards the south, while an estimated 60,000 to 100,000 have left the western town of Man and sought refuge in towns like Daloa, Duekoue, Bouafle, Issia and others in the western region. Another 140,000 mainly west African migrants workers had crossed the border into Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia and Mali. The United Nations agencies in the commercial capital of Abidjan want to set up a civil-military cell in the city "as soon as funds are available". While the Ivorian government claims that Burkina Faso masterminded the rebellion and that notoriously uncontrollable Liberian fighters are involved in the west, there is the lingering suspicion that someone outside of the immediate area is instigating the constant clashes. If so, the most likely suspect would be Libya. - Adam Geibel
January 14, 2003 Leaders of all three Ivorian rebel groups left for the Paris peace talks on 14 January, traveling through Senegal so that they could lunch with President Wade (who currently chairs ECOWAS). The day before, the Ivory Coast's government had signed a ceasefire with both the MPJ and MPIGO rebel groups in Lome, Ghana. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was also a signatory to this ceasefire, which took effect at midnight. The Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast (MPCI) rebel leaders had already signed a ceasefire on 17 October.
Meanwhile, the French warship Orage took on 179 Senegalese soldiers with their vehicles and equipment and moved them to Ivory Coast , to join a 24-man advance team who had been in-country the beginning of January. Another "support group" of about 40 Senegalese troops followed by air.
Meanwhile, the UN Refugee agency (UNHCR) has urged the government to stop recruiting Ivorian youths from amongst the crowds of refugees, since they become somewhat overenthusiastic militiamen. In the same letter, the UNHCR asked that Liberian refugees be allowed passage through the checkpoints manned by pro-government Ivorian youth groups. - Adam Geibel
January 15, 2003 The Ivory Coast's new Prime Minister, Seydou Diarra, is visiting Accra (Ghana), where he is scheduled to meet with the three Ivorian rebel movements - MPCI (Patriotic Movement of the Ivory Coast), MPIGO (Ivorian Peoples Movement for the Great West) and the MPJ (Movement for Peace and Justice).
The humanitarian situation in the Ivory Coast is extremely serious and could deteriorate even further. The western part of country, along the Liberian border, remains a lawless and violent place. A UN representative reported that "Liberian militias were running rampant and drugged kids with guns were committing every kind of atrocity possible." Loyalist and rebel forces clashed along Liberian border at Toulepleu (about 15 km inside the border) on 11-12 February. Even in Government-controlled areas, life was not easy for Ivoirians. The UN claims that the government had authorized attacks on shantytowns, as well as harassment by police and young vigilantes. - Adam Geibel
January 16, 2003 While French and ECOWAS peacekeepers were building up strength in the Ivory Coast and the leadership of all three rebel groups were meeting with government representatives in Paris for peace talks, rouge elements back in the jungle have rekindled their mischief-making. About 40 MPIGO and MPJ rebels with mortars, heavy machine-guns and rocket-propelled grenades attacked government positions in the western town of Blolequin on 16 January. There were no casualties in the army's ranks, although MPIGO leader Felix Doh claimed that it was actually government troops who attacked his men. Heavy artillery fire was heard near the town of Toulepleu, close to the Liberian border and almost 90km south of French positions around Danane. News of the fighting also caused the price of cocoa to jump 3.7% in the London markets.
The Ivorian government wants to work closer with their Liberian counterparts, to extradite Liberian mercenaries involved in the civil war. Sam Bokarie (alias General Mosquito), former commander of the defunct Sierra Leonean Revolutionary United Front (RUF), has surfaced in the Ivory Coast fighting alongside western rebels and looting vehicles that are being sold in the Liberian capital Monrovia. While most politicians claim to have no idea how Bokarie got to the Ivory coast, the Ivorian government is charging that he arrived thanks to an international conspiracy through neighboring Burkina Faso. However, the lawless elements aren't restricted to the country's west. In MPCI-controlled territory, armed men ransacked Guinea's consular office in Bouake on the 11th.
January 20, 2003 The Ivory Coast's assorted rebel groups might have finally gone too far. Liberia accused Liberian rebels and mercenaries "fighting alongside Ivory Coast government troops" of attacking and seizing the border town of Beam. However, all known accounts have armed Liberians fighting on the side of Ivory Coast's rebels, rather than the government. Liberian defense officials claim that Ivory Coast government militiamen also came to the border at least twice last week, to warn that they would attack Liberia if they did not stop fighting alongside the rebels in Ivory Coast.
Refugees from Danane and Man who fled over the border into Guinea say that armed groups in the far west of Ivory Coast have been robbing, raping and attacking civilians. Meanwhile, the main rebel group the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast (MPCI) plans to have a protest march in Abidjan, although the Ivorian government has stated that they will prevent any such demonstrations. The MPCI claimed that its top man in Abidjan, Ange Felix Kouassi, was detained by police on the 19th.
Liberia is rife with problems that may infect it's neighbors. On January 12, unidentified armed fighters (some dressed in military attire and others in 'T' shirts, all believed to be LURD rebels) from neighboring Liberia infiltrated Sierra Leoneon territory and attack a number of towns and villages near Buedu. A three-hour long battle between the marauders and the army left two soldiers and an unknown number of invaders dead. - Adam Geibel Until diplomats can work things out, the Government must hide behind a cordon of peacekeepers and keep it's ports open, so that the cocoa crop can go out to the world's markets. There are five times as many troops at San Pedro now, under an agreement with the shipping companies to ensure that they can continue to export the cocoa.
On 13 January, world market cocoa prices fell near to a two-week low as the cease-fire reduced concern of a disruption to exports. As an example of the sort of money that can be made manipulating the cocoa market, cocoa for March delivery fell $78 (or 3.6%) to $2,077 a metric ton (the lowest closing price for a most-active contract since 31 December 2002). Prices had risen by more than a fifth in the last six weeks of 2002 and had remained 53 percent higher than levels in early 2002. - Adam Geibel
January 29, 2003 President Laurent Gbagbo returned overnight on the 27th, after approving a peace deal in Paris that sparked massive anti- French protests back home. The protests started on the 25th, after Gbagbo named former diplomat Seydou Diarra as his country's new consensus prime minister. Diarra, a neutral figure who has held the post before in Ivory Coast, was tasked with heading an inclusive national unity reconciliation government.
The crowd, angry at the concept of France dictating Ivorian politics, had appeared each day since then. They dispersed for awhile after Gbagbo appealed for calm on the 26th. Protesters armed with sticks, machetes and makeshift weapons set bonfires outside the French embassy and lobbed burning tires and metal objects inside the compound. French soldiers backed by Puma helicopters, fired stun grenades to disperse the mob lapping at the embassy walls.
The rioters also attacked French-owned businesses, including the main office of flagship carrier Air France, several offices of the French mobile telephone firm Orange and demonstrated in front of a French military garrison near the airport in Abidjan, the country's economic hub. Traffic was hindered by massive roadblocks of burning tires.
Meanwhile, unscrupulous elements are exploiting the chaos. The Ivorian military reported that unidentified armed men of staging a bloody attack on their forces in the western town of Toulepleu at 14.00 on the 23rd. The government claimed to have killed 25 of the 400 to 500 attackers, mostly Liberian mercenaries. They admitted losing four dead and 15 wounded, but captured a notable number of weapons. MPIGO rebel chief Sergeant Felix Doh "categorically" denied that his men were in any way involved in the Toulepleu attack.
The French also killed eight to ten unidentified attackers on the 22nd, when they repulsed a ten-minute assault on their positions at Duekoue. Duekoue has been the scene of four earlier clashes between the rebels and French soldiers. - Adam Geibel January 30, 2003 The Ivory Coast's armed forces, police, customs and other security services have refused to accept President Gbagbo's Paris peace talks promise to include the rebels in key interior and defense ministries. The Italian Catholic MISNA reported that three MPCI (Patriotic Movement of the Ivory Coast) commanders were captured in Sakassou (around 220 kilometers north of the capital) and later executed in the rebel capital Bouak. They were the commanders of the three main road blocks along the routes into Bouak, but it remains unclear whether the motive behind the executions was an internal MPCI power struggle or MPCI "house cleaning" in an effort to conform to the Paris peace agreement.
Unrest in the capital, Abidjan, continues, with the fear that the youth protests could turn into a 'witch hunt' of French nationals. Abidjan airport was still closed and Air France has temporarily suspended flights to the Ivory Coast. One oddity of the continuing protests have been the pro- American, anti-French sentiments expressed by the crowds. To the echoes of "goooooooood morning America" outside Abidjan's US embassy, youths waved placards saying: "Like Judas, France has betrayed Ivory Coast," "Down with France, long live the US" and "No more French, from now on we speak English. US Marines prudently stood guard on the embassy's roof until afternoon, when the crowd dispersed.
Meanwhile, calm had returned to Agboville, a town about 80 kilometers north of the capital. On the afternoon of the 28th, ethnic Abbeys, a Christian minority in the town despite being dominant in the region, tried to attack Agboville's main mosque. The attack was rebuffed by Dioulas, an ethnic group from the predominantly Muslim north, but sparked a wave of violence in which both sides are said to have used locally manufactured guns. Between eight and ten people were killed, with 30 injured. Several shops were burnt or pillaged and a church was razed. However, Agboville was tense with security forces keeping watch, since there were also reports that the men from the surrounding Abbey villages were preparing to advance on Agboville. - Adam Geibel
January 31, 2003 Violent clashes broke out on the morning of the 30th at the Ivory Coast's international airport between French troops and hundreds of supporters of the Ivorian President. About 5,000 protesters massed at the airport by midmorning, and numbers of them held the tarmac for about 45 minutes. The crowd had stormed the tarmac and taunting French passengers trying to escape, injuring at least two French soldiers with rocks. When Ivorian troops could not control the situation, heavily armed French forces in armored vehicles and helicopters then took the airport.
While France is ready to evacuate all of its nationals, the role of French peacekeeping troops might expand. President Charles Taylor returned from the Paris peace talks to disclose that peacekeeping troops would also be deployed on the Liberian side of the border. ECOWAS and United Nations troops would also be accepted. - Adam Geibel
February 5, 2003 The UN has authorized French and ECOWAS peacekeepers (when they arrive) to use force to protect civilians.
February 7, 2003 The UN has ordered "non-essential" staff out of the country because of continuing violence. The World Bank soon followed, with both organizations sending over a thousand foreign staff out of the country.
February 9, 2003 Another 450 French soldiers arrived, along with 190 gendarmerie (police), which brings the French armed strength to some 3,000 men. The French troops arrived via commercial flights, with their weapons and equipment coming via military transports.
One of the principal leaders of the violent, pro-government protests against the peace deal, has now agreed to back the French brokered arrangement. He has also agreed that rebel leaders be allowed to join the new government.
Rebel leaders have arrived in the capital, but not allowed yet to take up their government jobs, as specified in the peace deal. The rebels have threatened to resume fighting, and take control of the non-Moslem southern half of the country, if the southerners do not abide by the terms of the peace deal.
France is evacuating any of the 16,000 French citizens in the country that wants to go.
February 19, 2003 Starting at around 7 AM, MPCI forces with machetes raided towns in central Ivory Coast. According to a local Catholic priest, the rebels looted and killed. Several people were beheaded, while others had their hands and feet amputated. Although the MPCI claimed that it knew of no clashes near the central sugar-growing town of Zuenoula, villagers who fled the surrounding countryside also confirmed the attack. Zuenoula is about 300 km northwest of the economic capital Abidjan.
MPCI rebels then engaged the army with RPGs, mortars and Kalachnikovs. The Ivorian military forces responded with heavy artillery. Helicopters then backed ground troops as the army launched what it described as a mopping-up operation. The army admitted that they lost one soldier killed and 12 wounded during the rebel assault. The government has urged the population to not remain in the villages and in the country side but instead to find shelter in the cities and to remain at home. - Adam Geibel
February 28, 2003 Rebel MPIGO leader Felix Doh claimed that Ivorian army helicopters had attacked the town of Bin Houye. The attack near the southern limit of MPIGO-controlled territory killed about 20 civilians and wounded many others. Doh said that he had "given orders to take the offensive... once helicopters start bombarding, I think the ceasefire is over". The MPCI will not join the national unity government, unless it is given the top positions in the interior and defense ministries (which it has claimed it was promised under the earlier Marcoussis accord). Two platoons of the Liberians United for Reconciliation (LURD) rebel group attacked Toe Town (inside Liberia) on February 27. They were allegedly armed and supported by the Ivorian government, having just fought alongside Ivorian troops against their rebels.
Also at the end of February, Amnesty International reported that the MPCI had executed about 60 gendarmes and 50 of their children, when they took over the town of Bouake in October 2002. Some of the victims were executed in a military prison while others were killed at the site of a mass grave after being made to bury their comrades. These killings may have been a retaliation for gendarme atrocities allegedly committed a year prior.
The war in the Ivory Coast could take an uglier turn, if the catalyst behind the fighting turns from economic and political disenfranchisement to religious zealotry. While the sides have been divided between the traditionally Islamic north and the Christian south, the fighting hasn't become a crusade - yet. However, the country's most prominent Muslim cleric was claiming that his people have been targeted by state-backed "death squads", who have unleashed a reign of terror. The Ivory Coast plans to file a suit at the International Criminal Court (ICC) for a fresh probe into mass killings. - Adam Geibel
March 4, 2003 A national unity government in the Ivory Coast is supposed to take over on March 10, but defense officials on both sides of the Liberian border reported renewed fighting as proxy groups attacked small towns. The Ivorian army made an "appropriate response" on March 1 to an attack by "mostly English-speaking enemy forces" near Toulepleu, some 20 km south of Bin-Houye. This is a dangerous development, since the Liberian government has ordered the full redeployment of troops withdrawn from the area several months ago. The Liberians have also not ruled out sending troops into the Ivory Coast to deal with the invaders. United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan also noted that Liberian rebels could engulf the whole of West Africa in an economic and humanitarian crisis.
March 8, 2003 French troops repulsed attacks by small swarms of rebels in western Ivory Coast, only hours after the warring factions signed a deal in Ghana to try to end the Ivory Coast's civil war. The French army said that groups of 15 rebels tried to punch through onto the main highway in the west, between Duekoue (towards a strategic river crossing) and the cocoa center of Daloa. All of the rebel efforts were repulsed and two French soldiers were lightly wounded. During the afternoon, about 50 French military vehicles (including nearly 30 armored personal carriers) headed toward the western front on the road between Guessabo and Daloa. French troops backed by at least four Gazelle helicopters running reconnaissance flights cleared the area around Duekoue while Ivorian troops maintained positions in the town.
The rebels claim that their attacks were a reaction to a Liberian "Lima Force" rebels (now based in Ivory Coast) attacked their positions in the western town of Bangolo on the 7th. The rebels wanted revenge against the Ivorian army, but the French army got in between. The French army detained about 110 men with guns and about 60 civilians fleeing from Bangolo into Duekoue that night. The detainees appeared to be Liberian members of the Lima Force.
Trouble for the French began brewing up earlier in the week. On March 5, the "Young Patriots" (supporters of President Gbagbo) ordered Ivorians to attack and burn any French military vehicles patrolling in Abidjan that are not accompanied by an Ivorian Army officer. This stemmed from a March 4 pro-government newspaper report that a rebel attack on Ivorian army positions at Zuenoula was preceded by French scouts and helicopter overflights. The Ivorians considered these actions direct aid to the rebels. The newspaper reported that the rebels suffered 'several dozen' casualties and even the French lost 46 troops killed, at the cost of one government soldier wounded. While presumably complete fiction, this is the 'truth' that at least half of the country is being fed by elements of their government.
Another newspaper noted almost daily confrontations between the French and the army, government security forces or civilians. One example was at 7 AM on March 3, when a patrol of 15 Frenchmen in two armored vehicles and a jeep attracted the attention of some villagers. The locals objected to the French moving through their community, without reason or justification. When confronted with questions about burying weapons (presumably for rebel use later), the French reacted with scorn. The locals set up road blocks, demanded the French dismount and then deflated their tires. When one of the Frenchmen pushed an old woman, fistfights broke out. The village's mayor and the Abidjan District governor were forced to board the French vehicles and spend nearly two hours calming the crowd down. - Adam Geibel
March 9, 2003 The rebel MPCI group has been training a special unit called 'Warriors of the Light'. They supposedly muster 1,000 soldiers, most of them traditional Dozo hunters from the north (and known for their "magical" power).
The Ivory Coast's Ambassador to Iran described potential bilateral economic agreements as "favorable" and called for expansion of cooperation in various economic sectors. Considering that the northern rebels are primarily Muslims, this is an interesting development. - Adam Geibel
March 13, 2003 The Ivory Coast's new power-sharing coalition formed up for the first time, but the rebels and the country's main opposition party did not attend a first cabinet meeting. The rebels did not attend for "logistical reasons", but accused President Gbagbo of trying to impose his choices on them. They also said they were not putting into question the new government and would attend future cabinet meetings.
One week after the disruption of water supplies and electricity services to much of southwestern Ivory Coast, sanitary conditions for tens of thousands of displaced people living in makeshift camps are degrading rapidly. - Adam Geibel
March 16, 2003 ECOWAS force commander General Fall proposed increasing the size of the regional military mission in the Ivory Coast from 1,264 to 3,411. This will enable ECOWAS to cope with the additional responsibilities imposed by the Marcoussis accord and the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1464.
The day before, French troops handed over a frontier military post to West African ECOWAS peace keepers. The ECOWAS force has troops soldiers from Benin, Niger, Ghana, Senegal and Togo. - Adam Geibel
March 17, 2003 The war is bad for business, wreaking havoc on local companies now faced with closure if the borders do not open up soon. Local firms have lost an estimated $228 million in earnings since the start of the war on September 19, 2002. Road links between Ivory Coast, its neighbors and the vast hinterland have been cut since then (except for the road linking it to its eastern neighbor Ghana). Outgoing trans-border commercial traffic using the remaining land route has plummeted, from an average of 250 vehicles daily to about 20 at present.
Lucrative markets in landlocked Burkina Faso and Mali are also gone, since they sealed their borders with Ivory Coast. Niger is also cut off. Many countries depending mainly on goods shipped through the Ivory Coast city of Abidjan (West Africas second port) have turned towards other ports in Benin and Ghana. The Ivory Coast, once a former jewel in Frances African empire hailed as a model of free enterprise, has also been crippled by the flood of foreign workers fleeing the country. - Adam Geibel
March 19, 2003 The Ivory Coast's army chief General Doue has stated that there will be no military coup like that in the Central African Republic. Some Ivorian newspapers earlier accused Doue of plotting a coup in January to coincide with peace talks in France. Meanwhile, the rebel factions were meeting in Bouake, trying to agree a common position ahead of a second attempt to unite all of the country's factions in a power-sharing government.
An even deadlier problem in the Ivory Coast is also being addressed. About one million of the Ivory Coast's 16 million residents are HIV- positive, so the United Nations has slated $155 million for the country over the next five years to fight the AIDS pandemic. - Adam Geibel
March 24, 2003 With the arrival of a final group of 35 Senegalese peacekeepers, the ECOWAS force (known as ECOFORCE) reached its prescribed strength of 1264. A Ghanaian contingent took over from the French on March 15 at Bondoukou. The French forces will be stationed behind their ECOWAS counterparts. - Adam Geibel
March 25, 2003 The Ivory Coast's military accused MPIGO and MJP rebel groups apparently high "on alcohol and drugs" of killing 42 civilians in a village near the Liberian border, but there was no independent confirmation of the claim. French military peacekeepers positioned in the western town of Duekoue said two fleeing villagers had reported that "things could have been happening near Bangolo".
March 26, 2003 Ivory Coast President Gbagbo signed a decree naming the interim defense and interior ministers in a unity government aimed at ending a ruinous rebel war. Meanwhile, 14 suspected pro-government fighters who had been in French custody escaped during an anti-French rally by 5,000 to 6,000 members of the 'Young Patriot' movement in the western town of Daloa.
March 28, 2003 Over the last four days, ECOFORCE contingents from Benin, Niger, Senegal and Togo have taken over from French troops along the 600-km buffer zone line, which stretches from the area around Bondoukou (close to the border with Ghana) to the Sassandra River in the western part of the country.
The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) claims that "near catastrophic conditions prevail" in the north-eastern part of the country, and that a convoy of relief supplies has been dispatched to the area. Saudi Arabia's ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire, Mohammed Ahmad al-Rasheed, was found dead two floors down from his Adibjan apartment. The circumstances surrounding his death were not immediately clear.
March 29, 2003 Ivorian police dispersed a morning demonstration in Abidjan by about 500 people protesting rebel atrocities during the civil war. The police used tear gas and repeatedly charging the crowd. Tension remains high in Abidjan, where some demonstrators set up barricades on the streets after pulling back from clashes with police.
April 2, 2003 MPCI rebels clashed with ECOMICI and government troops near Daloa at around 1:00 GMT, but met heavy resistance from the ECOMICI troops and were forced to retreat. While retreating, they ran into an Ivorian army unit lost 10 men. The army claimed to have only suffered three men wounded. The West African troops were also attacked by rebels on March 30. - Adam Geibel
April 6, 2003 The Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast (MPCI) has insisted things are looking up in Korhogo, the main town within their area of control the Ivory Coast's north. The rebels regularly air warnings on a private local radio and television channel such as the blunt message: "For all thieves who are caught, a bullet in the hand and one in the head." - Adam Geibel
April 8, 2003 MPIGO rebels claimed that the army pounded the western town of Danane with two Mi-24 "Hind" gunships, killing 35 to 40 civilians and destroying six trucks. Danane is a key base for the insurgents and the gunships piloted by experienced mercenaries are the most potent weapon in the loyalist arsenal. - Adam Geibel
April 9, 2003 Due to the alleged helicopter attack, the three allied rebel factions have put on hold plans for their ministers to start working in the coalition government. The Liberian government also dismissed the Global Witness environmental group report that Monrovia has sent mercenaries to Ivory Coast and uses logging revenues to finance regional destabilization. - Adam Geibel
April 10, 2003 The MPCI rebels claimed that the government would use Mi-24 gunships stationed at Bondoukou and mercenary pilots to attack their units at Bouna on the 11th. They also claimed that government ground units would attack MPIGO positions at Danane, Bin-Houye, and Zouan-Hounien. Government units had been put on full alert the day before.
On 2 April, the UK-based Private Military Company Northbridge Services (www.northbridgeservices.com) was accused by Foreign Secretary Jack Straw of recruiting British, South African, French and other ex-servicemen to serve in Ivorian government units. Northbridge rebutted that it offers a wide range of services for "legitimate governments", multinationals and aid groups. Northbridge pointed out that Mr Straw's comments came "as a great surprise when it was he that strongly supported the use of private military companies in a office Foreign and Commonwealth Office". Apparently, some contracts are more equal than others.
During the first week of April, diplomats in Ivory Coast's main city Abidjan heard rumors that more than 300 fresh mercenaries were to be hired and arrive in April.
White men with Slavic-sounding or South African accents have been seen at the best hotels, long after President Gbagbo's January 2003 promise to send mercenaries home. On March 31, the Ivorian opposition Le Patriote newspaper claimed that the state had hired 1,000 South Africans skilled in urban warfare through several South African companies. A spokesman for Gbagbo denied the paper's allegations. - Adam Geibel
April 12, 2003 At 1230, the government claimed that MPIGO, MJP and MPCI rebels attacked defense and security forces in Zuenoula. After two hours of heavy and light artillery exchange, the rebels were routed and only minimal damage was reported.
The MPCI claimed, in a letter to the UN, that the government was planning an offensive in the west. They gave details from two classified documents they apparently stole from Mi-24 pilots living in Abidjan. The attacks could only be launched after one week of rain had fallen, which would limit the rebels' ability to counter any moves.
The MI-24s would also be used in an attack on Bouake, the plan being to capture the town within five hours after the gunships strafed rebel positions from an altitude of 50 meters. The attack called for 1,500 seasoned government troops and 1,000 recruits, backed by whatever armored vehicles the government had and 12 South-African made armored vehicles. The rebels also listed recent munitions deliveries to the government: 500 AK47s and 100 GPMGs, along with a million cartridges, plus six 81mm mortars, 1,000 RPG7 rounds and 2,000 hand grenades. - Adam Geibel
April 14, 2003 Despite recent skirmishing, five of nine former rebels have taken up their ministerial posts in a new government of national reconciliation, following a weeks-long delay. The five are civilians, however, as the other four are probably exercising caution while bullets are still flying.
At 0300, about 500 rebels on 30 vehicles ( including six vehicles equipped with 14.5 mm machine guns) coming from Danane attacked government forces at Binhoue. There was no initial casualty count. - Adam Geibel
April 15, 2003 The U.N. Security Council is holding consultations on the Ivory Coast and in an open letter to the United Nations Security Council, Human Rights Watch accused both the government and rebel groups of responsibility for serious human rights abuses against civilians in western Ivory Coast. They also noted that Liberian combatants are fighting on both sides. - Adam Geibel
April 16, 2003 Ivory Coast rebels said that government gunships were continuing to attack western rebel-controlled areas, killing nine people: six on the 15th and three on the 14th in the towns of Zouan-Hounien, Danane and Mahapleu. These towns are all close to Ivory Coast's border with Liberia. Italian priests reported that on the afternoon of the 14th, two government helicopters attacked MPIGO posts in Zouan Houmien after the rebels apparently attempted to regain control of the town in a heavy offensive. They also reported that 14 civilians were wounded. - Adam Geibel
April 17, 2003 Rebel and government forces clashed in the central region of Monoko-Zohi, even as the country's new unity government and main insurgency called for an immediate end to hostilities. ECOWAS peacekeepers were dispatched to the scene that evening to investigate the incidents. The MPCI accused loyalist troops of attacking their positions in Monoko-Zohi and trying to get through to Vavoua, but the rebels claimed to have pushed them back to Belleville (30 kilometers from the cocoa-producing town of Daloa). The MPCI said it now had Belleville under control and an Ivorian army spokesman confirmed this claim. - Adam Geibel
April 26, 2003 MPIGO rebels learned that their leader, Felix Doh, had been killed the night before by foreign fighters who had laid an ambush for him. The MPCI had issued a statement saying Doh had been captured and executed in an ambush by Liberian soldiers fighting for the Ivorian government and by armed groups from Sierra Leone. The MPCI leader said that Doh's body and his bullet-riddled car had been found by rebel fighters during a mopping-up operation, following fighting with foreign forces resisting the attempts to disarm them.
Doh, who represented MPIGO at Ivory Coast peace talks in France in January, had a conversation with French journalists by satellite telephone that same day. He claimed that about a dozen of his bodyguards had been killed in Danane and his house ransacked during an attack by Sierra Leonean fighters. He also claimed to have been outside the Ivory Coast, in western Europe.
In the week prior, there had been incidents as MPCI rebels began an operation to disarm and repatriate Liberian combatants who had fought on their side. - Adam Geibel
April 28, 2003 The UN and other observers are left scratching their collective heads over who actually killed MPCI leader Felix Doh and what his death will mean for the Ivory Coast's nasty little civil war.
There had also been reports that Sam Bockarie, a former Revolutionary United Front (RUF) commander in Sierra Leone, had led the unit that kidnapped and killed Doh. Another MPCI member claimed that his death had been a settling of scores by others in the MPCI who suspected Doh of plotting against them.
Some locals expected that there'll be more scores settled, now that there is a power vacuum. Other rebels would want to use the opportunity to stop fighting or just do improve their own financial positions. - Adam Geibel
April 29, 2003 United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan appealed to the Security Council for $85 million in aid for Ivory Coast, to help 2.8 million civilians affected by the war. The UN estimates that there are 750,000 internally displaced people within the Ivory Coast, while an estimated 400,000 people have been forced to flee to five neighboring countries: Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea, Liberia and Ghana. This was the UN's third appeal to donors for humanitarian assistance to the Ivory Coast. It had earlier sought a total of $22 million, of which only $9 million had been provided (mainly as food aid).
Kofi Annan claimed that another $47 million would be required to sustain the ECOFORCE peacekeeping troops for the next six months. Five foreign ministers from the Economic Community of West African States are on a tour begging pledges to bolster the force. During the ministerial delegation's first stop in Washington on the 28th, the United States pledged $4 million in addition to the $5 million it has already given to ECOWAS.
The council resolution drafted by France nearly four weeks ago that proposed a U.N. operation with 255 military and civilian staff has been stalled by U.S. objections to it's projected one-year cost of $27 million. The US sent the measure back to the U.N. peacekeeping department for budget trimming. Coincidentally, the peacekeeping planners are led by Frenchman Jean-Marie Guehenno and yet both U.S. and French diplomats insist the dispute has nothing to do with France's fight against U.N. approval for the invasion of Iraq. A legitimate American gripe might be that U.N. missions are typically ineffective and that only a fraction of each dollar gets up to the frontline, after all the leeches have had their turn siphoning off funds to line their private bank accounts.
ECOWAS wants to expand the current 1,200-strong peacekeeping force to 3,200 troops and the French already have up to 4,000 troops in-country. However, French General Emmanuel Beth has his troops arrayed behind the ECOFORCE outposts and has used the Sanssandra River to define the cease-fire line. Pro-government sources have noted that MPIGO rebels have crossed the Sanssandra several times and the French have done nothing but complain about government use of Mi-24 gunships (which some see as a case of 'sour grapes', since the Ivorians never bought the Puma gunships France offered them).
The French, never one to worry about local or even global public opinion when they can obfuscate the blame later on, have already alienated the southern Ivorians (remember the chanting demonstrators a few months ago lauding America and denigrating the French?). Whether true or not, the southern Ivorians' perception is that the French willingly aid the northern Islamic-oriented rebels and deliberately hamstring the Gbagbo government.
So are the French incapable or unwilling to solve the problems in the Ivory Coast? To a certain extent, they are incapable of solving the problem with the forces currently in-country. To shut down the rebels would require more political will-power and assets than they care to commit at this time, particularly for a population they probably perceive as a bunch of ingrates.
Furthermore, one has to consider France's goals for the region: to stabilize the area enough so that they can exert enough political control to have cheap access to the Ivory Coast's cocoa and - eventually - oil assets. However, they don't want to expend a lot of political or financial capital to achieve these goals.
As far as financing the ECOFORCE operations in their own African 'back yard', a perfect French strategy is to keep the rebels in check and let America, via the UN, foot the bill. If France does nothing, they can spin their role out on the world's stage as valiant martyrs. If America holds fast and demands that the French actually be responsible for the problems they allowed to fester, then America will look like the bad guy. - Adam Geibel
April 30, 2003 A Liberian military delegation flew into the Ivory Coast to discuss deploying a joint force, to try to stop the cross-border fighting. This force would cooperate with French and West African peacekeepers already on the ground. The deployment was decided at a weekend meeting by the leaders of the two states and represents something of a milestone, since the Liberian government says any Liberians fighting in Ivory Coast are mercenaries and the Ivory Coast has said Liberia's regular forces were helping the rebels. - Adam Geibel
May 2, 2003 The biggest clashes in the run-up to the ceasefire occurred during the evening at Zouan Hounien, a town 30km south of Danane. The army claimed that a rebel force of about 300 backed by armored cars attacked government positions there. Government forces also came under attack at Grabo, a border town 70km inland from the coast.
May 3, 2003 A ceasefire between Ivory Coast's armed forces and the three rebel movements came into force at midnight. The ceasefire pact covers the whole of the country, including the violent west and contains a clause that provides for the disarmament of both mercenaries and armed groups on both sides. Under the agreement, all parties also accepted the deployment from West African and about 900 peacekeeping troops from France. - Adam Geibel
May 5, 2003 The Ivory Coast's armed forces and three rebel groups in this troubled west African country have agreed to a weapon-free zone, where both sides could move freely without arms. Both the army and the rebels also agreed that French and West African peacekeepers should be free to move throughout the country. The West African peacekeeping force's spokesman said that the two sides had rejected the idea of a buffer zone and opted instead for a "zone of confidence." The actual boundaries of the zone will be figured out during an upcoming meeting on May 18 in Bouake, the headquarters of Ivory Coast's main rebel movement. - Adam Geibel
May 6, 2003 West African peacekeepers played down reports of fresh skirmishes, noting that it takes time for all of the remote groups to get the word about the new ceasefire and the Ivorian army was unaware of any fresh fighting.
A rebel spokesman said that government troops and foreign mercenaries attacked rebel positions in the villages near the country's western border with Liberia. The army spokesman was unaware of any fighting, counterclaiming that they had held those towns for so long that if there was fighting there, they must be attacking us. Rebel allegations couldn't be independently verified from the towns.
The rebels claim to have shown their commitment to peace by forcing their former foreign comrades back to Liberia. They are now demanding that the government must now get rid of their own allies, although the army has consistently denied having any Liberians on its side at all.
The government contends that renegade fighters still roam the lawless frontier. Officials claim that a joint military operation (including both the army and rebels, as well as French and West African peacekeepers) will soon be deployed to western Ivory Coast to enforce the cease-fire. - Adam Geibel
May 7, 2003 As an indicator that reconciliation may be a distant goal, West African peacekeepers were building a wall on the road outside Tiebissou to mark the demarcation line between government and rebel- controlled territory. The four foot high wall was one of seven under construction at peacekeeper checkpoints.
Those living in areas controlled by rebels say pensioners and civil servants have been unable to get at their money since the start of hostilities. Banks in the rebel-held north have been closed since September and the route to government held cities like the official capital Yamoussoukro and the coastal business center of Abidjan is clogged with roadblocks and checkpoints.
The local adult civilians are also worried that the longer the younger rebel recruits are allowed to taste the power they have during a war, the harder it will be to disarm them. Even if all sides stop skirmishing, there remain major unresolved questions to be solved before thousands of fighters will let themselves be disarmed - like who gets the defense and security positions in a new power-sharing government. Weeks of diplomatic jockeying have produced no agreement on these two posts. - Adam Geibel
May 8, 2003 Armed men opened fire on a French military patrol near the western Ivory Coast town of Guiglo and two attackers were killed in the subsequent exchange of fire. There were claims that the gunmen were Liberians fighting for the Ivorian government, while the French described them as "plunderers".
The day before, French peacekeepers near Guiglo intercepted and disarmed about 110 Liberians fighting alongside Ivorian government forces. They had been trying to cross a ceasefire line.
Meanwhile, at least 140 Liberians are in MPJ custody in the western town of Man, allegedly "for their own protection". Some of the Liberians had fought alongside the Ivorian rebels, while others were civilians (even women and children) arrested simply because of their nationality. This is part of the rebels plan to clear the area of Liberians, once and for all. - Adam Geibel
May 10, 2003 This morning, for the first time since the start of the civil war, a train convoy departed in the morning from the commercial capital of Abidjan headed for the rebel stronghold of Bouak, in central Ivory Coast. President Gbagbo also lifted the overnight curfew first introduced on 19 September, the day the Civil War started. - Adam Geibel
May 11, 2003 Ivorian authorities have been recruiting Liberian refugees at a refugee camp at Nicla (inside Liberia). One refugee pointed out that serving in the Ivorian army might eventually would lead to an opportunity to try to overthrow Liberian President Taylor.
Other Ivorian militia groups (with names like the Cobras, Flic Flac or the Front for the Total Liberation of Ivory Coast) have been forming in the south, estimated to number around 60,000 primarily drawn up from unemployed Ivorian men.
The Group of Patriots for Peace claims to be a counter-force to the rebels and have about 6,000 volunteers. The group's second in command, Secretary-General Toure Moussa Zeguen, is opposed to a French-brokered peace plan and has accused Burkina Faso along with an opposition political leader of being behind the rebels. - Adam Geibel
May 12, 2003 UN High Commissioner for Refugees Rudd Lubbers met with President Gbagbo and other senior Ivorian officials, to discuss the fate of Liberian refugees (there are an estimated 9,000 in Nicla camp alone). Known locally as "Limas", around 200 of the young men (and some children) among the Guiglo refugee camp's 9,000 inhabitants were recruited by the Ivorian government to fight the rebels and died in combat. Their nickname comes from the radio call sign for the letter "L" , which stands for Liberian.
Many of the Guiglo fighters had also been sent across the nearby border to join rebels fighting Liberia's President Charles Taylor. Lubbers is trying to defuse local animosity against the displaced persons. The human rights group Refugees International (RI) estimated that at least 400,000 "foreigners" had fled the fighting in the Ivory Coast alone. For an idea of what countries have a stake in protecting their people, that figure includes about 200,000 Burkinabe, 70,000 Guineans, 48,000 Malians, and 44,000 Liberians. However, the term "foreigners" is a misnomer since many of those were born or raised in the Ivory Coast.
As part of his eight-day, five-nation mission to West Africa, Lubbers will meet leaders from the Ivory Coast, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea to discuss similar problems that plaque the entire region. - Adam Geibel
Details about West Africa's refugee problem are available at: www.refintl.org
May 13, 2003 Oil is an underlying factor in the Ivory Coast's civil war. Canadian Natural Resources discovered oil on the Acajou South prospect about 15 miles off the Ivory Coast in 3,050 feet of water. Tests have been encouraging for economic development of the discovery.
The war had also briefly scared away many foreign ship owners from Africa's biggest tuna port, Abidjan, In 2001, the port handled 167,224 tons of frozen tuna, with fresh and off-grade tuna totaling another 60,126 tons. The fishing industry, both for local consumption and export, has picked up since the lifting of the overnight curfew.
With all that potential profit at stake, no wonder the French have invested a total of 4,000 troops for "peacekeeping" duties and the UN Security Council will be sending 76 unarmed military observers (to be known by its French acronym of MINUCI), to monitor the ceasefire and assist other peacekeeping forces in the country.
The current truce has held for a week, but indicators that the ceasefire will hold are in doubt. While the rebels and army haven't had any direct contact, the slaughter of civilians continues with depressing vigor. In the West (near government-held Duekoue), over 100 local Guere men, women and children had been killed since the 8th by Burkinan immigrants. The area north of Duekoue is rebel-held by rebels, but ethnic militias and armed Liberian refugees have also been operating in the remote area.
The question of who will be the permanent Defense and Security ministers also remains a stumbling block to disarmament, yet the Ivorian government has been acquiring additional air assets (although to date none of them have been effectively employed against the rebels). In addition to five Mi-24 gunships based at Adibijan, two MiG-23s were acquired and landed at that air base on April 27. Two British "Strike Master" light aircraft were also acquired, although they were in such poor shape that they had to be sent to neighboring Guinea's capital city Conakry for overhaul. - Adam Geibel
May 16, 2003 President Gbagbo gave his approval to the deployment of "impartial" forces in western Ivory Coast, up to the Liberian border. On May 1, the French peacekeepers had told the Ivorian chief of staff, Liberians and rebels that they were ready and willing to deploy about 900 men in western Ivory Coast within 48 hours. - Adam Geibel
May 17, 2003 The Romanian Aviation Company (IAR) is supplying the Ivory Coast with four IAR 330 Puma helicopters built under Eurocopter license for $12 million. Two were transported to the Ivory Coast via an Antonov 22 cargo plane and the other two will be delivered by year's end. All four were upgraded with the SOCAT [Romanian acronym for Anti-Tank Optronic Search and Combat] navigation system.
However, one was made especially for presidential use, with 10 leather upholstered seats, an air conditioning equipment specially designed for the African climate. The president's armchair can to turned it into a bed and a hi-fi sound system, toilet, refrigerator and bar were also added. - Adam Geibel
May 21, 2003 President Gbagbo defended his government's purchase of weapons, as a way of preventing further coup attempts. The President claimed that the rebels had more weapons than his own army, although he did not specify what exactly he was buying to counterbalance that or for how much. The only purchase recently detailed by Ivory Coast authorities has been the Romanian helicopter contract.
Meanwhile, ECOWAS leader and Ghanaian President John Kufuor okayed the deployment of West African peacekeepers into the western regions of the Ivory Coast. - Adam Geibel
May 22, 2003 Without good road networks, railways are an important economic lifeline in many African countries. Controlling or cutting them can figure heavily in any conflict.
The first freight train in eight months left Abidjan, carrying cement and fertilizer to the rebel-held north of the country. Radical anti-rebel youth groups ripped up a small section of the track in central Abidjan in the morning, hoping to prevent the train from leaving. Railway officials eventually got the diesel engine hauling three flatbed wagons moving with a military escort that night, after the line had been repaired. The 638 km long French-owned SITARAIL railway links the port of Abidjan with landlocked Burkina Faso to the north. This freight train only went as far as Ferkessedougou, near the Burkinabe frontier. The railway normally carries most of Burkina Faso's imports and exports, as well as the oil imports to Mali and Niger.
Most of SITARAIL's 1,062 employees were laid off without pay since the trains stopped running in September 2002. Regular service should resume by the end of May. - Adam Geibel
May 23, 2003 Troops in the Ivory Coast launched a combined operation to secure the west of the war-torn country bordering Liberia, with government units and selected rebel forces working with French and West African peacekeepers. While fighting between the army and rebels has tapered off since the truce three weeks ago, lawless elements on the western edge of the country have been raping and robbing civilians.
Led by two Ivorian officers in a four-wheel drive vehicle, a convoy of 115 trucks and armored vehicles (mostly French), carrying 400 troops clad in body armor, left the western town of Guiglo for the Liberian border town of Toulepleu. That morning, another convoy of rebels, ECOWAS and French troops left the western town of Duekoue (about 30 kilometers north of Guiglo and still under rebel control). Movement for Peace and Justice (MJP) chief Gaspard Dely was serving as a liaison officer for the rebels.
The plan is that both columns will extend the ceasefire line right up to the border, creating a "zone of confidence" in the west. The French and West African peacekeepers, along with rebel forces, will monitor the north and the Ivorian government soldiers will be in charge of the southern portion of the western frontier.
About 750 to 800 French troops are involved and the head of the French force in Ivory Coast, General Bruno Dary, will consider his operation a success if they arrived in Bangolo and Teapleu without firing a single shot. The operation would take between two and three weeks.
The long military convoys stunned locals along the road to Toulepleu and some expressed doubt that the French can quickly stop the chaos. - Adam Geibel
May 30, 2003 Burkina Faso and the Ivory Coast have agreed on a new system for monitoring their common border and crossing points for road and railway traffic, as well as intensifying border patrols. The armies of both countries, as well as French and West African peacekeepers, would take up these duties by June 30.
The border points had officially been closed since the war started in September 2002. The reopening of the trade route to Burkina Faso should also help the neighboring landlocked Mali and Niger, which have relied on the port of Abidjan to handle much of their external trade. All three countries want to clear tens of thousands of tons of goods stuck on Adibjan's warehouses for the past eight months. - Adam Geibel
June 3, 2003 While the extended ceasefire line seems to have stopped the rampaging lawlessness in the country's western border regions, fighting in Liberia has sent at least 15,000 refugees into camps in the southwestern corner of the Ivory Coast. As sorry as their plight is, the Ivorians have little sympathy and even less tolerance for them. However, outright violence hasn't been reported - yet. - Adam Geibel
June 6, 2003 The United Nations appointed Brigadier General Abdul Hafiz of the Bangladeshi Army to head the initial 26-strong United Nations military observer contingent of the UN Mission in Cote d'Ivoire (MINUCI). This group is charged with advising the Security Council on military affairs, monitoring the local situation and establishing links between French, ECOWAS, government and rebel units.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is looking for western donors to fork over nearly US $40 million, so they can double or even triple their 1,200-strong peace-keeping force. The Netherlands have offered $580,000 and may double that figure, while Belgium has pledged $712,000. The US, France and Britain contributed most of the initial $13 million cost of deploying the ECOWAS force for six months were still considering whether to make any further financial commitment.
Burkina Faso and the Ivory Coast will set up new surveillance systems on their common border and intensify patrols by their armies along with French and West African peacekeepers to enable cross-border road and railway traffic shut down eight months ago to resume by 30 June. - Adam Geibel
June 10, 2003 The country may be returning to a state of normalcy and some of the rebel leadership has recently taken to apologizing to the nation for the chaos they caused. Abidjan's vice governor was even in the United States, claiming that his country was safe for tourists after the power-sharing deal between the government and rebels was signed. - Adam Geibel
June 12, 2003 A first contingent of about 60 paramilitary gendarmes from Senegal, Ghana and Benin arrived, the vanguard of a force of 300. The day before, skirmishing between government troops and their former Liberian allies was reported at the village of Papadougou (near the western town of Duekoue). The Liberians had killed several civilians during a looting spree and the government retaliated by killing seven of them. - Adam Geibel June 17, 2003 Ivorian army and rebel representatives agreed to pull their forces back from their current positions. The accord demands that the fighters from the three rebel groups be confined in 16 special camps situated around the main northern cities, behind the ceasefire line. - Adam Geibel
June 18, 2003 The Ivorian government, in anticipation of expanding their armed forces, is actively recruiting local youths to train as mechanics. The Ivorian Air Force is looking for 154 mechanics for fighters and helicopters, as well as 30 pilots (10 fighter, 10 transport, 10 gunship and 5 transport helicopter).
Ordinarily the requirement for pilots is filled by recruiting foreigners. In February, the government had six helicopter gunship pilots: a former member of the British B-squadron SAS, a Frenchman and four South Africans (all former employees of "military services" company Executive Outcomes).
The local press also claims that President Gbagbo has hired 24 additional mercenaries and specifically named Christian "Garnier," a Frenchman actually named Christian Founier who was thought to be in charge of the President's close security. These men had been in the country for a week and were training presidential security guards at the police academy. - Adam Geibel
June 23, 2003 Following the recent restoration of law and order in the Ivory Coast's "wild west" by French and West African peacekeeping forces, the health of thousands of refugees returning to their villages has been threatened by contaminated ground water. Various militias threw the bodies of their victims into wells and streams, in an effort to cover up their crimes. - Adam Geibel
June 27, 2003 Communications Minister Guillaume Soro was attacked when he tried to visit the headquarters of state television in Abidjan, by members of a hardline paramilitary youth organization opposed to any concessions to the rebels . Soro is also the Secretary General of the Patriotic Movement of Cote d'Ivoire (MPCI), the main rebel group. He was forced to hide in the building's infirmary for two hours, until police restored order. Soro claimed that the attack amounted to a failed assassination attempt.
Tension between the government and rebel supporters had been building up before the attack, slowing down progress towards the planned demobilization and disarmament of rebel units. The disarmament process had been due to begin on August 1. - Adam Geibel
June 30, 2003 The Ivory Coast's rebel military leaders declared a state of emergency and blocked access to the parts of the country under their control, accusing the president of failing to fulfill promises meant to end civil war. They also ordered all nine of their representatives to the three- month-old national reconciliation government to come home, after the attack on Soro.- Adam Geibel
July 2, 2003 Rebel military commanders watered down their threat to withdraw from a national reconciliation government and ordered all their ministers to return to rebel capital Bouake.
The day before, Spanish officials discovered a container with Kalashnikov assault rifles, machineguns, sub-machineguns and 560 magazines when they inspected a ship off Barcelona. The ship's manifest showed the container was loaded in South Korea and was headed for Senegal, but police suspected that the Ivory Coast was a more likelier destination. If this is true, one can only wonder who the recipients were - the army and rebel forces seem to have all the weapons they need, which leaves the pro-government youth militias in the port city of `Adibjan as likely suspects. - Adam Geibel
July 3, 2003 A team of 26 unarmed United Nations military observers began deploying in Ivory Coast. The number could rise to 76 before the end of MINUCI's six-month initial mandate. - Adam Geibel
July 4, 2003 The government and rebels officially declared an end to the civil war that began on September 19, 2003. Both sides made the announcement to head off a serious threat to national reconciliation and to reassure Ivory Coast's 16 million people.
President Gbagbo approved a draft amnesty law for the rebels and urged parliament to pass it quickly, which would clear the path for their demobilization and disarmament. The amnesty specifically covers acts of desertion and military rebellion, allowing soldiers and policemen who joined the rebels to be reintegrated into the security forces. The amnesty goes back well before the outbreak of the civil war itself on September 19, 2002 but specifically excludes economic crimes, violations of the international humanitarian law and "serious violations" of human rights. - Adam Geibel
July 7, 2003 The Ivory Coast isn't out of the jungle yet. Police fired teargas to drive back hundreds of stone-throwing militia youths as they tried to smash their way into Abjidjan's television station. There had also been clashes between the youths and police on the 5th. - Adam Geibel
July 9, 2003 The rebels have accused the Gbagbo government of signing a "working contract" with former DGSE (General Director of External Security - the French military intelligence service) and DST (Directorate of Land Supervision, the French equivalent of the CIA) officers to recruit mercenaries under the cover of an English insurance company, using the false pretext of securing the Ivory Coast's economic infrastructure (such as the port of Abidjan). An antigovernment daily newspaper printed their claim that a dozen of these mercenaries entered the Ivory Coast the week before and that the rebels promptly placed them under close surveillance. The rebels suspect that they were hired by retired intelligence officers, who were planning a neo-colonialist agenda that would ultimately benefit the French Defense Ministry.
Even when there isn't a civil war, private security companies keep a lot of west African industries and warehouses from being pilfered. For instance, the UK Foreign Affairs Committee listed the firm SPS Guards as a Private Military Company, since they provide security guards, alarm systems and rapid response teams in Abidjan for an $105,000 annually renewed contract. However, the South African firm Securicor bought out SPS- Guards in early 2003. The Florida-based security company Wackenhut also bought a 60% stake in SEGES, an Ivory Coast security firm, back in 1994. - Adam Geibel
July 11, 2003 Liberian ULIMO (United Liberation Movement in Liberia) and LURD (Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy) rebels who have fought in Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast have infested neighboring Guinea's forest region and turned it into a high-risk zone. - Adam Geibel
July 10, 2003: Three people were killed and a dozen more wounded when armed gendarmes used bulldozers to raze huts in Adibjan's 'Jerusalem' shantytown, which left at least 8,000 people without shelter. Destruction of these shantytowns was also done following the September 2002 coup attempt, since they were believed to house the coup supporters. Human rights agencies said that the government program was simply targeting foreigners. - Adam Geibel
July 16, 2003 About 2,000 armed men (both former government and rebel fighters) are still at large in western Ivory Coast, preying on the civilian population and preventing relief agencies from freely delivering supplies in the lawless region close to the Liberian border. These armed Ivorian civilians, Liberian refugees and mercenaries were seldom if ever paid, but turned to looting towns and villages on both sides of the frontline. The raids were often accented by rapes and slaughters.
French and West African peacekeepers had set up a Zone Of Confidence in the west, but failed to disarm these gunmen and many simply moved further south into the Tai national park. This has forced about 30,000 refugees down to the port of Tabou, south of the Tai national park.
Meanwhile, at least half a dozen pro-government, anti-French militias that have sprung up in southern Ivory Coast consider the current cease fire just a lull before the real war starts and are now training in the open (although without showing real weapons). - Adam Geibel July 23, 2003 The United States and several European donors pledged sufficient funding to keep the 1,400-strong West African peacekeeping force deployed in the Ivory Coast until the end of November, but failed to provide the additional sums required to increase the unit's size to 3,200. France, which had provided the largest chunk of initial funding was still mulling the extent to which it would provide further assistance. The current ECOWAS mission costs $1.3 million a month to keep in the field. - Adam Geibel
July 24, 2003 The Chief of Staff for the French Forces, General Henri Bentegeat detected an encouraging spirit of reconciliation since his last visit in December, but told the Ivorians that more progress needed to be made on disarmament agreements or the country risks ruining all of the progress made in ending its civil war. Disarmament is due to begin in August and finish in mid-September, but the rebels have threatened to pull out of the process after accusing President Gbagbo delaying the naming of key defense and security ministers.
That isn't stopping Bohoun Bouabre, the Ivory Coast's minister of economy and finance from stumping around New York to assure potential American investors that his country is safe and open for their business. Meanwhile, Canadian Natural Resources Ltd. was awarded three major contracts for the development of the Baobab Field, which is located on 25km offshore from the Ivory Coast. The field has estimated recoverable reserves of 200 million barrels of oil. The Ivory Coast's state-owned PETROCI Holding has a 15 percent interest in this new oil field. Qu'elle surprise. - Adam Geibel
July 27, 2003 Cleaning up after the Ivory Coast's little civil war is getting more expensive by the day. Neighboring Burkina Faso is looking for donors to support a three-year $32 million plan to help reintegrate up to 320,000 refugees. The Burkinabe residents in Cote d'Ivoire fled over the past 10 months during a wave of persecution of Burkinabe and other West African immigrants. Burkinabe government officials claim that the real figure is closer to 500,000 and the exodus is still continuing, with convoys bringing 500 more expatriates a week. - Adam Geibel
July 28, 2003 The South African government is apparently getting serious about curbing uncontrolled mercenary activity by its citizens. The first person to be arrested under new laws for recruiting mercenaries for African wars was taken into custody at around 4PM on the 26th. Richard Rouget was arrested after stepping off a flight from Harare, Zimbabwe while hunting rifles, documents, were confiscated after a search of his residence. Rouget was charged with recruiting mercenaries to fight in the Ivory Coast, which is a violation of the 1988 Foreign Military Assistance Act. This law prohibits any citizen from participating in foreign conflicts without prior government approval. From the Truth Commission files on the 1988 murder of Godfrey Motsepe, Rouget allegedly led a group of mercenaries in Europe that was doing reconnaissance on the African National Congress. In June 1985 and using the alias 'Sander's, Rouget became a mercenary officer of Bob Denard's Comorian Presidential Guard.
According to the 'Richard Rouget Safaris' website, he is a graduate of the French Military Academy, serving until 1984 as a commissioned officer in the French Army's air-mobile infantry. Having first set foot in Africa as a soldier, he has lived on the continent since 1985 and is now a South- African citizen.
In the 70s, Rouget had been active in extreme right-wing movements like GUD ("Groupe Union Dfense", a student union) and PFN ("Parti des Forces Nouvelles"). Without completing his studies, he entered the French Army and rose to the rank of warrent officer ("sous lieutenant").
The regulation quite clearly states that authorization has to be granted by the government, which reading between the lines means that the South Africans can see a use for Private Military Companies but has a big problem with unregulated mercenaries. The flip side of the argument may be that Private Military Companies might view the South African government as too incompetent to be involved in their business. Meanwhile, the South African government was working to trace other South Africans who may be working with Rouget. - Adam Geibel
July 29, 2003 Students staged a protest in Adibjan, demanding compensation of about $500 each for having missed classes this past year due to the civil war. The protesting students claimed to be representing nearly 14,000 peers from the Ivory Coast's north. Other youth groups in Abidjan are vocally pro-government. Police were deployed to guard French-run establishments and prevent a replay of earlier violent protests that targeted foreign and Western businesses in Abidjan. Even though they're only armed with knives, iron bars and sticks, these youth groups are potentially dangerous to the peace process, since they've threatened to derail things in their rabid support of the president. - Adam Geibel
August 4, 2003 The Security Council voted unanimously to extend the authorization for more than 5,000 French and West African peacekeepers maintaining a fragile cease-fire in the Ivory Coast.
Meanwhile, in South Africa, Richard Rouget admitted that he had helped 12 South Africans to find jobs (at $6,000 a month each) train and fight alongside the Ivory Coast's soldiers. Rouget claimed that he was only an intermediary for the 12 South Africans, using connections made through his hunting business. The Pretoria Regional Court also imposed a suspended five-year prison sentence, should he be convicted of another offense under the Foreign Military Assistance Act within the next five years. - Adam Geibel August 6, 2003 Ivory Coast's parliament approved a general amnesty for "all offenses against the security of the state" (which includes political unrest and rebel activities) between 2000 and 2002. Not everyone is so forgiving. Dissenters accused the parliament members who support the bill of being "assailants and assassins", claiming the people who committed crimes ought to be brought to justice. - Adam Geibel
August 7, 2003 The Ivory Coast celebrated it's 43rd Independence Day with parades and speeches, but fear of political instability still infects the nation's two largest cities. While former rebels celebrated alongside government troops and ECOWAS peacekeepers in some towns, some former rebel leaders skipped the party in Abidjan in preference for those in the rebel stronghold of Bouake. - Adam Geibel
August 13, 2003 The US considers Ivory Coast peaceful enough to allow American diplomats to return to the Ivory Coast capital.
August 25, 2003 Peace talks are stalled over a stalemate on who will have which senior government jobs. Meanwhile, foreign aid is being withheld until the new government has been decided on.
Former rebel leader Ibrahim Coulibaly was arrested in Paris, along with ten followers.
August 26, 2003 Two French soldiers were killed during an encounter with some drunk rebel gunmen, who opened fire on the soldiers.
August 27, 2003 At least two dozen people were arrested in the capital and charged with plotting a coup against the government. The plotters were said to be working for Ibrahim Coulibaly, the leader of a 1999 coup attempt.
August 29, 2003 Rebels and government forces continue to build up their forces in preparation for what appears to be a resumption of the fighting. Charges have been tossed back and forth about assassination plots and new coups.
August 31, 2003 Oil, more than chocolate, is becoming the driving economic factor for the Ivory Coast. The Nigerians announced the arrest of several executives of the Ocean and Oil company in Lagos, as part of the on-going crackdown on the theft and sale of Nigeria crude oil. The Nigerians can be quite Kafkaesque, since some officials from other oil companies were detained for several hours (and in some cases, several days) without their alleged offences being made known to them.
In addition to smuggling the crude out on small ships, an estimated 130 trucks (usually with a total capacity of 30 tons) were leaving Port Harcourt every night with crude to Ivorian factories. After the Ivorian oil men had been made aware of this on 6 August 2003, they refused to allow three Nigerian tankers to offload.
Nigeria and the Ivory Coast signed an agreement on August 19, for Nigeria to supply 30,000 barrels of crude oil per day (bpd) to the Ivorian state-owned 60, 000 to 80,000 bpd oil refinery. The contract will be renewed annually. The Ivory Coast only has an oil reserve of around 50 million barrels and produces 11,000 barrels per day (bpd) of oil, compared to the country's demand put about 32,000 bpd.
The regional smuggling is a double-edged sword. In addition to destabilizing West Africa's legitimate economy, pirates and ethnic militias around Nigeria's delta area are believed to be using the profits from the illegal oil transfers to buy modern assault rifles, machine guns, and rocket launchers. Pirate attacks on legitimate oil shipping would then make the Ivorian refinery owners more likely to turn to unreliable smugglers, which creates a vicious cycle of instability. - Adam Geibel
September 2, 2003 The Ivorian government kept 11 soldiers and seven civilians detained for questioning about an alleged plot to assassinate President Laurent Gbagbo, his wife and several senior officials. Only Air force general Abdoulaye Coulibaly was released on the night before (after four days of "investigations") because he had not been properly arrested and insufficient evidence was found to link him to the conspiracy.
More than 50 people had been arrested in the Ivory Coast on August 30, in connection with the alleged plot. It was not immediately clear whether some of those thought to have been arrested had been released quietly or whether they were still being held secretly by the government.
In France, many of the ten alleged conspirators detained were linked to General Robert Guei's military government, which ruled the Ivory Coast after a 199 coup d'etat in 1999 until elections in 2000. Coulibaly had turned power over to Guei, rather than taking over himself. Plot ringleader Master Sargent Ibrahim Coulibaly was also linked to a failed coup on September 2002, which plunged the country into civil war.
The conspirators had planned to kill Gbagbo and his wife Simone, who is the parliamentary leader of the president's Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) party in Abidjan during the last week of August while they were driving in an official motorcade. On 26 August, Gbagbo unexpectedly postponed a ceremony to rename part of the capital's Boulevard Giscard d'Estaing Boulevard des Armees, in honor of those who died defending the country in the civil war. - Adam Geibel
September 10, 2003 In another sign that hostilities are winding down, Burkina Faso and the Ivory Coast re-opened their common border. Nearly 30 percent of Burkina Faso's population depends on cross border trade with the Ivory Coast for survival, while thousands of Burkinabe worked in Ivory Coast's cocoa and coffee plantations. At least 350,000 workers fled back to Burkina during the rebellion, following widespread harassment of "foreigners" by security personnel (particularly in Abidjan's suburban 'shanty towns'). - Adam Geibel
September 11, 2003 Trying to capitalize on the current peace and reunite the country, Prime Minister Seydou Diarra set up a committee to separate and disarm the ex-belligerents in a bid to still divided from civil war. Like many other simmering conflicts, the peacekeepers and diplomats are in a race to get the guns out of the hands of ill-disciplined fighters and then find something for them to do, before they go back to the thrill of killing their neighbors. However, many of the Ivory Coast's rebels may have had enough. Rebel leader "Sergeant Wattao" (whose real name is Issiaka Ouattara) is head of the Anaconda Brigade. He told the press that while he wants his men to find positions in the new coalition army, he wants "to be far away from Ivory Coast, so nobody can blame me for anything anymore." - Adam Geibel
September 15, 2003 President Laurent Gbagbo and visiting French defense minister Michele Alliot-Marie met in an effort to rekindle implementation of the peace agreement. The defense minister said that French troops would deploy across the country, but only if the ongoing reconciliation process produces results.
The ECOWAS executive secretary of the west African regional bloc warned this weekend that the reconciliation process in Ivory Coast is in danger and accused Ivorian leaders of undermining a peace deal. Ibn Chambas was speaking before Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo on Sunday urged his supporters to mount protests against the rebel groups which were brought into government under an ECOWAS-mediated peace deal. - Adam Geibel
September 17, 2003 A Parisian court freed former Ivory Coast coup- maker Ibrahim Coulibaly (on $22,000 bail) and five accused accomplices, but ordered that a sixth suspect remain in custody. The court ordered Coulibaly to hand over his passport, to report regularly to a police station and banned him from leaving France or contacting any of those facing the same charges. Two others released were Hassan Sahkr (a Lebanese expatriate suspected of being the group's financier) and Mamadou Diomade (a lawyer suspected of having enrolled recruits). Three mercenaries were also freed without bail. - Adam Geibel
September 18, 2003 The United Nations special envoy to the Ivory Coast brushed aside rebel objections to the way President Gbagbo appointed the new ministers of defense and external security, then announced that he expects the demobilization and disarmament of rebel forces in the north of the country to start on 1 October. - Adam Geibel September 19, 2003 More than two months after the conflict was declared over, the Ivory Coast marked the one-year anniversary of its civil war with commermorations, speaches and troop formations in Abidjan. However, opposition leader Alassane Ouattara placed the blame for the year of warfare on Gbagbo, questioning the president's legitimacy and "the impunity given to those responsible for intolerable human rights violations".
Locals articulated how the war has taken a toll on the once stable country. In their estimation, everything had gotten worse: basic social services, schools, health services, agriculture and trade. Measles, meningitis and cholera have reappeared, while only about 80 percent of health services are not functioning and four-fifths of staff had not returned to their posts. - Adam Geibel
September 21, 2003 Train services between landlocked Burkina Faso and the Ivorian port of Abidjan resumed after a 12 month long interruption by the civil war. The border was officially reopened to road traffic on September 10, but the first freight train from Abidjan only reached the southeastern town of Bobo Dioulasso on the 21st. President Gbagbo had blocked the resumption of normal road and rail links with Burkina Faso until recently, due to the perception that those northern neighbors supported the rebels.
Burkinafaso has traditionally relied on the rail link from Abidjan to Ouagadougou to carry most of its external trade, which is also used by landlocked Niger and Mali to import fuel. Denied use of 1,150 km long rail line, the three neighboring countries relied more on road transport to alternate West African ports (like Ghana's Sekondi/Takoradi, Togo's Lome, Benin's Cotonou, Guinea's Conakry and Senegal's Dakar. However, truck transport in the region is more expensive and less reliable, while the road infrastructure isn't up to the task of additional traffic. - Adam Geibel
September 25, 2003 The rebel ministers refused to meet a UN special envoy to discuss their withdrawal from the national reconciliation government, in protest of President Gbagbo's refusal to give the coalition body adequate powers. However, one of nine rebel ministers in the coalition government disobeyed the movement's orders and turned up for a cabinet meeting anyway.
ECOWAS is taking the MPCI move seriously and asked the rebel ministers to return to the seat of government and continue the disarmament dialogue. In London, cocoa market reacted with a 5.5 percent price surge but analysts don't think supplies will be seriously curtailed in the near future. In late 2002, the civil war sent cocoa prices to 17-year highs with market fears about the impact of the fighting on world supply. - Adam Geibel September 27, 2003 French peacekeepers deployed to secure the commercial center of rebel-held Bouake, after a three-day long shootout resulted in at least 23 dead and at least 37 wounded. Initially, the French were unsure if the clashes were between individuals or organized militia groups.
The fighting started when a stampede broke out in a branch of the West African Central Bank and security forces tried to secure the premises. The bank had failed to move an unusually large sum of money out of the Bouake branch (despite repeated requests) and rebel forces were stuck guarding it.
Earlier reports claimed that there were at least 25, mostly civilian deaths, of people who were trying to grab money when the fighting broke out. A medical official contradicted this, claiming that all of the dead and wounded were all soldiers hit by bullets.
There are 5,300 French and West African peacekeeping troops deployed to keep the two sides apart. The French defense minister noted that this incident would prompt forces on the ground to consider the usefulness of extending the mandate of their peacekeeping forces. - Adam Geibel
October 2, 3003: The streets of Abidjan were packed with around 70,000 pro-Gbagbo supporters, demanding the rebels disarm. Authorities closed highways leading into the skyscraper-lined downtown and local merchants closed up, fearing that youth gangs in the crowd would get out of control. - Adam Geibel
October 3, 2003 The Security Council expressed concern about the fresh violence and urged all sides to stick to a January peace deal. Meanwhile, the Ivorians are desperately courting the Iranians to invest in their country, particularly with construction materials. The Ivorians need to build production facilities for their cocoa beans. There is also a need for as many as 15,000 houses right now, as well as 40,000 more within the next three years. While economic information can seem innocent, it can also open a door for Iranian-backed radical Islamic influence in a country already split along tribal and religious lines. - Adam Geibel
October 4, 2003 Tens of thousands of people marched in the rebel stronghold of Bouake, in a show of force that underscored the bitter divisions still felt throughout the Ivory Coast. "New Forces" leader Guillaume Soro accused the president of reneging on a peace accord, while others demanded that Gbagbo quit. - Adam Geibel
October 7, 2003 The Ivory Coast has frequently accused the government of Burkina Faso of instigating the civil war in Ivory Coast and supplying the rebels. Apparently, the Burkinans are now suffering the same intrigues. In Burkina Faso's capital Ouagadougou, it was announced that 12 people had been arrested on October 2, for planning with a foreign country to overthrow the government of President Blaise Campaore. The State Prosecutor claimed that "serious evidence" existed of their plans, but declined to give further details.
Captain Wally Luther Diapagri (who works at the Trade Ministry) was reportedly the coup leader and planning started as early as in 2000. Diapagri reportedly recruited other soldiers and civilians including another captain, army sergeants, warrant chiefs and corporals, as well as a church pastor. Most of the soldiers arrested last week had belonged to President Compaore's security detachment, before being deployed to other units. Captain Bauoulou Boulibi had served at the military detachment of Bobo Dioulasso (the country's second most important city). The suspects were in custody at a military facility and the case will be prosecuted by a military court. The investigations were going on and more arrests were expected. The UN reported that an unnamed "African country" had given over $178,731 to buy weapons and the plotters were waiting for arms shipments, but that their activities had been followed by the secret services.
Burkina Faso is a country ruled by Captains, so the allegations are quite serious. The latest coup (also the bloodiest) brought Captain Blaise Compaore to power on 15 October 1987. The President (and former Captain) Thomas Sankara was killed in that regime change. - Adam Geibel
October 8, 2003 The army warned the rebels (now known as the "New Forces") that they would take action unless the rebels quickly returned to their peace and disarmament program. The army's front-line commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Philippe Mangou, said that rebels should reestablish contacts with the army, return to a committee meant to oversee disarmament and stop all hostile actions. - Adam Geibel
One of the 12 suspects arrested in Burkina Faso for allegedly plotting a coup against President Blaise Compaore died in police custody on the night of October 8. The suspect, Moussa Kabore, was born in the neighboring Ivory Coast, but became a Sergeant in a Burkinian army unit based in Ouagadougou. Kabore, supposedly hanged himself using a piece of cloth cut from his military uniform. An autopsy was ordered to be carried to confirm the cause of death on the 9th. Following Kabore's death, the chief prosecutor ordered a revision of the detention conditions of the coup suspects, each of whom was staying in an individual bedroom.
That same day, Lieutenant Phillipe Minoungou was also arrested in connection with the coup attempt, while trying to jump over a fence into the United States embassy. Minoungou had been serving at the elite Burkian military unit of Po, 100 km south of Ouagadougou. Alleged coup mastermind Captain Diapagri had supposedly visited "key officials" in the Ivory Coast and Togo in September. Skeptics in the Ivory Coast don't believe that the alleged coup attempt in Burkina Faso was so simply 'foiled' and think it indicates that Compaore and company are worried that the failure of Ivorian rebels marks the beginning of internal turbulence in their own country. To delay this, he is trying to rally his compatriots around a "Burkinabe" patriotism. - Adam Geibel
October 9, 2003 One of the 12 suspects arrested in Burkina Faso for allegedly plotting a coup against President Blaise Compaore died in police custody on the night of October 8. The suspect, Moussa Kabore, was born in the neighboring Ivory Coast, but became a Sergeant in a Burkinian army unit based in Ouagadougou. Kabore, supposedly hanged himself using a piece of cloth cut from his military uniform. An autopsy was ordered to be carried to confirm the cause of death on the 9th. Following Kabore's death, the chief prosecutor ordered a revision of the detention conditions of the coup suspects, each of whom was staying in an individual bedroom.
That same day, Lieutenant Phillipe Minoungou was also arrested in connection with the coup attempt, while trying to jump over a fence into the United States embassy. Minoungou had been serving at the elite Burkian military unit of Po, 100 km south of Ouagadougou.
Alleged coup mastermind Captain Diapagri had supposedly visited "key officials" in the Ivory Coast and Togo in September. Skeptics in the Ivory Coast don't believe that the alleged coup attempt in Burkina Faso was so simply 'foiled' and think it indicates that Compaore and company are worried that the failure of Ivorian rebels marks the beginning of internal turbulence in their own country. To delay this, he is trying to rally his compatriots around a "Burkinabe" patriotism. - Adam Geibel
October 10, 2003 Hundreds of pro-government militia took to the streets of the commercial capital, Abidjan, to protest against ongoing conflict and demand that French-owned water and electricity companies stop serving areas under rebel control. The Group for Peace and Progress (GPP) harassed traders in the low-income suburbs, disrupting traffic and threatening residents.
While the French contingent will number around 3,700 men by the end of October, according to Operation Unicorn spokesman the large-scale deployment of French troops in the north would not start anytime soon.
Since then, the French have been making noises about deploying into the northern part of the Ivory Coast in greater force. On 16 September, after a visit by French Defense Minister Michele Alliot-Marie, the ministry had announced that France was ready to deploy troops into the north of the country "in the weeks to come". At the behest of the New Forces, several hundred soldiers from the French and West African peacekeeping forces were deployed in Bouake at the end of September, to secure the banking quarter where violent incidents triggered by a bank robbery had caused at least 23 deaths. - Adam Geibel
October 11, 2003 According to some Ivorian journalists, the New Forces (former rebels) recently conducted a census of their 40,000 armed and unarmed fighters. The town of Bouake and its environs has more than 12,000 armed soldiers under the command of Staff Sergeant Cherif Ousmane (alias "Cheetah"). There are more than 8,000 fighters in the town of Man and over 2,000 in Korhogo (the support base of the New Forces). These figures do not include the country's eastern zone (Bouna and other towns). - Adam Geibel
October 16, 2003 A pro-government newspaper in Abidjan insinuated that the MPCI rebel delegation visiting the United States was actually a thin excuse for a weapons buying spree. They claim that rebel leader Dacoury Tabley openly contacted US and eastern European weapons dealers, making arrangements to have additional munitions delivered to their Bouake bases. The paper also insinuated that the rebels were using nearly $73 million in Central Africa Francs that supposedly disappeared during the September holdup of the Bouake branch of the Central Bank of West African States as a bankroll. - Adam Geibel
October 21, 2003 French radio station Radio France Internationale (RFI) correspondent Jean Helene was shot in the head by a man in uniform, as 11 opposition militants were released from police custody.
The incident near the national police headquarters was the aftermath of a government "round up the usual suspects" move. The police had hauled in 11 members of Ivory Coast's main opposition party (all followers of former Prime Minister Allasane Ouattara) over the course of several days. They were accused of being involved in a plot to kill ``high political, political, administrative and military personalities.'' What wasn't clear was whether this was a new plot, or just a follow-up on the dozens of detentions in August (after an alleged plot to hit the president's motorcade with rocket launchers). - Adam Geibel
October 24, 2003 The government fired the National Police chief, in the wake of the investigation of Jean Helene's murder. While Security Minister Martin Bleou rejected calls for his resignation, he promised to reform the police force, improve police training and remove heavy weapons from police officers. Authorities had arrested a police sergeant, whom witnesses and officials said had challenged Helene's presence outside the central police headquarters. The policeman claims the shooting was unintentional.
The West African press, in condemning the killed, have speculated that it might have been a pre-ordered 'execution'. One writer argued that the French media brought it on themselves, noting that the Ivorian antagonism toward the French media was based on their "obnoxiously" one-sided coverage the Ivorian crisis. - Adam Geibel
October 27, 2003 The Ivorian government is getting sued for allowing strong-arm extortion tactics to be used against a $45 million cell phone network company. Representatives of the two U.S. companies (Western Wireless International, and Modern Africa Fund Managers, LLC) announced that they had suspended operations of Cora de Comstar, a three-year-old company serving close to 33,000 cellular phone customers and employing 200 telecommunications workers, because of repeated violent harassment of company personnel and raids on corporate premises.
Legal action has been initiated against the Ivorian government and Alexander Galley, a convicted French felon accused of conducting physical attacks on the company in an effort to establish a claim to ownership. On October 10, Galley (along with government militia and police) raided the Cora de Comstar headquarters in Abuja, looting cash reserves and destroying equipment.
Charges of assault and theft had previously been filed against Galley in the courts, but each time the charges were dropped because Galley was able to buy off judges. Curiously enough, an "Alexander Galley" (real name Raphael Gnardre Dago) was named on the June 2001 UN Security Council resolution banning international travel for Liberian Government officials and others presumed to be working with that government. - Adam Geibel
October 28, 2003 "Freelancing" has struck the rebel-held north as well, when a convoy of 10 pick-up trucks and four-wheel drive vehicles full of armed men tried unsuccessfully to break into a branch of the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO) in the northern rebel-held town of Korhogo. The forces of two local rebel commanders fought them off, after an intense late-night gunfight. However, no one was killed in the exchange of fire and local people jeered as the attackers drove off.
Korhogo is close to the town of Ouangolodougou, near the border with Mali and Burkina Faso. The attackers were rebel fighters loyal to an unnamed warlord who was currently outside the Ivory Coast.
On the same day before dawn, intruders broke into the Man BCEAO branch (580 km northwest of Abidjan and also in rebel-controlled territory), opened a safe and stole computer equipment. It was not yet clear whether any money was missing, but the bank raid was followed by an outbreak of shooting later that morning. The gunman calmed down during that day, as over 100 French peacekeeping troops were dispatched to restore order in the city.
Originally the headquarters of MPIGO (the Ivorian Popular Movement of the Great West), Man has been plagued for the last several months by sporadic fighting between rival rebel factions. A senior Patriotic Movement of Cote d'Ivoire (MPCI) commander claimed that he had seen no evidence of any break-in at the local bank and that the shooting had simply been the result of clashes between rival rebel factions in the town.
These bank jobs are similar to the assault on the Bouake BCEAO branch on September 25. As much as $83 million in CFA banknotes was stolen and 23 people killed in that crime. - Adam Geibel
October 30, 2003 The presidents of Ghana and Nigeria flew into the Ivory Coast on a mission to kick start a faltering peace process and defuse simmering tensions. They held talks with their Ivorian counterpart and the country's prime minister, who heads a shaky power-sharing government meant to shepherd Ivory Coast to elections in 2005. The rebels have said they would only return if Gbagbo stepped down. Gbagbo's supporters say the rebels are only making excuses to delay disarmament. - Adam Geibel
October 31, 2003 Newspaper vendors halted distribution of the Ivory Coast's daily papers, as a protest against being harassed and beaten up by pro-government youths known as "young patriots". These young thugs want to stop to the sale of newspapers linked to opposition parties, or those perceived to support rebels who launched an uprising last year and triggered civil war. The venders are demanding additional security from the government. - Adam Geibel
November 3, 2003 At least 14 people had been shot dead in four days of fighting between between rival factions of the 200-strong rebel garrison in the northern town of Ferkessedougou, near the frontier with Burkina Faso. This squabble lasted until a delegation of senior rebel officials from the rebel capital arrived in the town to restore order. During a visit to Ferkessedougou, a UN correspondent noted that many of the rebel fighters were addicted to sniffing solvents, which they poured onto handkerchiefs all day and inhaled. - Adam Geibel
November 8, 2003 Fighting has broken out between local farmers and foreigners in one of the Ivory Coast's central cocoa-growing areas, forcing several hundred to flee their homes. The Gagnoa cocoa-growing region (300 kilometers west of the economic capital) produces about one quarter of the cocoa grown in the Ivory Coast. The dispute was apparently sparked by foreign farmers refusing to sell their beans to newly created local village cooperatives, which were offering a rather low price. The army sent a unit to the area to restore order, after fighting broke out there on the 6th. - Adam Geibel
November 10, 2003 Former rebel "New Forces" have set up roadblocks to collect fees from travelers in the northern areas under their control. They have also held up a UN plane for "four hours of unjustified delays", shooting into the tarmac to get their point across. Some groups have fought over spoils from three bank robberies and threatened to kill seven MINUCI military officers who were reconnoitering. - Adam Geibel
November 11, 2003 West African leaders called on the UN to convert the regional ECOWAS peacekeeping mission operating in the Ivory Coast into a full-fledged UN peacekeeping force. Niger and Togo agreed to contribute 70 troops, to safeguard rebels officials in the power-sharing government.
ECOWAS currently has 1,500 troops on the ground and France 4,000 troops stationed in its former colony. Secretary General Kofi Annan warned in a report that the Ivorian peace process was in "serious difficulty". An ECOWAS representative said that a UN force would be better suited to ensure peace in Ivory Coast, but gave no further explanation. However, a UN force would probably mean European troop representation and more importantly, more money for the ECOWAS troops.
The Secretary-General also recommended a six-month extension of the tiny UN mission's mandate there, in the hope that governmental authority can be restored throughout the country. MINUCI (the UN Mission in Cte d'Ivoire) currently has 34 UN military liaison officers in-country monitoring security and helping build confidence, although Annan has approved the deployment of the remaining 42 officers. Annan has also proposed a $29.9 million budget for the mission, from May 13, 2003 to June 30, 2004. - Adam Geibel
November 18, 2003 The coalition of rebels known as the "New Forces" have decided to call the government on it's "talking trash". The Patriotic Movement of Cote d'Ivoire (MPCI) Chief of Staff said that his troops had declared a "state of emergency" and recalled all MPCI military commanders to Bouake because of an "act of war" that had been signed by Ivorian army chief of staff and President Gbagbo. They said their actions were in response to government preparations to launch attacks on their positions.
The rebels then rolled out a "massive" display of heavy weapons in Bouake (379 kilometers north of the commercial capital Abidjan), hours after declaring a state of emergency in areas under their control. A convoy of trucks loaded with rebel troops, antiaircraft guns and rocket-propelled grenades drove around the city in the early afternoon.
Some trucks headed along the highway from Bouake to the north. More heavily armed fighters, dressed in combat gear, patrolled the streets, telling civilians they were "searching for infiltrators" (remember, these are the same guys who spend their days getting high sniffing glue).
Apparently, some recent declarations by government officials raised the rebels' hackles. Gbagbo had made a speech to ECOWAS heads of states in Accra on November 12, where he said that his army was well equipped and could flush the rebels out within two weeks. - Adam Geibel
November 19, 2003 The United Nations and friends launched an international appeal for $60 million, to assist over one million people affected by the war in the Ivory Coast (including those who fled to Burkina Faso, Ghana and Mali).
The Prime Minister and the "New Forces" Secretary General held talks with the Ghanaian President, in an attempt to put the stalled Ivorian peace process back on track. Little progress was made. - Adam Geibel
November 21, 2003 Another diplomatic scramble has begun to defuse rebel threats. The Ivorian President met with France's foreign minister in Gabon, after which President Gbagbo would head from to Mali and then Burkina Faso. Luckily for all involved, there has been no fighting for the last six months and the biggest problem remains criminal activities.
France maintains a 4,000-strong contingent of peacekeepers that monitors the ceasefire while keeping the army and rebels apart. The French had heard about the rebel declarations of renewed violence but were not sure exactly what they planned to do. It was unclear if the French were referring to the rebels, or themselves.
On the 17th, French President Jacques Chirac reiterated the need to "swiftly and fully" implement the Paris Marcoussis accord and the week before, the European Union said that it would continue to withhold aid to Ivory Coast until it saw real "progress" in the process. - Adam Geibel
October 24, 2003 The government fired the National Police chief, in the wake of the investigation of Jean Helene's murder. While Security Minister Martin Bleou rejected calls for his resignation, he promised to reform the police force, improve police training and remove heavy weapons from police officers. Authorities had arrested a police sergeant, whom witnesses and officials said had challenged Helene's presence outside the central police headquarters. The policeman claims the shooting was unintentional.
The West African press, in condemning the killed, have speculated that it might have been a pre-ordered 'execution'. One writer argued that the French media brought it on themselves, noting that the Ivorian antagonism toward the French media was based on their "obnoxiously" one-sided coverage the Ivorian crisis. - Adam Geibel
October 27, 2003 The Ivorian government is getting sued for allowing strong-arm extortion tactics to be used against a $45 million cell phone network company. Representatives of the two U.S. companies (Western Wireless International, and Modern Africa Fund Managers, LLC) announced that they had suspended operations of Cora de Comstar, a three-year-old company serving close to 33,000 cellular phone customers and employing 200 telecommunications workers, because of repeated violent harassment of company personnel and raids on corporate premises.
Legal action has been initiated against the Ivorian government and Alexander Galley, a convicted French felon accused of conducting physical attacks on the company in an effort to establish a claim to ownership. On October 10, Galley (along with government militia and police) raided the Cora de Comstar headquarters in Abuja, looting cash reserves and destroying equipment.
Charges of assault and theft had previously been filed against Galley in the courts, but each time the charges were dropped because Galley was able to buy off judges. Curiously enough, an "Alexander Galley" (real name Raphael Gnardre Dago) was named on the June 2001 UN Security Council resolution banning international travel for Liberian Government officials and others presumed to be working with that government. - Adam Geibel
October 28, 2003 "Freelancing" has struck the rebel-held north as well, when a convoy of 10 pick-up trucks and four-wheel drive vehicles full of armed men tried unsuccessfully to break into a branch of the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO) in the northern rebel-held town of Korhogo. The forces of two local rebel commanders fought them off, after an intense late-night gunfight. However, no one was killed in the exchange of fire and local people jeered as the attackers drove off.
Korhogo is close to the town of Ouangolodougou, near the border with Mali and Burkina Faso. The attackers were rebel fighters loyal to an unnamed warlord who was currently outside the Ivory Coast.
On the same day before dawn, intruders broke into the Man BCEAO branch (580 km northwest of Abidjan and also in rebel-controlled territory), opened a safe and stole computer equipment. It was not yet clear whether any money was missing, but the bank raid was followed by an outbreak of shooting later that morning. The gunman calmed down during that day, as over 100 French peacekeeping troops were dispatched to restore order in the city.
Originally the headquarters of MPIGO (the Ivorian Popular Movement of the Great West), Man has been plagued for the last several months by sporadic fighting between rival rebel factions. A senior Patriotic Movement of Cote d'Ivoire (MPCI) commander claimed that he had seen no evidence of any break-in at the local bank and that the shooting had simply been the result of clashes between rival rebel factions in the town.
These bank jobs are similar to the assault on the Bouake BCEAO branch on September 25. As much as $83 million in CFA banknotes was stolen and 23 people killed in that crime. - Adam Geibel October 30, 2003 The presidents of Ghana and Nigeria flew into the Ivory Coast on a mission to kick start a faltering peace process and defuse simmering tensions. They held talks with their Ivorian counterpart and the country's prime minister, who heads a shaky power-sharing government meant to shepherd
Ivory Coast to elections in 2005. The rebels have said they would only return if Gbagbo stepped down. Gbagbo's supporters say the rebels are only making excuses to delay disarmament. - Adam Geibel
October 31, 2003 Newspaper vendors halted distribution of the Ivory Coast's daily papers, as a protest against being harassed and beaten up by pro-government youths known as "young patriots". These young thugs want to stop to the sale of newspapers linked to opposition parties, or those perceived to support rebels who launched an uprising last year and triggered civil war. The venders are demanding additional security from the government. - Adam Geibel
November 3, 2003 At least 14 people had been shot dead in four days of fighting between between rival factions of the 200-strong rebel garrison in the northern town of Ferkessedougou, near the frontier with Burkina Faso. This squabble lasted until a delegation of senior rebel officials from the rebel capital arrived in the town to restore order. During a visit to Ferkessedougou, a UN correspondent noted that many of the rebel fighters were addicted to sniffing solvents, which they poured onto handkerchiefs all day and inhaled. - Adam Geibel
November 8, 2003 Fighting has broken out between local farmers and foreigners in one of the Ivory Coast's central cocoa-growing areas, forcing several hundred to flee their homes. The Gagnoa cocoa-growing region (300 kilometers west of the economic capital) produces about one quarter of the cocoa grown in the Ivory Coast. The dispute was apparently sparked by foreign farmers refusing to sell their beans to newly created local village cooperatives, which were offering a rather low price. The army sent a unit to the area to restore order, after fighting broke out there on the 6th. - Adam Geibel
November 10, 2003 Former rebel "New Forces" have set up roadblocks to collect fees from travelers in the northern areas under their control. They have also held up a UN plane for "four hours of unjustified delays", shooting into the tarmac to get their point across. Some groups have fought over spoils from three bank robberies and threatened to kill seven MINUCI military officers who were reconnoitering. - Adam Geibel
November 11, 2003 West African leaders called on the UN to convert the regional ECOWAS peacekeeping mission operating in the Ivory Coast into a full-fledged UN peacekeeping force. Niger and Togo agreed to contribute 70 troops, to safeguard rebels officials in the power-sharing government. ECOWAS currently has 1, 500 troops on the ground and France 4,000 troops stationed in its former colony. Secretary General Kofi Annan warned in a report that the Ivorian peace process was in "serious difficulty". An ECOWAS representative said that a UN force would be better suited to ensure peace in Ivory Coast, but gave no further explanation. However, a UN force would probably mean European troop representation and more importantly, more money for the ECOWAS troops.
November 18, 2003 The coalition of rebels known as the "New Forces" have decided to call the government on it's "talking trash". The Patriotic Movement of Cote d'Ivoire (MPCI) Chief of Staff said that his troops had declared a "state of emergency" and recalled all MPCI military commanders to Bouake because of an "act of war" that had been signed by Ivorian army chief of staff and President Gbagbo. They said their actions were in response to government preparations to launch attacks on their positions.
The rebels then rolled out a "massive" display of heavy weapons in Bouake (379 kilometers north of the commercial capital Abidjan), hours after declaring a state of emergency in areas under their control. A convoy of trucks loaded with rebel troops, antiaircraft guns and rocket-propelled grenades drove around the city in the early afternoon.
Some trucks headed along the highway from Bouake to the north. More heavily armed fighters, dressed in combat gear, patrolled the streets, telling civilians they were "searching for infiltrators" (remember, these are the same guys who spend their days getting high sniffing glue).
Apparently, some recent declarations by government officials raised the rebels' hackles. Gbagbo had made a speech to ECOWAS heads of states in Accra on November 12, where he said that his army was well equipped and could flush the rebels out within two weeks. - Adam Geibel
November 19, 2003 The United Nations and friends launched an international appeal for $60 million, to assist over one million people affected by the war in the Ivory Coast (including those who fled to Burkina Faso, Ghana and Mali).
The Prime Minister and the "New Forces" Secretary General held talks with the Ghanaian President, in an attempt to put the stalled Ivorian peace process back on track. Little progress was made. - Adam Geibel
November 21, 2003 Another diplomatic scramble has begun to defuse rebel threats. The Ivorian President met with France's foreign minister in Gabon, after which President Gbagbo would head from to Mali and then Burkina Faso. Luckily for all involved, there has been no fighting for the last six months and the biggest problem remains criminal activities. France maintains a 4,000-strong contingent of peacekeepers that monitors the ceasefire while keeping the army and rebels apart. The French had heard about the rebel declarations of renewed violence but were not sure exactly what they planned to do. It was unclear if the French were referring to the rebels, or themselves.
On the 17th, French President Jacques Chirac reiterated the need to "swiftly and fully" implement the Paris Marcoussis accord and the week before, the European Union said that it would continue to withhold aid to Ivory Coast until it saw real "progress" in the process. - Adam Geibel
November 24, 2003 Liberia's transitional leader, Gyude Bryant, held talks with President Laurent Gbagbo about security along the two countries' troubled border, the peace process under way in both countries and how to prevent the movement of armed men across the porous border.
Meanwhile, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan told the Security Council that the Ivory Coast could slide back into war and that he would soon send an assessment mission there, in order to prepare recommendations for improving the work of the UN's peacekeeping mission (MINUCI). - Adam Geibel
November 27, 2003 There are allegations that pro-government militias are continuing to kill, torture and harass civilians with impunity. Drawn mostly from the south central Bete tribe (the same as the president's), they were targeting mainly immigrants from other West African countries along with other ethnic groups.
Meanwhile, unchecked disease threatens parts of the country. With relief agencies providing the backbone of healthcare in the rebel-held north, that region could face major outbreaks of meningitis and typhoid as the dry season sets in. The months of November, December and January are critical periods for outbreaks of these killer diseases. - Adam Geibel
November 29, 2003 About 200 hard-line supporters of the president, reportedly accompanied by soldiers, were dispersed by French peacekeepers' teargas as they tried to reach the rebel stronghold of Bouake.
In one of the Ivory Coast's a major cocoa-growing areas (about 220 kilometers northwest of Abidjan), three more tribesmen were killed in clashes (bringing the death toll in three days of violence to at least nine). Tribesman armed with machetes and rifles had been clashing with foreign farm workers and immigrants around cocoa plantations in the Gagnoa area since the 27th. The army sent pickup truck-mounted troops backed by helicopter gunships to secure the area. - Adam Geibel
December 1, 2003 A pro-government mob set upon the base of the French 43rd Marine Infantry Battalion in the commercial capital Abidjan, before French military police dispersed them with teargas. French troops left the base in APCs to confront the 250-strong, rock-throwing mob that demanded that the French withdraw from a buffer zone in central Ivory Coast. The French news agency AFP reported that Ivorian security forces briefly intervened but then stood back, despite a ban on public protests. French soldiers then put up barbed wire fencing outside the base, before the protesters returned to pelt the installation with stones, and preventing any cars carrying Europeans from approaching.
Niger sent 50 more troops to reinforce their contingent of 250 peacekeepers already supporting the ECOWAS mission. The French stated that they have no intention of leaving until the mission is accomplished and a military spokesman in Paris described the Ivorian officers' demands as "irresponsible and inopportune".
The night before, Ivorian state TV was interrupted when a group of soldiers forced its way into the television building in Abidjan and read a statement saying: "We are asking the president to allow us to resume the war." Claiming that they had what they needed to "liberate" the country within 48 hours, they demanded that peacekeepers let them move to rebel-controlled areas and that whites leave the front lines. However, they stressed that their actions were not a coup and that they supported the president. - Adam Geibel
December 3, 2003 Around 1,000 hard line backers of the president defied a ban on public rallies and mounted a third day of protests in Abidjan. The day before, 300 riot police dispersed several hundred protesters gathered outside a French military base in Abidjan, who were calling for the former colonial power's troops to quit the country. - Adam Geibel
December 4, 2003 French soldiers and irregular troops loyal to President Gbagbo have engaged in several skirmishes along this line of trust in recent days. Local newspapers fretted that this twist to the civil war would become a trap for the 4,000 French peacekeepers in the country. - Adam Geibel
December 5, 2003 The Ivorian military would begin to pull back from a ceasefire line that cuts through the center of Ivory Coast, with internationally supervised disarmament to begin December 15. The day before, President Laurent Gbagbo decelerated that the civil war is over, after a meeting between military chiefs and the rebels in the capital Yamoussoukro. - Adam Geibel
December 12, 2003 Militants launched three simultaneous attacks in different parts of Abijdan, attacking a military police outside the national television station in Abijdan and leaving at least 19 dead (18 attackers and one military policeman). The assailants wore black clothes bearing the name "Nindja," which was one of the militias supporting President Laurent Gbagbo. - Adam Geibel December 14, 2003 The government and rebel factions in divided Ivory Coast took tentative first steps towards disarmament. The military began to pull back heavy weaponry along the 640-kilometer buffer zone separating the rebel-held north from the government-run south. Government tanks and artillery were stored in armories at three sites, to help reduce tensions.
Checkpoints on both sides lining the country's main highways had also been dismantled. All but the entry-exit checkpoints for major cities and weapons caches stored before December 25.
Military leaders on both sides also laid the groundwork for the resumption of public utility services and the reopening of schools nationwide. - Adam Geibel
December 24, 2003 As of this week, most of the more than 100 checkpoints lining the country's highways have been torn down. Two days before, New Forces ministers decided to end their three-month boycott of cabinet meetings of the unity government, but there are no meetings planned until early next year. - Adam Geibel
December 26, 2003 An Abidjan court freed two generals and six other ranks on bail, who had been held for the last three months in connection with a suspected coup bid. The state prosecutor had originally arrested 11 soldiers and seven civilians suspected of plotting against the president.
As just another example of how wars have a rippling effect beyond the borders of the embattled country, Burkina Faso complained that the Ivory Coast's civil war in Cote d'Ivoire had led to a $146 million shortfall in revenues needed to execute their current budget (or more than 11 percent of planned government spending for 2003). - Adam Geibel
December 31, 2003 Adama Coulibaly, the Ivorian rebel warlord who controls Korhogo and the rebel armored battalion there, also has a not-so- secret mercenary group of 42 Liberians. What is unusual is that the Liberians are commanded by a woman in her mid-30s. She claims to have killed men in combat and nearly been killed herself in early 2003, while fighting alongside Ivorian rebel forces. She'd also claimed to have killed at least one white soldier (presumably a mercenary) during a heavy fighting for the town of Bangolo (50 kilometers south of Man) in late 2002. Under the terms of an agreement on 4 July 2003, the government and rebels both committed to getting rid of any mercenaries remaining in their ranks.
January 1, 2004 An advance party of 20 French troops reached the northern towns of Korhogo (634 kilometers north of Abidjan) and Ferkessedougou, as the peacekeepers started to deploy more widely in the rebel-held north. The reconnaissance team would hold talks with rebel military commanders to map out the deployment of more French soldiers. Humanitarian agencies should be among the first to benefit from the new deployment, since the French will help to rehabilitate schools, health centers and other public buildings in the north in addition to maintaining security there. - Adam Geibel
January 2, 2004 Temptation causes discipline problems even in First World armies. Four French soldiers tasked with guarding a bank in Bouake was sent back to Paris, to face criminal charges after being found carrying a bag of cash worth $72,000. The four were from the 126th infantry (based in Brive-la-Gaillarde) were detained after allegedly trying to buy diamonds and gold, then accused of "aggravated theft" in November and December. The men were placed under judicial investigation, one step short of formal charges.
The main suspect told military police he found a sack stuffed with cash as he was patrolling the vicinity of the bank. Authorities believe the money belongs to a branch of the West African central bank in the rebel base of Bouake, where a bloody battle for spoils between bands of rebels and looters left at least 25 dead in September.
The government of Burkina Faso arrested an army major in connection with a coup plot against their president, which was first revealed in September. Burkina Faso has accused government officials in the Ivory Coast and Togo of complicity in the affair. He was the 15th member of the armed forces to be arrested in connection with the alleged coup plot since September. The major had originally been a suspect but released.
Burkinabe President Blaise Campaore has enjoyed close links with the Libyan leader Muamar Ghaddafi for years and often been accused as acting as Ghaddafi's agent in the destabilization of West African countries like Sierra Leone, Liberia and the Ivory Coast. - Adam Geibel
January 6, 2004 Former rebel ministers ended their three month boycott of the coalition government in Abidjan, with most of them returning to the economic capital to meet President Gbagbo. - Adam Geibel
January 7, 2004 Four men armed with AK-47s arrived in the western village of Kahin and started shooting, killing one local. The village had been torched the day before and French forces found six bodies in a nearby village of the 5th. The killings probably stemmed from ethnic differences that pit local tribes against immigrant farmers who form the backbone of Ivory Coast's cocoa workforce, rather than a resurgence of rebel activity. - Adam Geibel
January 9, 2004 The Ivory Coast called on the United Nations to set up a peacekeeping operation, instead of leaving the job to West African and French forces. If all Ivorian parties took the necessary steps to show irreversible progress by February 4, UN secretary-general Kofi Annan would recommend a force of 6,240 peacekeeping troops (including 200 military observers) be sent to the Ivory Coast. This plan would incorporate the 1,500 West African peacekeeping troops already in the country but would exclude 4,000 French peacekeepers, who would work alongside the UN force under separate command. This is despite the misgivings of the United States have been wary of approving any new peacekeeping venture in Ivory Coast because of the cost. While UN peacekeeping missions are financed by all 191 UN member countries, the United States pays 27 per cent of the peacekeeping budget.
At least one person was killed and ten wounded, when a rogue group tried to break into a bank in the rebel stronghold of Bouake triggered a 2 a.m. shootout with rebels defending the building. Heavily armed West African troops later deployed around the building. - Adam Geibel
January 10, 2004 The Prime Minister officially launched the campaign to disarm the Ivory Coast's assorted armed groups, which will be difficult since there are no accurate figures on how many men are under arms. The only definite figure is that the Ivorian military had 18,500 troops enlisted before the war began in September 2002.
The current plan has the country broken down into zones, each with an armory and a disarmament camp. This will allow independent monitors to inventory weapons and fighters, as well as prepare camps for fighters to enter a demobilization and rehabilitation program. What those former fighters will actually do after they stand down is an unanswered question. - Adam Geibel
January 13, 2004 The French peacekeeping force urged the government army and police to send reinforcements to help it maintain order in the troubled west, after reporting that 18 people had been killed there in two weeks of ethnic clashes. Tension was rising in villages around the town of Bangolo (600 kilometers northwest of Abidjan), where French soldiers had found the bodies of 18 people killed in ethnic fighting since 29 December.
Bangolo lies inside the demilitarized "Zone of Confidence," just a few kilometers from the rebel frontline. Only French and West African peacekeeping troops are allowed to bear arms there, but French forces had asked the government's paramilitary gendarmerie to send reinforcements to the West to help patrol towns and villages south of the demilitarized zone (on or near the road between Duekoue, 45 km south of Bangolo, and Toulepleu on the Liberian border). - Adam Geibel
January 15, 2004 A humanitarian aid worker who recently returned to Abidjan from a visit to the 'Wild West' claimed that while the December- March cocoa harvest was in full swing, fighting to control of the cocoa plantations was heating up. Lebanese cocoa buyers from Liberia were stocking up on cut-price beans in both the government and rebel-held sectors for smuggling to nearby Guinea. - Adam Geibel January 20, 2004 As many as 30,000 former fighters could go through the Ivory Coast's disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) program, which pro-government militias, rebel groups and civilians who fought on both sides, as well as 4,000 people recruited into the national army soon after war broke out in September 2002.
The preliminary cost of the DDR program is estimated at $111.3 millions, of which the Ivorian government is expected to contribute $22 million. The World Bank, the European Union, the United Nations, the French Cooperation Agency were among donors who would foot the bulk of the DDR bill. Disarmament and demobilization could take up to four months, while reintegrating the former combatants into society could require as much as two years. Each combatant will receive a reintegration package of about $924 in six monthly installments - Adam Geibel
January 22, 2004 The French were discovering a lot of things as they extended their patrols in the North and warned of continuing tension. In rebel-held Korhogo, four people were killed as two rival rebel groups fought a gun battle for the control of a disputed petrol tanker.
There have recently been a series of clashes between rival factions of the rebel movement near the borders with Burkina Faso and Mali. About 300 French peacekeepers were deployed to the northern towns of Korhogo and Ferkessedegou in early January to help stabilize the situation. These troops discovered that the rebels were holding an unspecified number of prisoners (including Liberians and suspected government infiltrators) in several containers in Korhogo. - Adam Geibel
February 8, 2004 A rebel warlord in the northern city of Korhogo was dragged out of a nightclub and ritually shot dead by unidentified assailants in the early hours. Depending on what source is to be believed, Adama Coulibaly (better known by his nom de guerre "Adams") was either killed by one of his own Liberian bodyguards or masked assassins sent by the rebel leadership in Bouake (stemming from the petrol tanker incident in January). - Adam Geibel
February 18, 2004 Despite the presence of French peacekeeping troops, two Burkinabe immigrants were killed and at least seven others seriously wounded in machete attacks by local Guere tribe youths in the western government-controlled town of Duekoue (500 kilometers northwest of the commercial capital Abidjan).
Ethnic rivalries and land disputes, marauding bands of armed Liberians, squabbling rebel warlords and the threat of Liberian rebel fighters spilling back over the border all combine to make the 'Wild West' an explosive place. The civil war displaced around 150,000 people and even nine months after the ceasefire, killings and violence remain commonplace. There are just too many weapons are in the hands of young people drafted into fighting forces or vigilante groups, and not enough gainful employment for those who would put down their AK-47s. - Adam Geibel
February 26, 2004 Deploying a multifaceted United Nations peacekeeping force in the Ivory Coast for six months would cost about $303 million. The current UN mission in the Ivory Coast (MINUCI) has 34 military officers and a small number of civilian employees.
As another example of how interdependent West Africa is, health workers are increasingly worried that the Ivory Coast could suffer a polio outbreak spilled over from northern Nigeria, where Islamic clerics halted a new vaccination drive this week. - Adam Geibel
February 28, 2004 The UN Security Council approved a resolution to set up the United Nations Operation in Ivory Coast (UNOCI) for an initial period of 12 months. This will put 6,240 UN peacekeepers (including 200 military observers and 120 staff officers, and up to 350 civilian police officers) in the Ivory Coast, starting on April 4.
Meanwhile, the leader of the 'New Forces' (former rebels) announced that his fighters will not lay down their weapons before elections set for late next year, unless all key issues of the peace accord were met. Last week the prime minister of the national reconciliation government announced that the process would begin on 8 March. - Adam Geibel
February 29, 2004 People living in the rebel-held north still have few jobs and civil servants still aren't back on the job, so basic services like health and schooling remain lacking. But many locals in the heavily Moslem area claim that they don't mind living under the rebels, since they no longer feel like second-class citizens. Their biggest complaint is a lack of banks, without which businesses are extremely difficult to start. As such, the northerners are looking forward to UN peacekeepers extending the security blanket the handful of French troops currently provide. - Adam Geibel
March 15, 2004 Three projects aimed at disarming and demobilizing thousands of former fighters (including child soldiers) were launched by the Government and UN over the last week.
Meanwhile, the $304 million UN Security Council decision to send more than 6,000 peacekeepers in by the beginning of April hit a slight snag. The Angolan contingent (ever sensitive to revolutionaries) has yet to work out to their satisfaction a plan so that neither government or rebels benefit from their deployment. - Adam Geibel
March 25, 2004 The anti-government demonstration went ahead in the commercial capital (Abidjan), and was met with force by the police. At least two dozen people were killed. Among the dead were two policemen, and twelve civilians killed by demonstrators armed with machetes. March 26, 2004 The power-sharing government collapsed as rebels and the main opposition party pulled out. This was because of 25 people dieing in an anti-government demonstration in the commercial capital (Abidjan) that the government had declared illegal. The rebels and opposition parties said they would continue demonstrating. The government is believed to be just going through the motions of negotiating with the northern rebels, and really wants to marshal enough forces to crush the rebels.
May 1, 2004 Last July's peace deal is stalled. The government apparently is plotting to retake the northern part of the country from the rebels, and the rebels suspect this is the case and are preparing for it. The rebels are also bitter that the 4,000 French peacekeepers did nothing to stop the government troops from firing on demonstrators in the commercial capital (Abidjan) last month. It is thought that several hundred people were killed by government and police during April, as retaliation for the March 25 demonstrations against the government. There are only 1,300 West African peacekeepers in the country, although the force is to grow to 6,240 in the next few months. But the peacekeepers and French troops will operate as separate forces. French and UN diplomats are trying to get the government and rebel leaders to abide by 2003 peace deal, but are not having much success. The northern rebels, who are largely Moslem, are talking about seceding and forming a new country.
May 20, 2004 The government has fired three rebel leaders who had jobs as government ministers. The rebels in the Moslem north claim that the government is hiring foreign mercenaries fro Liberia and Chad for a planned reconquest of the north. This is unlikely, as there are 4,000 French troops and several thousand (of an eventual 6,000) UN peacekeepers in the country. But the government only controls the southern part of the country and reunification is not likely to come without compromise. Neither the government nor the rebels have very effective military forces. Each side has thousands of men with guns and some heavy weapons. But there is no competent military leadership or logistical support system. The national economy has collapsed because the war has halted the lucrative cocoa trade. The southerners expect the UN to disarm the rebels in the north, while the rebels expect the UN to force the government to give northerners a fair share of government jobs and leadership positions. It's common, in Africa, for the tribe of the national leader to get a monopoly on government jobs.
June 8, 2004 Fighters loyal to warlord Ibrahim Coulibaly attacked an army installation, apparently in an attempt to steal weapons. Five soldiers and two civilians were killed, as well as fifteen of the attackers. Another fifteen attackers were captured. Following that, pro-government mobs in the commercial capital (Abidjan attacked foreigners, blaming foreign plots and agents for the unrest in the country. June 10, 2004 Anti-French (and foreigner in general) violence in southern Ivory Coast has led to a widespread call for French troops to leave. The popular belief is that the French are holding the Ivory Coast army back fro sweeping north to put down the rebellion. The army does not appear any more capable to defeating the rebels now than they were a year ago.
June 21, 2004 In the north, a rebel commander fought, and defeated, forces said to be backed by the presidents of Ivory Coast and Guinea. Ivory Coast has basically turned into a patchwork of warlord controlled territories. French and UN peacekeepers try to keep the roads open for foreign relief operations, but otherwise avoid taking sides in the occasional skirmishes between warlord forces.
June 23, 2004 The civil war has been going on since September, 2002, and shows no signs of ending. The rebels in the north are not very united, and the government, which controls the south, cannot muster the military power to defeat the rebels.
July 30, 2004 Negotiations between the government and the rebels concluded with an agreement to give rebel commanders senior government jobs, and restore government control in the north.
August 5, 2004 So far, there is no movement in restoring government control in the north. The problem remains that immigrants, who have entered the northern part of the country in the past few decades, and come to dominate the farming economy up there, are the envy of the less successful native Ivorians. The immigrants are thought to be a majority of the population in the northern part of the country. The immigrants were attracted by available land, and good government in the Ivory Coast. But native born politicians used resentment against the success of the migrants to pass laws allowing the confiscation of many of the farming operations and businesses created by the migrants. Rather than see that happen, the northerners armed themselves and drove out the army and government officials. The current stalemate arises from the fact that most native Ivorians now want to drive our the migrants, but the migrants don't want to give up all they have created and leave.
August 8, 2004 At least ten northern rebels have fled to neighboring Mali, to avoid getting killed by violent factional fighting. UN investigators recently found a mass grave containing the bodies of 99 rebels who lost out in a June battle between northern rebel factions. Other dissident rebels have fled to Burkina Faso. While the government is trying to assemble an effective farming force, the northern rebels have split into warlord dominated factions and are fighting among themselves.
There are 4,000 French peacekeepers in the country, who mainly see that the government and rebel troops do not move into each others territory. There are another 6,200 UN peacekeepers on the way, who will supervise disarming of the rebels and pro-government militias. September 14, 2004 A dozen French soldiers, guarding a bank in the north, broke into the vault and stole $120,000 in local currency. The soldiers were arrested a week later and sent back to France for prosecution. The French were guarding the bank in rebel territory because two other banks had been looted earlier.
September 24, 2004 The 6,000 UN peacekeepers and 4,000 French troops are distrusted by the government and the rebels, feeling that the foreigners favor the other side. Both the government and rebels want all the foreign troops out of the country. This, of course, would allow the civil war to resume. There are national elections scheduled for October, 2005. This is supposed to elect a new government that will be acceptable to everyone. It's uncertain if that will work. The rebellion began two years ago, and was interrupted by French and UN peacekeepers. But the basic economic issues between the northerners and southerners have not been resolved. A 400 kilometer long "cease fire line" keeps government and rebel forces from each other. The main complaint of the southerners is that four million migrants from foreign countries have moved into the north and prospered. But this prosperity is seen achieved at the expense of many of the "native born" southerners. It's all about money and tribal identity among 16 million people in the country.
October 7, 2004 For most of the week, pro-government crowds have demonstrated in front of French peacekeeper barracks. There have been some violence, and the French threaten to round up the demonstration leaders if the pro-government forces don't back off.
October 11, 2004 Rebel and pro-government militias are to begin disarming, and getting paid several hundred dollars per man, on the 15th. However, the pro-government forces show no interest in granting all inhabitants of northern Ivory Coast full citizens rights. This is the root cause of the current unrest, and the northern rebels are aware of it. Many people in the country believe that the disarmament won't work and fighting will resume.
November 4, 2004 The cease fire was broken today with government air raids on rebel bases in the north of the country. There were several dozen casualties, and a rebel controlled TV station was damaged. A resumption of the ground war would be difficult, as there are 6,000 UN peacekeepers, and 4,000 French troops, patrolling the border between government controlled southern Ivory Coast, the the rebel controlled north. But the UN has stopped all humanitarian work in the country until it is clear how much fighting there will be.
November 5, 2004 The UN has warned the Ivory Coast president that he risked unspecified retribution if he continued breaking the cease fire. Meanwhile, pro-government gangs have attacked and destroyed four opposition newspapers in the southern (government controlled) part of the country. The remaining 16 newspapers in the government controlled area are generally pro-government.
November 6, 2004 The government's two newly acquired Su-25 warplanes bombed a French barracks in the rebel held north. Nine French soldiers were killed (along with an American aid worker) and 23 were wounded. In retaliation, French in the south seized the airport outside the commercial capital (Abidjan), where the Ivory Coast air force is based, and destroyed five air force aircraft on the ground (including two Russian made Su-25s and three Mi-24 helicopter gunship). France also announced that it had moved three Mirage F1 fighters from Chad to an airbase in nearby Gabon. This means that the Ivory Coast air force is being encouraged to stay on the ground, or die. There are apparently still two Mi-24 helicopter gunships available to the government, plus some older Alpha jets. The Su- 25s were the most lethal aircraft the government had, however. The Su- 25 is the Russian equivalent of the American A-10 ground attack aircraft. The Su-25 is a 19 ton aircraft with a 30mm cannon and the ability to carry four tons of bombs, rockets and missiles. Russia and other East European countries (or gunrunners) provide these aircraft, including pilots, ground crews and bombs, for those who can pay, and provide a place for the warplanes to operate from.
November 7, 2004 Mobs of pro-government men are forming in the commercial capital (Abidjan) and threatening to retake the airport from French troops. In response, France is sending another 300 troops to help out in the commercial capital (Abidjan). France has some serious problems in Ivory Coast, as 14,000 French citizens live there. Ivorians in the south expected France to help the government defeat the northern rebels. But France has instead urged the government to work out a deal with the rebels. Too many southern politicians were intent on crushing the rebels, and urged mobs of like minded young men to join the army and militias, or just intimidate those who sided with France. There us some fighting in the north, as some government troops or militias have gotten past peacekeeper roadblocks. But France is angry with the government now, and appears ready to take sides by making more attacks on government forces, even if mainly in self defense.
November 8, 2004 France moved more troops into the commercial capital (Abidjan) in order to protect thousands of French, and other foreign, residents. Mobs of nationalistic young men have been burning and looting the homes and businesses of French citizens. The nationalistic southerners blame the French for not helping the government to defeat the northern rebels. Now France has destroyed the Ivory Coast air force and is aiding UN peacekeepers in preventing government troops from entering rebel controlled territory in the north. The tension, and violence, is a result of decades of prosperity in Ivory Coast, and the migration of thousands of people (many of them Moslem) from neighboring countries, to take advantage of the economic boom. This became a growing political issue in the last decade, and led to civil war two years ago. The economy is now in ruins, and the southerners, who are overwhelmingly native Ivorians, see the expulsion of anyone not from a native Ivorian tribe, as the solution to all problems. But many of the "foreigners" have been here for decades and are willing to fight rather than leave.
The government has called off its invasion of the north, and is trying to deal with the French troops taking over the capital (in order to protect foreigners, both African and European).
November 9, 2004 Four days of street violence in the commercial capital (Abidjan) have left at least ten dead and over 300 wounded. Government controlled media has stirred things up by claiming that French troops are attempting to replace the current president Gbagbo. This story has a basis in fact, as France has remained a kingmaker in its former colonies. A combination of generous economic aid, and a willingness to send in troops to prop up a cooperative government, has defined the politics of countries like Ivory Coast since the French colonial governments shut down in the 1960s. Ivorians know that France wants the differences between the government and the rebels settled peacefully. But the people also know that the government refuses to back off from its demand that many of the residents of the north be expelled to the countries they, or their parents or grandparents, migrated from. France will not back ethnic cleansing, but the southerners see this as an essential policy lest the "original Ivorians" lose control of their own country.
People in the West will become aware of Ivory Coast whether they want or not because Ivory Coast produces 1.4 million tons of cocoa a year, and the unrest there has stopped shipments. Cocoa is the raw material for producing chocolate and Ivory Coast produces 40 percent of the world supply. The annual harvest is in progress, mainly in the north of the country. Some 80 percent of the crop is harvested between October and January.
November 10, 2004 Ivory Coast president Laurent Gbagbo, who came to power in 2000 via fraud and demagoguery, is running out of options. He refuses to make peace with the northern rebels, mainly because he has gathered support among southerners by promising to expel migrants (up to several generations back) and make life better for "real Ivorians." The UN and France won't put up with that, and are threatening sanctions (against arms imports) and other restrictions if Gbagbo doesn't come up with another strategy. His current one isn't working. His army cannot overwhelm the 11,000 UN and French peacekeepers, and unleashing mobs of angry civilians in the commercial capital (Abidjan) has only further weakened the economy.
November 11, 2004 The rioting in the commercial capital (Abidjan) has caused several thousand foreigners to flee the country and has destroyed a large portion of the economy in the city. So far, about three dozen people have been killed, and over a thousand wounded. The mobs are looting businesses, factories and even public facilities. As a result, many services, including electrical power in some areas, no longer operate.
November 14, 2004 About a quarter of the 24,000 Westerners in the country have fled, as mobs of nationalists attack and rob any foreigners they can find. There is also a large Lebanese and Arab community (about 100,000 people), and over a thousand of these have fled as well. The mobs believe that the "foreigners" are siding with the northern rebels. However, there are about 60 different ethnic or tribal groups in Ivory Coast. Some of these tribes cover several different countries, making it difficult to tell who is a native of Ivory Coast, and who is not.
Many in the south also fear that France will replace President Gbagbo. In the past, French troops have helped keep leaders of former French colonies in office, and have eased unpopular dictators out as well. But the situation in southern Ivory Coast will require more than a change of government. Tribal and religious violence has been stirred up, and that nastiness is very difficult to put back into the bottle. The French have 5,000 troops in the country, but that is not enough to put down all the violence.
The exodus of the foreigners will cripple commercial activity, as these people either operate, or own, many businesses that are key parts of the economy. President Gbagbo has fired the head of the armed forces, and replaced him with a more hard line fellow. At the moment, the northern rebels are standing aside, and watching as the pro-government southerners destroy their economy, and much infrastructure and other property.
November 16, 2004 The UN has imposed a 13 month arms embargo on Ivory Coast, with the threat of additional embargos on senior Ivorian politicians if the arms embargo does not work. Ivorian officials have already said they will try to get around any embargo.
November 17, 2004 While most of Ivory Coasts new weapons (especially the warplanes) have come from Eastern Europe, at least one UAV was purchased from an Israeli firm. The UAV has been flying over northern Ivory Coast, collecting information on rebel military capabilities. Apparently, Israeli personnel were hired to operate the UAV and run the reconnaissance operation.
November 18, 2004 UN efforts to talk the government out of invading the rebel held north have partially succeeded. The government has stopped the pro-war campaign in the government controlled electronic media. The pro-war radio broadcasts were a major problem in keeping the peace, and this hate filled programming has stopped, for the moment. Many of the broadcasts were directed against France, but some 6,000 French troops in Ivory Coast persuaded the government to change their programming.
November 19, 2004 Over 20,000 Ivorians demonstrated against France, and French troops opened fire, killing and wounding some of the demonstrators.
November 20, 2004 Rebels in the north are now determined to get president Gbagbo out of office. The rebels feel that Gbagbo is the main cause of all the violence, and the recent resumption in the fighting.
November 21, 2004 Four days of violence against French troops the commercial capital, and country's largest city, Abidjan, has left over 600 wounded, and over 60 dead. So far, 8,300 French civilians have fled Ivory Coast, along with a thousand other foreigners and some 13,000 Ivorians. The government is trying to work out a way to go to war against the northern rebels without running into UN and French peacekeepers.
November 27, 2004 Hostility to the UN in the south has gotten so bad that a UN food aid aircraft was fired upon when it landed in the town of Man. Nationalist attitudes in the south blame the French and the UN for the division of the country, playing down the fact that the northerners blame the southerners for the problems.
December 5, 2004 Despite continued tension, the lack of large scale fighting in the last few weeks has encouraged most of the refugees who fled to Liberia, to return home.
December 23, 2004 Tribal violence, over ownership of cocoa growing land, left at least 14 dead in western Ivory Coast. The breakdown of the government has allowed many land disputes to get resolved by tribal vigilantes. The unrest, vigilantes and banditry has encouraged both the government and the rebels to try and make peace.
December 25, 2004 Despite the popularity of resuming the civil war among nationalistic southerners, the parliament has passed a series of laws that resolve most of the nationality problems that anger so many northerners. The civil war began in the 1990s, as southerners, resentful of migrants moving into northern Ivory Coast to supply workers for the booming cocoa industry, tried to restrict who could become a citizen (and participate in politics, either by running for office or voting.)
January 14, 2005 Northern rebels missed the January 6th deadline to disarm, saying they did not trust UN peacekeepers to protect them from government forces.
January 24, 2005 After much negotiation, the UN allowed the government to move four damaged combat aircraft, as the air force attempts to make repairs. The aircraft include one lightly damaged Mi-24 helicopter gunship and a Strike Master ground attack jet that can still fly. Two more severely damaged Su-25 ground attack aircraft are being moved by road, under UN supervision. The UN won't allow the aircraft back into service until the peace deal with the northern rebels is completed.
January 27, 2005 In retaliation for the UN allowing air force aircraft to be repaired, rebels have prevented government owned cotton to be moved out of rebel held areas. The government owns the organization that sells the cotton. The cotton harvest was just completed.
January 30, 2005 Government and rebel forces refuse to complete the terms of the two year old peace agreement. There is a lack of trust. This is stoked by items like a UN report that accuses the president's wife, Simone Gbagbo, of running a death squad that killed nearly a hundred political opponents. President Gbagbo's dirty politics were largely responsible for causing the civil war in the first place. Gbagbo is still in power, and he apparently believes he can use wheeling and dealing with the UN and peacekeepers to defeat the northern rebels.
March 1, 2005 A pro-government militia tried to cross the truce line into rebel held territory. This triggered a battle that left about 30 militiamen dead, and nearly 90 captured.
March 13, 2005 The government isn't saying much, but thousands of pro- government volunteers and militiamen are moving towards the truce line, and the UN and French peacekeepers that guard it. The northern rebels openly say they expect the government forces to try and get past the peacekeepers, and try to conquer the north. The peacekeepers believe they can stop a major movement of government forces north, but cannot prevent small groups from going north and raiding. The government denies any involvement in this. Peace efforts are going nowhere.
March 17, 2005 UN observers accused government park rangers of killing 13 civilians while following orders to clear squatters from a state park. The chaos of the civil war has forced refugees to live wherever they can.
March 24, 2005 Pro-government militias are sneaking past peacekeeper roadblocks to raid pro-rebel villages in the north. The rebels threaten to retaliate if the government doesn't stop the violence.
April 6, 2005 The government has agreed to make peace with the northern rebels, and to disarmament and resolution of existing disputes.
April 13, 2005 A senior army commander was arrested for plotting to overthrow the government. Many Ivorians are not happy with the division of the country, which they blame on rabble rousing by president Gbagbo. April 14, 2005 After five months of boycotting the government, rebel government ministers have resumed working in their government jobs. At the same time, rebel and government negotiations resumed peace talks.
April 16, 2005 While the government, under diplomatic pressure, especially from the UN, has agreed to end the war threats, and make peace with the northern rebels. But president Gbagbo has unleashed forces they may not be able to control. Gbagbo has set native Ivorian tribes against the many immigrants who have moved into the north over the last few generations to help build the cocoa growing industry. This has led to other ancient tribal disputes being revived, and a general sense of unrest. Now, many Ivorians see their country sliding towards the same kind of chaos that recently destroyed Sierra Leone and Liberia.
May 14, 2005 The government and the northern rebels signed a disarmament deal. Beginning on June 27, the rebels, and most of the armed government supporters, will disarm. This operation would include rebels being given government jobs and the differences between northerners and southerners being settled by negotiation and without violence.
May 25, 2005 The agreed upon disarmament got off to a false start when pro-government militiamen showed up and offered only a single AK-47. In other words, they won't disarm.
June 2, 2005 Fighting erupted in the west, near the Liberian border. A Guere village was attacked by Dioula tribesmen. Over a hundred died, and many more were wounded. Nearby Ivory Coast troops refused to intervene, and the killing stopped when UN peacekeepers arrived hours later. The Ivory Coast army is more interested in shaking down travelers along the main roads (where the soldiers establish roadblocks and demand bribes to let people pass.) The two tribes have been fighting over land for a long time.
June 17, 2005 Tribal violence broke out in southeast Ivory Coast.
June 18, 2005 The government has appointed a military governor for the western parts of the country that have suffered from tribal violence lately. The military governor is expected to motivate soldiers to do their job and keep the peace.
June 22, 2005 Violence broke out in the west again, leaving two dead and several wounded.
June 24, 2005 The UN agreed to try and raise 850 more troops and 375 police for peacekeeping operations. France wanted a larger increase in the current 6,200 troops in the peacekeeping force. The violence appears to have been caused by tribal feuds. June 25, 2005 The disarmament, which is supposed to take place starting on the 27th, does not appear ready to happen. Neither side trusts the other, and both sides are split by factional and tribal disputes.
June 29, 2005 Rebels accuse the government of hiring mercenaries from Guinea to attack their positions.
June 30, 2005 UN inspectors found 22 military jeeps at the port of Abidjan. This is a violation of the UN arms (and military equipment) embargo imposed last November.
July 9, 2005 The rebels and the government have agreed to a disarmament schedule, in preparation for the October 15 elections. There have been disarmament schedule agreements before, but they fell apart because of squabbling over details.
July 23, 2005 Unidentified gunmen attacked a prison and police post outside the capital, and killed five policemen. Four of the attackers were killed as well, but over 1,500 prisoners were set free. The government blamed rebels for the attack.
July 26, 2005 The government says the armed men who attacked a prison over the weekend were from Burkina Faso and Mali, two countries that back the rebels. The government captured gunmen from those nations.
July 28, 2005 The Israel and the UN are investigating charges that an Israeli firm exported Israeli weapons to Ivory Coast, in defiance of the UN weapons embargo. UN investigators say they could find no evidence of any combat in the areas the government claimed there was on July 23rd
July 30, 2005 Pro-government militias are chasing down local and foreign journalists and threatening them. This has made it difficult, or impossible, to double check government claims. Peacekeepers believe that some recent attacks on government forces were actually staged by the government, to provide cover for government attacks on rebel positions.
August 1, 2005 At the last minute, the government and rebels refused to proceed with the previously agreed upon disarmament. There are 40,000 rebel and 5,500 pro-government gunmen are supposed to be demobilizing. One of the disputes is over the number of sites for people to assemble for disarming. The government wants no more than 100 sites, while the rebels want at least 140.
August 2, 2005 A Togolese peacekeeper had his cell phone stolen, and was shot, in the capital. This appears to be a robbery, not a political statement.
August 7, 2005 Government forces are increasingly interfering with the movement of peacekeeping forces. Military roadblocks and obviously organized crowds on the roads are the usual methods. The peacekeepers are protesting, but the government claims it has nothing to do with it, and cannot do anything.
August 9, 2005 The rebels have turned down South Africa as a mediator, accusing the South African as being pro-government. The mediation has been going on since last November.
August 15, 2005 The rebel north has few government services, and is basically run by warlords who support themselves, and their gunmen, with smuggling and theft. Roads and other infrastructure are crumbling. The standard of living has declined by nearly half in the north, somewhat less in the government controlled south. Most of the national wealth came from the cocoa production in the north, which is now much diminished by disorder up north.
August 26, 2005 The northern rebels have withdrawn from the mediation process and refused to participate in the October 30 national elections. The rebels believe the international community is really backing the government. The rebels are particularly keen to see president Laurent Gbagbo removed, blaming him for all the trouble in the first place.
August 31, 2005 A UN peacekeeper was stabbed to death in rebel held territory.
September 3, 2005 France accuses the rebels of rearming and recruiting new fighters for their militias. Both sides has agreed, last April, to disarm. But this process did not begin on schedule, or at all. The rebel warlords who run the north are apparently content to leave the nation partitioned. The government in the south is not strong enough to defeat the warlords, and the 6,000 UN peacekeepers, and 4,000 French troops are not willing to remove the rebel gunmen. The rebels are not willing to participate in elections, while the government is. This means that if the elections go forward, the current government will be re-elected and nothing will change.
October 18, 2005: France is investigating a general, who formerly commander peacekeepers in Ivory Coast, about covering up the death of an Ivorian civilian killed by French troops. There have been several incidents of misbehavior by French troops in Ivory Coast, including several soldiers who looted an abandoned bank. There is an increasing amount of banditry and lawlessness in Ivory Coast, and French peacekeepers often administer summary justice to criminals, or suspects, they seize. Usually, the "justice" is a beating, or some other rough treatment. But in some cases, the suspects have died in custody, and this has become a big deal in Ivory Coast, where the French are seen as foreign occupiers by residents of the south (who back expelling many northerners who were born in neighboring countries.) October 23, 2005: President Laurent Gbagbo is the main problem in the current civil war, and refuses to leave office, or give up any power to a prime minister. The rebels refuse to negotiate with any government headed by Gbagbo (who started the war by trying to declare many northern Ivorians "foreigners" three years ago, because they, or their parents, migrated from neighboring countries to ease a worker shortage in the booming cocoa industry up there.) The UN is threatening Gbagbo with sanctions, to little effect. November 2, 2005: Cocoa production has kept going in the Moslem north, but it is lower because of the higher costs of production. Many bribes must be paid to soldiers and warlords, in order for the crop to be moved south, into the Christian south. The warlords are enjoying all this wealth, and are reluctant to give it up without some kind of "compensation." Thus neither president Gbagbo, nor the northern rebels, have any real incentive to change the current situation.
October 24, 2005: President Laurent Gbagbo's term of office has expired, new elections were not held (because he and the rebels could not agree on the details), and Gbagbo insists that he can legally stay in office. The rebels, and many other Ivorians, disagree.
October 28, 2005: NGOs have begun a major media campaign protesting the governments hiring of Liberians for the army. The main NGO complaint is that many of the Liberians hired are teenagers. Of course, teenagers have served in local military organizations for thousands of years, but the NGOs use the "child soldier" angle to bring attention to themselves, and to assist in fund raising. The government is hiring Liberians (including many who have been living in Ivory Coast for many years) because they are considered more loyal to president Gbagbo.
October 30, 2005: In the capital, and elsewhere in the country, thousands of protestors demonstrated against the lack of elections and presidentLaurent Gbagbo extending his rule one year. November 24, 2005: President Gbagbo is so far successful in keeping the UN from forcing a peace deal on the country. Gbagbo is determined to crush the rebels up north, despite the presence of peacekeepers. Gbagbo recently resisted UN pressure to accept a prime minister that was sympathetic to the rebels. Therefore, the situation in Ivory Coast could drag on for years, with the UN wringing its hands, and the government and rebels scheming to develop an edge for the next round of fighting.
November 15, 2005: Despite the UN arms embargo, the government is putting two Russian Su-25 bombers back into service. The aircraft were damaged a year ago, and others destroyed, by a French air attack. That was in retaliation for an Ivory Coast army attack on French troops. The government is bringing in foreign technicians to do the repairs. The UN is not sure if this is a violation of the arms embargo, so for the moment, the government lawyers have won a battle for the revived air force (by not triggering more UN sanctions while the warplanes are repaired). The two Su-25s being restored to service could be decisive weapons against the poorly armed and led rebel forces.
November 17, 2005: Both the government are smuggling in weapons, despite the UN embargo against new weapons. The rebels are getting money by extorting large sums from those working the diamond fields in the rebel territory. The rebels refuse to let the UN inspect the diamond mining areas. The government still controls much of the lucrative cocoa production, and taxes it heavily.
November 24, 2005: President Gbagbo is so far successful in keeping the UN from forcing a peace deal on the country. Gbagbo is determined to crush the rebels up north, despite the presence of peacekeepers. Gbagbo recently resisted UN pressure to accept a prime minister that was sympathetic to the rebels. Therefore, the situation in Ivory Coast could drag on for years, with the UN wringing its hands, and the government and rebels scheming to develop an edge for the next round of fighting.
December 1, 2005: About twenty gunmen, in civilian clothes, attacked a military police barracks in Ivory Coast's largest city Abidjan. The attackers, unidentified, were driven off in the darkness.
December 2, 2005: The deadlock between the government, in the south, and the rebels, in the north, is causing the country to be ruled by warlords and outlaws. Despite pressure from the UN, and the presence of 10,000 peacekeepers, the government and rebels will not agree to a deal to share power. The country is drifting into total social collapse, like so many other countries in Africa. President Gbagbo postponed a promised trip to the rebel stronghold of Bouake. - Adam Geibel
December 16, 2005: The UN has banned the sale of Ivory Coast diamonds. These are mined in the rebel held north of the country. The diamonds are being sold by various factions to buy arms and may gunmen. The UN has also renewed for another year, the arms embargo on Ivory Coast.
January 2, 2006: Two army bases near the southern city of Abidjan were attacked, and looted of weapons and munitions. Ten people were killed, including three soldiers. Later, 32 people were arrested for involvement in the attacks, including three soldiers. The country is seeing the growth of more warlords, and to be a warlord you need weapons. Soldiers are also angry about not getting paid, and willing to use their weapons to get what they want.
January 5, 2006: While a new government has been formed in the last week, and accepted by most factions, there is no end to the civil war. The rebel leaders have become warlords, and the looting of the national wealth is proceeding. The UN is trying to raise money to hire more peacekeepers so that the warlords can be encouraged to disarm. Unfortunately, the country appears stuck in "loot" mode for some time.
January 6, 2006: In the last three months, the rebel held part of the country exported 130,000 tons of cocoa. That's about a third of the national production.
January 7, 2006: The attack on army bases in the capital earlier this month apparently involved several dozen men from Burkina Faso January 16, 2006: In protest to UN recommendations that the parliament be suspended, supporters of president Laurent Gbagbo began rioting in the capital. Gbagbo controls the current parliament, which was elected without representing the northern rebels.
January 17, 2006: Several hundred FPI supporters stormed a UN base, but were driven back with tear gas and troops firing warning shots.
January 18, 2006: The FPI (the ruling party Ivorian Popular Front) is demanding the 10,000 French and African Union (AU) peacekeepers get out. The party leader, president Laurent Gbagbo, will not compromise with the northern rebels, nor will he allow a new parliament, which he does not control, take office. Gbagbo wants to destroy the northern rebels, but does not have the military power to do so. He can't push past the 10,000 peacekeepers either.
January 20, 2006: The leaders of the pro- Gbagbo youth organizations called off the violent anti-UN demonstrations. These riots failed to spur the peacekeepers into using their weapons, and causing a lot of civilian casualties. This, the pro- Gbagbo crowd hoped, would cause the UN to be demoralized and withdraw from the country. The rioters did about two million dollars worth of damage, including looting of NGO compounds they broke into.
January 24, 2006: The UN decided to keep peacekeepers in Ivory Coast until December 15th.
January 25, 2006: The government of Laurent Gbagbo is using the radio stations they control in the south to push an anti-UN/French/foreigner message. Gbagbo believes that he has the military force to conquer the rebellious north. Gbagbo also realizes that the French and UN peacekeepers are too strong for his forces to overcome, so he must find some way to convince the French and UN peacekeepers to leave. The UN is not willing to simply remove Gbagbo, if only because he merely represents the attitudes of many in south Ivory Coast. The result is stalemate, and it will remain stalemate for some time.
January 27, 2006: Because of the anti-UN violence, the UN has pulled a fifth of its 2000 staff out of the country. This will hamper relief efforts, especially since several NGOs have also pulled their staff out. The anti-UN rioters have done a lot of looting, cleaning out food warehouses and aid organization headquarters. The rioters have gone after refugee camps holding 13,000 people from Liberia and other countries. The Ivorians want the refugees out.
January 31, 2006: Fear of more anti-UN violence is driving farm workers, in the west, back to their villages, to defend their families. This is threatening the April Cocoa harvest, and what's left of the economy. Several years of civil disorder has impoverished what used to be one of the most prosperous countries in Africa. The anti-UN groups, who are supporters of president Laurent Gbagbo, have threatened more violence if UN peacekeepers try to reoccupy their bases in western Ivory Coast. The Gbagbo gangs are demanding that the rebels up north disarm, and that the peacekeepers get out of the country.
February 2, 2006: President Laurent Gbagbo's most powerful force is his young gangs, which can mobilize thousands of young men to attack anything from unarmed civilians, to well armed peacekeepers. The UN now says that it will meet force with force, but Gbagbo apparently doesn't believe it. The UN has enough peacekeepers to prevent Gbagbo troops from advancing north, but not to control the pro- Gbagbo gangs. If the UN does not shut down the gangs, the country will slip further into anarchy and poverty.
February 3, 2006: Despite efforts to regulate the "blood diamond" trade, illegal diamond mining in northern Ivory Coast continues, and is a major source of income for the northern rebels. The diamonds are smuggled across the border to Mali, where a network of dealers have well established methods for getting past the diamond industry attempts to stop the sale of "blood diamonds."
February 6, 2006: The UN has moved several hundred of its peacekeepers from Liberia to Ivory Coast, in anticipation of more anti-UN riots. The UN has called for more permanent peacekeepers for Ivory Coast, but is having a hard time getting members to donate money and troops. Meanwhile, in western Ivory Coast, things have quieted down enough for relief organizations have resumed distributing food and other aid.
February 9, 2006: The U.S. placed travel and financial sanctions on three leaders of the "Young Patriots" movement in Ivory Coast. This group is behind the street violence in government controlled Ivory Coast, and openly back (and apparently take orders from) president Gbagbo.
February 11, 2006: The UN has billed the Ivorian government $3.5 million for damages done to UN facilities during last months riots. The UN believes the government instigated and directed the riots.
February 21, 2006: It's now common knowledge that the pro-government mobs of unemployed young men are bought and paid for by the government and pro-government businesses. Free food, and ten dollars a day per man, during active operations (riots and demonstrations) keeps the pro-government youth movement ( "Young Patriots") going. The UN and France have lost patience with president Laurent Gbagbo's tactics and told him to make peace with the rebels, or else.
March 2, 2006: After much pressure from the UN, France and others, rebel and government leaders finally met to try and settle their differences.
March 8, 2006: Rebel leader Guillaume Soro agreed to rejoin the government and move to the capital. The rebels had left the capital in October, 2004, because they feared attack by government forces.
March 10, 2006: For the first time in three years, government employees are returning to the north. The initial civil servants arriving are 13 university professors.
March 15, 2006: Accompanied by a bodyguard of UN peacekeepers, rebel leader Guillaume Soro has arrived from the north, and settled in the capital, to continue peace negotiations.
September 8, 2006: The northern rebels threaten to restart the war if elections are not held next month, as promised. The government did not hold elections last October, when they were first scheduled to take place. The UN agrees that, because of lack of government cooperation, elections cannot be held next month. President Gbagbo wants to destroy the northern rebels, but does not have the military power to do so. He can't push past the 10,000 peacekeepers. However, he can keep delaying new elections until the UN and French give up and withdraw their peacekeepers. Then, Gbagbo apparently believes he can resume the civil war, and win it.
August 15, 2006: The government continues to delay making peace and reuniting the country. The government has stalled the process of issuing ID documents to the 20 percent of the population that does not have them. Also delayed, are the new presidential elections.
September 6, 2006: Suddenly, the government found itself under attacks from a new direction. There were riots in the capital when it was revealed that several tons of toxic waste had been unloaded from a ship last month, and left in local garbage dumps, and near sources of drinking water. As a result, several thousand people were sick from the fumes, and several appear to have died from it. A local firm has contracted to safely dispose of the toxic waste, but just deposited the stuff in garbage dumps around the capital to save money. Such expedient disposal of toxic waste from Europe and the United States is common in Africa. Government officials are easy to bribe, and there plenty of out-of-the-way places to dump the stuff. September 7, 2006: The government (the 32 cabinet ministers) resigned as a result of the toxic waste scandal.
September 16, 2006: Popular anger against the toxic waste dumping led to the formation of a new government. Some of the old ministers were physically attacked, or their homes burned down. The most notable thing about the 130,000 gallons of "toxic waste" was that is was not all that toxic (it was slops, containing petroleum and cleaning chemicals) from the holds of a tanker, that was foul smelling (rotten eggs) because of the presence of hydrogen sulfide. Normally, this stuff if transferred to a treatment facility, which costs several hundred dollars. But there was no such treatment facility in Ivory Coast, although the ship paid a local Ivorian company to take care of the stuff. It was Ivorians who left the stuff in several garbage dumps around the capital. To further complicate matters, the ship owner insists that chemical analysis of fluids remaining in the ship show no presence of hydrogen sulfide. It also appears that most of the illness was the result of panic and hysteria because of the smell from the hydrogen sulfide. This chemical can be dangerous, but only in large quantities. Most of the damage apparently resulted from the smell, media attention and rumors. But given the poor state of government in Ivory Coast, this is not surprising. Corruption and incompetence has created a government that does not work every well at all, and it doesn't take much (like the smell of hydrogen sulfide), to set people off.
September 21, 2006: The UN admitted that the presidential election could not be held by the end of October. The main reason is lack of cooperation by president Gbagbo in registering voters. No one has any idea of when this problem might be cleared up. Officially, the UN mandate for Gbagbo to continue as president, a year after his terms has expired, also ends on October 31.
September 22, 2006: The ruling party in the south has demanded that French peacekeepers leave the country. France ignored this.
September 25, 2006: The president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, arrived to mediate the dispute between the government and the rebels in the north. This won't work because the northern rebels did not accept Mbeki, who was selected by the African Union (where South Africa has a lot of influence.) Mbeki is a personal friend of Ivory Coast president Gbagbo, which was the main reason why the northern rebels rejected this choice.
September 30, 2006: In the north, the economy, and infrastructure, has broken down. The northern rebels are split into a coalition of factions. They are only really united when it comes to dealing with the government in the south. As a result, the water and electricity systems have fallen apart in the north, mainly due to lack of maintenance, and looting of facilities. There is no government in the north to guarantee the safety of water and electricity facilities, or the staff that runs them, so little is done. President Gbagbo knows this, and believes that if he can get the 4,000 French and 7,000 African peacekeepers out of the country, he can reconquer the north and reunite the country. ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States), which has supplied most of African peacekeepers, is opposed to this, as they see Gbagbo as a corrupt despot and the cause of most of the trouble in Ivory Coast. But ECOWAS and the French have to agree to remove Gbagbo and run the country until elections can be held. This would be very difficult, for Gbagbo does have followers who would fight. Gbagbo's basic position, which caused the civil war, is that most of the people in the north, because they are emigrants, or the children of emigrants, are not really citizens of Ivory Coast and should leave. The Ivory Coast armed forces, and pro- Gbagbo militias in the south, are not strong enough to toss out the peacekeepers. And then there's the cost issue. Maintaining 11,000 peacekeepers is expensive, France and the African nations are getting tired of paying for it. Everyone would like the situation to be resolved peacefully, but Gbagbo has made "expulsion of the foreigners" really popular in the south. And the "foreigners" in the north are not willing to go.
March 4, 2007: The government and the rebels sign a peace deal that will make the head of the rebels the prime minister.
April 7, 2007: President Gbagbo names a new government led by former rebel leader Guillaume Soro, who is now the prime minister.
April 16, 2007: French and UN peacekeepers begin dismantling checkpoints which separated government and rebel forces, and divided the country.
June 27, 2007: The last of the hundred or so military and civilian prisoners, held by government and rebels forces, were released, as per the March peace deal.
June 29, 2007: Someone fired a rocket at an aircraft carrying the prime minister, Guillaume Soro. Four people died, but Soro was unharmed.
July 1, 2007: Several arrests were made, of men suspected of carrying out the earlier attack on the prime minister. The men had hidden themselves at the airport, armed with an RPG and AK-47s. They fled after firing at the prime ministers landing aircraft.
July 11, 2007: Despite the four month old peace agreement, the most important steps have not yet been taken. The army and rebel militias have not been reduced in size andintegrated, as per the peace deal. Both sides have six more months to do this, as well as decide who, in the north, is a citizen (and eligible to vote) and who is not, then hold new elections. The issue of which migrants are citizens is what sparked the civil war five years ago and, in theory, the peace deal should make many migrants, or descendents of migrants, voters, and those voters may be sufficient to get the pro-government, and Christian dominated, party out of power. The north is mainly Moslem. The five years of conflict has done much damage to the economy and infrastructure, Unemployment is about 50 percent, andthere are still 700,000 internal refugees (out of a population of 18 million). It's all about money. For decades, migrants from neighboring countries were allowed in to help with the booming cocoa market. But when growth in the cocoa market stalled (and competition from Ghana and Indonesia increased),the Christian southerners sought to expel many of the Moslem migrants in thenorth. Fighting broke out in 2002, but neither side was strong enough to prevail. That is still the situation. There is a peace agreement, but no real progress towards achieving peace.
June 1, 2009: An uneasy truce continues. The north and the south made a deal over money, religion and power, but cannot agree on how, or when, to carry it out. All this is watched over by peacekeepers set up between the factions. A case of peacekeeping creating a situation where there is no war, but no solution to the conflict either.
November 25, 2010: The UN ordered another 500 peacekeepers to Ivory Coast, to reinforce the 8,600 already there.
November 28, 2010: After several years of delays, and much pre-election violence, a national vote to pick the next president was held. There was not as much violence as expected, and the voting was carefully monitored by foreign observers.
December 2, 2010: The Ivory Coast election commission declared Alassane Ouattara the winner of the presidential election.
December 7, 2010: Russia refused to back a UN declaration against self- proclaimed president Gbagbo. Russia is alone in this, and the rest of the major powers believe they can turn Russia around on this.
December 9, 2010: The UN threatened Gbagbo with sanctions, that would force family members in the West back to Ivory Coast, and lead to freezing of assents abroad.
December 18, 2010: Self-proclaimed president Gbagbo ordered all UN and French troops from the country. Both France and the UN called on the army to back the legitimate president, Alassane Ouattara, and refused to back down. France and the UN believe they hold the stronger hand, and that Gbagbo has run out of options, and knows it. Gbagbo has stolen lots of government money, and has homes in many countries.
Pro-Gbagbo security forces have no such guarantees that they will not be punished for their sins. The security forces have been particularly violent against anti-Gbagbo demonstrators, killing or wounding hundreds in the last few weeks. To stop the violence, the pro-Gbagbo police and soldiers have to be made to stand down. That will be difficult to achieve, and in similar situations, the former cops and soldiers either go work for a warlord, or flee and become bandits.
The UN and U.S. have offered Gbagbo an exile free of war-crimes prosecutions, but so far, the offer has not been accepted. Gbagbo has another opportunity to survive all this. Russia has backed Gbagbo, and may be able to cancel the UN peacekeeping mandate, which expires at the end of the year. If the UN troops were withdrawn, Gbagbo believes he could force the French out, and defeat the northern warlords as well. That's a lot of "If's" and may be an If too far.
It's all about money. For decades, migrants from neighboring countries were allowed in to help with the booming cocoa market. But when growth in the cocoa market stalled (and competition from Ghana and Indonesia increased), the Christian southerners sought to expel many of the Moslem migrants in the north. Fighting broke out in 2002, but neither side was strong enough to prevail. That is still the situation. There is a peace agreement, but no real progress towards achieving peace. After three years of delays, with Gbagbo hoping the nations supplying the peacekeepers would get tired of it all and just go, elections were finally held. Gbagbo lost, declared himself the newly elected president anyway, and ordered all foreign troops out. Northern forces are spoiling for a fight, to finish off Gbagbo and his nationalists once and for all.
Gbagbo , under pressure from the UN, eventually signed a power sharing deal in early 2007. This was to allow the economy to rebuild, and national elections to be held. Despite the peace agreement, the most important steps were never completed. The army and rebel militias were not reduced in size and integrated, as per the peace deal. Both sides had less than a year to do this, as well as decide who, in the north, is a citizen (and eligible to vote) and who is not, then hold new elections. The issue of which migrants are citizens is what sparked the civil war in 2002 and, in theory, the peace deal should make many migrants, or descendants of migrants, voters, and those voters may be sufficient to get the pro- government, and Christian dominated, party out of power. The north is mainly Moslem. Five years of conflict had done much damage to the economy and infrastructure. Unemployment was about 50 percent, and there were still 700,000 internal refugees (out of a population of 18 million).
By late 2006 the northern the economy, and infrastructure had broken down. The northern rebels were split into a coalition of factions. They were only really united when it came to dealing with the government in the south. As a result, the water and electricity systems fell apart in the north, mainly due to lack of maintenance, and looting of facilities. There was no government in the north to guarantee the safety of water and electricity facilities, or the staff that runs them, so little was done. President Gbagbo knew this, and believed that if he could get the 4,000 French and 7,000 African peacekeepers out of the country, he could invade and conquer the north and reunite the country. ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States), which supplied most of African peacekeepers, was opposed to that, as they saw Gbagbo as a corrupt despot and the cause of most of the trouble in Ivory Coast. But ECOWAS and the French had to agree to remove Gbagbo and run the country until elections can be held. This would be very difficult, for Gbagbo does have followers who would fight. Gbagbo's basic position, which caused the civil war, is that most of the people in the north, because they are emigrants, or the children of emigrants, are not really citizens of Ivory Coast and should leave. The Ivory Coast armed forces, and pro-Gbagbo militias in the south, were not strong enough to toss out the peacekeepers. And then there's the cost issue. Maintaining 11,000 peacekeepers is expensive, France and the African nations are getting tired of paying for it. Everyone would like the situation to be resolved peacefully, but Gbagbo has made "expulsion of the foreigners" really popular in the south. And the "foreigners" in the north are not willing to go.
For the last eight years, cocoa production continued in the Moslem north, but the exports declined because of the higher costs of production. Many bribes had to be paid to soldiers and warlords, in order for the crop to be moved into the Christian south. The warlords are enjoying all this wealth, and were reluctant to give it up without some kind of "compensation." Thus neither president Gbagbo, nor the northern rebels, have any real incentive to change things. By 2006, the deadlock between the government, in the south, and the rebels, in the north, caused the country to be ruled by warlords and outlaws. Despite pressure from the UN, and the presence of 10,000 peacekeepers, the government and rebels would not agree to a deal to share power. The country was drifting into total social collapse, like so many other countries in Africa.
Efforts to achieve a permanent peace agreement were hampered by a lack of trust. This was stoked by things like a UN report accusing the president's wife, Simone Gbagbo, of running a death squad that killed nearly a hundred political opponents. President Gbagbo's dirty politics were largely responsible for causing the civil war in the first place. Gbagbo was still in power, and he apparently believed he could use wheeling and dealing with the UN and peacekeepers to defeat the northern rebels. Many Ivorians were not happy with the division of the country, which they blamed on rabble rousing president Gbagbo. That's why Gbagbo lost the recent election, and why he continues to break the rules to stay in power.
By the end of 2004, the parliament passed a series of laws that resolved most of the nationality problems that angered so many northerners. The civil strife had begun in the 1990s, as southerners, resentful of migrants moving into the north to supply workers for the booming cocoa industry, tried to restrict who could become a citizen (and participate in politics, either by running for office or voting.) But by 2004, the breakdown of government has led to other problems. It had allowed many land disputes (over valuable cocoa growing fields) to get resolved by tribal vigilantes. The unrest, vigilantes and banditry encouraged both the government and the rebels to try and make peace.
Laurent Gbagbo, who came to power in 2000 via fraud and demagoguery, did not have many options. He refused to make peace with the northern rebels, mainly because he has gathered support among southerners by promising to expel migrants (up to several generations back) and make life better for "real Ivorians." Ivory Coast was the source of 40 percent of the world's cocoa, but most of that activity was in the north, under the control of the "foreigners." The UN and France would not put up with the Gbagbo plan, and threatened sanctions (against arms imports) and other restrictions if Gbagbo doesn't come up with another strategy. His army could not overwhelm the 11,000 UN and French peacekeepers, and unleashing mobs of angry civilians in the commercial capital (Abidjan) only further weakened the economy.
This led to the first round of fighting in 2002. The French sent in troops, to at least prevent escalation, and with UN help, a ceasefire was achieved in 2003. But in late 2004, the ceasefire was broken with government air raids on rebel bases in the north. There were several dozen casualties, and a rebel controlled TV station was damaged. A resumption of the ground war was prevented by 6,000 UN peacekeepers, and 4,000 French troops, patrolling the 400 kilometer long border between government controlled southern Ivory Coast, and the rebel controlled north. The UN stopped all humanitarian work in the country for a while. Southern troops were prevented from going north by peacekeepers, but northerner supporters in the south were attacked. The southerners also hired some Su-25 ground attack aircraft (along with pilots and maintenance personnel) from Belarus, and these were used to attack French troops, killing nine of them. The French retaliated, wiping out the southerner's air force, and creating a rift between the nationalist southerners and France.
A former French colony and the world's top cocoa producer, Ivory Coast was once regarded as a haven of peace and stability, until a 1999 coup that toppled president Henri Konan Bedie. Long considered a peaceful country, that welcomed millions of immigrant workers to sustain a booming economy after its independence from France in 1960, up to 40 percent of the 16 million population is now foreign. The immigrants inflamed political, religious and ethnic frictions between the largely Muslim north and the predominantly Christian south and west. Until his death in 1993, these disputes were kept under control by the country's post- independence president, Felix Houphouet-Boigny. But like Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the ancient ethnic and religious animosities were still there, and were exploited by rival politicians after Houphouet-Boigny was gone. Elections were held and Laurent Gbagbo, a southern nationalist, won. He tried to improve his control of the country by forcing northerners out of the security forces, and have millions of them declared foreigners, and ineligible to vote.
December 19, 2010: Despite a three year long ceasefire, and ample foreign support to hold elections, the country again faces civil war. The presidential elections were held last month, and the northern (rebel) candidate (former prime minister Alassane Ouattara) won. Laurent Gbagbo, who won a legitimate election in 2000, declared the vote a fraud, and had himself declared the winner, with 51 percent of the vote. But the foreign observers and the UN insisted that Ouattara had won with 54 percent.
February 15, 2011: UN sanctions have caused most (and eventually all) foreign banks to be closed, cutting the country off from the international banking system.
February 27, 2011: Three peacekeepers were wounded when ambushed by Gbagbo supporters.
March 1, 2011: President Gbagbo has banned UN and French aircraft from operating in Ivory Coast. The UN and France told Gbagbo they would ignore the order.
March 3, 2011: Two UN attack helicopters arrived, with a third on the way.
March 10, 2011: Gunfire has been heard outside the capital.
France and the UN slowly persuaded Gbagbo and his opponents to stop shooting and agree to an election to decide who is in charge. That didn't turn out too well. Most of the French troops have been replaced by UN peacekeepers.
This led to the first round of fighting in 2002. The French sent in troops, to at least prevent escalation, and with UN help, a ceasefire was achieved in 2003. But in late 2004, the ceasefire was broken with government air raids on rebel bases in the north. There were several dozen casualties, and a rebel controlled TV station was damaged. A resumption of the ground war was prevented by 6,000 UN peacekeepers, and 4,000 French troops, patrolling the 400 kilometer long border between government controlled southern Ivory Coast, and the rebel controlled north. The UN stopped all humanitarian work in the country for a while. Southern troops were prevented from going north by peacekeepers, but northerner supporters in the south were attacked. The southerners also hired some Su-25 ground attack aircraft (along with pilots and maintenance personnel) from Belarus, and these were used to attack French troops, killing nine of them. The French retaliated, wiping out the southerner's air force, and creating a rift between the nationalist southerners and France.
Until his death in 1993, these disputes were kept under control by the country's post-independence president, Felix Houphouet-Boigny. But like Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the ancient ethnic and religious animosities were still there, and were exploited by rival politicians after Houphouet-Boigny was gone. Elections were held and Laurent Gbagbo, a southern nationalist, won. He tried to improve his control of the country by forcing northerners out of the security forces, and have millions of them declared foreigners, and ineligible to vote.
A former French colony and the world's top cocoa producer, Ivory Coast was once regarded as a haven of peace and stability, until a 1999 coup that toppled president Henri Konan Bedie. Long considered a peaceful country, that welcomed millions of immigrant workers to sustain a booming economy after its independence from France in 1960, up to 40 percent of the 16 million population is now foreign. The immigrants inflamed political, religious and ethnic frictions between the largely Muslim north and the predominantly Christian south and west.
Despite a four year long ceasefire, and recent elections foreign observers declared free and fair, Ivory Coast has been sliding once more into civil war. The presidential elections, held four months ago, were won by the northern (rebel) candidate (former prime minister Alassane Ouattara). Laurent Gbagbo, who won a legitimate election in 2000, declared the vote a fraud, and had himself declared the winner, with 51 percent of the vote. But the foreign observers and the UN insisted that Ouattara had won with 54 percent. While Ouattara has the support of most of the people, Gbagbo has the support of most of the people with guns, and those guns are increasingly used against anyone who openly opposes Gbagbo. The UN has condemned Gbagbo, and imposed more and more sanctions. Gbagbo has not been impressed, and no one wants to go in and try to disarm Gbagbo's trigger-happy supporters. If full scale civil war resumes, the deaths could be much higher (the tens of thousands.)
Gbagbo has taken over the foreign banks, but that only enabled him to gram bash on hand. No new money is coming in for him to use for payroll (of civil servants, armed forces and mercenary fighters). The seizures enabled a partial payment on government salaries, but another month of this and there will be no more cash left.
The New Forces and Alassane Ouattara have called for more supporters in the south to make themselves known. This has resulted in more people openly supporting Ouattara, and in retaliation, pro-Gbagbo troops have opened fire several times. There have been more of these incidents in the last two weeks. Ivory Coast has suffered over 400 dead in the last few months, as the loser in last November's election (Gbagbo) disputes that outcome. Actual losses may be 2-3 times higher, because journalists and other investigators are getting shot at. More than 400,000 people have fled the violence, or threat of renewed fighting. The most important export, cocoa, has become increasingly difficult to get out of the country because of the increasing violence. Thus the price of cocoa has hit a 32 year high of over $3,700 a ton. It was not supposed to work out this way.
March 11, 2011: President Gbagbo is broke, with all the foreign banks closed and no access to cash to pay his followers and troops. The AU (African Union) has ratified the election of Alassane Ouattara, while Gbagbo continues to insist Ouattara lost. The northern rebels (calling themselves the New Forces) have begun advancing (without announcing it). Gbagbo is in a difficult position. The UN. already has 9,000 personnel in the country, most of them armed. Another 2,000 peacekeepers are on the way (from Liberia.) The UN 10,000 UN and French peacekeepers have orders to fight only if attacked. Thus Gbagbo's troops stay away from the peacekeepers. But the peacekeepers are also apparently letting New Forces sneak past checkpoints. The peacekeeper "truce line" across the country is not absolute. The roads are blocked, so large numbers of troops cannot move north or south, nor can armored vehicles or artillery. But small units of men, armed with rifles, rocket launchers and machine-guns, and move back and forth. The New Forces are apparently doing this. The troops and gunmen loyal to Gbagbo are poorly armed and not much more numerous than the peacekeeping force. Many of Gbagbo's best gunmen are mercenaries, and the longer the banks are closed, the more of these guys desert. The New Forces are armed and equipped in the same fashion as Gbagbo's men, but have better morale, and growing support in the south. Several southern villages and towns have apparently fallen to the New Forces. Gbagbo is pulling his best fighters back to the capital and large towns. Gbagbo is willing to turn the situation into a nasty civil war, that will mostly devastate the south, where most of his supporters live.
March 12, 2011: Government forces tried to drive armed Ouattarra supporters out of the capital, Abidjan, and failed.
March 15, 2011: Alassane Ouattarr offered Laurent Gbagbo a coalition deal, in which Gbagbo and his followers would have positions in a new national unity government. Gbagbo refused.
March 16, 2011: Government troops used mortars to fire on an Abidjan suburb that had come out for the Republican Forces.
March 19, 2011: President Gbagbo called for his young supporters to join the army, and thousands have turned out to do just that. This has been done before, and many of the recruits are simply given a rifle, quickly shown basic operation of the weapon, and taken off to war. These untrained recruits tend to flee the first time they are fired on, or quickly get killed if they try and fight back. March 21, 2011: The UN told Gbagbo that peacekeepers had spotted the attack helicopter and truck mounted rocket launchers government forces had obtained, and if these weapons were used, peacekeepers would be ordered to come after Gbagbo.
March 22, 2011: Republican Forces have captured another town (Blolequin).
March 23, 2011: ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) met to discuss armed intervention in Ivory Coast. It was agreed that this was too expensive, and might go on for a while. So ECOWAS again criticized Gbagbo and asked him to leave.
March 25, 2011: It's been a particularly bloody week, with over 50 dead and several hundred wounded. This amounts to about ten percent of all the casualties in three months of fighting. A major cause of the increase has been Gbagbo troops using their mortars and machine-guns to fire blindly into areas filled with lots of civilians, and very few Republican Forces gunmen.
March 27, 2011: Republican Forces advanced in three areas. Columns of armed men in vehicles moved into the towns of Duekoue, Bondoukou and Daloa.
Gbagbo is increasingly receptive to some kind of compromise. In other words, he wants a safe way out of the country and a prosecution-free future in someplace where he can spend the fortune he has acquired through over a decade of corrupt rule. Many of his key supporters sense this as well, which explains the uninspired performance of his armed supporters. Another complication is that not all the armed groups fighting Gbagbo are pro- Ouattarr. The UN fears that if the election dispute is not settled soon, the center and southern part of the country could descend into years of factional fighting. That could have an impact on the price of chocolate, which has dropped a bit from its recent record high of $3,700 a ton, to $3,400. Ivory Coast is the source of most of the world's chocolate.
Republican Forces fighters are annoyed that NATO has intervened against a dictator in Libya, but not against the one in Ivory Coast. The difference is that Libya has oil, while Ivory Coast only has most of the world's chocolate. Moreover, the bad guys were winning in Libya, while the bad guys are slowly losing in Ivory Coast. The price of success is steep.
Since the civil war began nine years ago, the rebels have improved their fighting skills, and maintained high morale. The government troops have suffered lots of desertions, more dependence on mercenaries, untrained (but armed) civilians and eroding morale. Gbagbo is seen as corrupt and a demagogue. He gives rousing speeches and steals everything in sight. Most Ivorians are tired of this. Particularly hated is the violence and destruction the armed Gbagbo supporters tend to carry out. As a result of this, nearly a million Ivorians have been forced to flee their homes. Nearly a hundred thousand have fled to neighboring Liberia. There have been several thousand casualties from the post-election fighting. The 11,000 peacekeepers prevent many areas from being fought over, as the peacekeepers literally keep the peace in many areas. For example, Alassane Ouattarr and his staff live in a Abidjan hotel, guarded by UN troops. Elsewhere in the city, Gbagbo occupies the presidential palace, and his supporters use most of the government buildings. Gbagbo's men stay clear of the UN peacekeepers, as attacking these professional troops could bring the UN forces into active combat against the Gbagbo fighters. This would be disastrous for Gbagbo, who depends on fewer than 20,000 armed men to keep him in control of southern Ivory Coast. This combination of professional soldiers and armed volunteers can barely slow down the rebel forces, and would be overwhelmed if the UN peacekeepers joined in the fight.
March 29, 2011: Armed supporters of the winner of last November's election, Alassane Ouattarra, now call themselves the Republican Forces. Incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo still has most of the armed forces, and many armed supporters in the south. But the Republican Forces not only have the moral high ground, they also have better morale. International sanctions against Gbagbo, and the fact that the November election made it clear most Ivorians want Gbagbo out, have given the Republican Forces an edge on the battlefield. Thus the government (Gbagbo) forces are being pushed out of some parts of the capital, Abidjan. Republican Forces are closing in on a key crossroads town (Duekoue) near the Liberian border. Because of the UN arms embargo, Gbagbo depends on this Liberian connection for smuggled ammo and weapons, as well as mercenary gunmen. With Duekoue gone, that access will be severely limited. So far in the last month, the Republican Forces have captured five towns like Duekoue. Government troops put up a fight, but they always lose.
March 30, 2011: Republican Forces roll into Yamoussoukro, the administrative capital (since 1983). Republican Forces immediately departed for Abijan, 240 kilometers to the southwest, the commercial capital (since 1983.) Actually, Abijan still contains many national government bureaucracies, and is the largest city (over 5 million) in the country. Resistance from pro-Gbagbo forces increased between Yamoussoukro and Abijan. Nothing serious, but the Gbagbo loyalists would delay the advancing Republican Forces for several hours at a time, and then flee.
The UN imposed more economic and travel sanctions on Gbagbo and key allies.
March 31, 2011: Republican Forces roll into Abijan, the commercial capital (since 1983). Resistance from pro-Gbagbo forces is light at first, apparently because so many Gbagbo supporters out in the countryside had quietly switched, leaving Gbagbo supporters in Abijan someone blind to who was heading for the city, and how fast. As word got around that the Republican Forces were in the city, general Phillippe Mangou Mangou (the head of the pro-Gbagbo army) took his wife and five children and apparently sought asylum at the South African embassy.
April 1, 2011: Republican forces briefly seized control of the state operated TV network. But within hours, pro-Gbagbo forces had retaken control of the TV facilities.
April 2, 2011: In Abidjan, pro-Gbagbo forces recaptured a bridge leading to the Presidential Palace, making it easier to defend Gbagbo, who is using the palace.
April 3, 2011: French troops took control of the airport at Abidjan, making it easier to evacuate foreign citizens. In Ghana, police have arrested over 70 Gbagbo supporters who crossed the border with their weapons. Ghana does not want armed men crossing the border, and is sending more troops to the frontier area near the ocean. Ghana is the closest foreign territory to Abidjan, where the final battle for control of Ivory Coast will take place. In Abidjan, three days if heavy fighting appeared to end, replaced by occasional gunfire and a lot of movement of troops and supplies.
April 4, 2011: General Phillippe Mangou Mangou (the head of the pro- Gbagbo army) left his asylum and apparently went back to work for Gbagbo. Five days ago, Mangou took his wife and five children and apparently sought asylum at the South African embassy.
Investigators are trying to sort out who did what to who in the western town of Duekoue last week. There, between March 27-9, a force of men armed with guns and machetes, killed over 800 people. The killings took place as the Republican Forces made their way south, encountering little resistance. Between last November's election and March 26, 450-500 people had died in sporadic violence. April 5, 2011: The Republican Forces (armed supporters of the winner of last November's election, Alassane Ouattarr) continue to battle for control of the nation's largest city. In the last 24 hours, the UN has responded to Gbagbo troops firing on civilians by ordering peacekeepers to attack Gbagbo bases and ammunition storage sites. After five days of fighting, there are growing food shortages as trucks avoid areas where there is a lot of gunfire. Incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo still has some of the armed forces defending him, along with some armed supporters from the south, but he is out numbered, cornered and apparently trying to make a deal. Republican Forces are closing in on the presidential palace and government buildings. Gbagbo representatives have been trying to arrange safe and comfortable exile for Gbagbo and his family (some of whom have been seen in neighboring Ghana.) While Gbagbo and his entourage might get away quickly, his much larger number of supporters (especially the ones with weapons) will still be around. The north-south disputes in Ivory Coast will take a lot longer to resolve, and there will be violence.
April 5, 2011: The Republican Forces (armed supporters of the winner of last November's election, Alassane Ouattarr) continue to battle for control of the nation's largest city. In the last 24 hours, the UN has responded to Gbagbo troops firing on civilians by ordering peacekeepers to attack Gbagbo bases and ammunition storage sites. After five days of fighting, there are growing food shortages as trucks avoid areas where there is a lot of gunfire. Incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo still has some of the armed forces defending him, along with some armed supporters from the south, but he is out numbered, cornered and apparently trying to make a deal. Republican Forces are closing in on the presidential palace and government buildings. Gbagbo representatives have been trying to arrange safe and comfortable exile for Gbagbo and his family (some of whom have been seen in neighboring Ghana.) While Gbagbo and his entourage might get away quickly, his much larger number of supporters (especially the ones with weapons) will still be around. The north-south disputes in Ivory Coast will take a lot longer to resolve, and there will be violence.
April 6, 2011: Gbagbo and several hundred of his most reliable troops have retreated to a bunker complex (in his official residence) in Abidjan, while other Gabgbo loyalists fight Republican Forces gunmen throughout Abidjan, and southern Ivory Coast. Republican Forces fighters were forced back when they got to within 200 meters of the Gbagbo residence/headquarters/bunker.
April 7, 2011: The UN deployed peacekeepers around Gbagbo's residence and bunker complex in Abidjan. The UN is trying to persuade Gbagbo to stop fighting. To help that along, peacekeepers have been seizing or destroying heavy weapons and vehicles belonging to Gbagbo loyalists.
April 8, 2011: In Abidjan, pro-Gbagbo forces attacked, and pushed Republican Forces gunmen back from some neighborhoods. But this advance did not last, and the gains were lost over the next 48 hours. This advance by Gbagbo forces included firing on the French embassy. That was decisive in persuading France and the UN to take a more active role in fighting pro-Gbagbo fighters.
April 10, 2011: Pro-Gbagbo troops, dug in around Gbagbo's bunker in Abidjan, continue to fire at areas where UN peacekeepers are stationed. Even the hotel that has served as Alassane Ouattarr's headquarters has come under fire. French and UN armed helicopters have been shooting back. April 11, 2011: French troops, using armored vehicles and armed helicopters, forced Laurent Gbagbo to leave his bunker and surrender. Some kind of deal may have been made, and Gbagbo was placed under house arrest.
April 12, 2011: France announced that its peacekeeping force will be cut from 1,700 to a few hundred troops. A specific date was not mentioned. Five army generals, that had long supported Gbagbo, openly pledged their allegiance to the elected president Alassane Ouattarr. The generals ordered their troops to stop fighting, and the throughout the south, the order was generally obeyed. But there are still over a million refugees, who fled from the Republican Forces as the northerners moved south over the last few weeks. Thousands of the refugees have weapons.
April 13, 2011: While president Laurent Gbagbo has surrendered, many of his armed followers have not. And they have good reason to keep on fighting. As is usually the case when tribes are involved, the northerners and southerners always used ethnic affiliation to sort out "us" and "them". But like in all African countries, there has been migration, with people moving out of their traditional tribal areas over the decades. That can get you killed when the tribes take sides and fight for control of the country. Now Gbagbo's coalition of southern, Christian tribes is on the defensive as the northern, Moslem (and often immigrant) tribes move south to assert their power. The southern diehards set off bombs and snipe at the invaders. The northerners respond by shooting anyone suspected of being hostile. That can mean just a name and accent that indicates a southern tribe too closely allied with Gbagbo, and a (real or imagined) unfriendly look. The attitude is that it's better to kill the guy, before he gets you with a bomb or bullet in the back. This sort of friction has already caused thousands of civilian deaths as the northern Republican Forces moved south. The hostility, and violence, between northerners and southerners will continue for a while. Some southern leaders will try to establish themselves as warlords, although most are expected to get out of Ivory Coast with their lives, families and money. Many have already moved their families, and some other assets, to neighboring, or Western, nations. Some southern leaders brought in mercenary fighters from Liberia, and other African nations. These men are probably fleeing, but will often fight if cornered. The Republican Forces are apt to just kill any foreign mercenaries (real or suspected) they encounter. As the Republican Forces moved south, they were reminded daily that 46 percent of the people voted for Gbagbo during last year's elections.
April 14, 2011: The pro-Ouattara Republican Forces have been renamed the Republican Forces of the Ivory Coast (FRCI). The first task of FRCI is to restore order in the south, particularly Abidjan, and disarm remaining Gbagbo loyalists, and most of the anti-Gbagbo militias that had joined the pro-Ouattarr forces in the last few months. This won't be easy, but it has been helped by most army units switching sides, along with their commanders.
April 17, 2011: The U.S. State Department has warned Americans going to Ivory Coast to pay very close attention to their personal safety, because of the large number of guys with guns still running around.
April 20, 2011: Fighting broke out in Abidjan between the FRCI and pro- Ouattarr militias that refused orders to disarm. There are still hundreds of armed pro-Gbagbo gunmen running around the city.
April 27, 2011: Ibrahim Coulibaly, the leader of a pro-Ouattarr militia, killed himself rather than surrender his force to government troops that surrounded him in his Abidjan stronghold. The government ordered all militias to disarm, but only some of the members were allowed to join the army. Coulibaly, who controlled several thousand armed men at the end, has been a warlord and rebel, often against former allies, since the late 1990s. Ouattarr insisted that Coulibaly disarm, and Coulibaly preferred death instead. Coulibaly and his followers were the most dangerous, and unruly, of six militias that joined forces with Ouattarr to overthrow former president Laurent Gbagbo. Not everyone had the same idea of what would happen after Gbagbo was out of power. Coulibaly, for example, was a longtime rival of the new defense minister Guillaume Soro, and demanded that Ouattarr find someone else run the defense ministry.
April 30, 2011: Most pro-Gbagbo armed groups have agreed to surrender their weapons and stop fighting, in return for security and amnesty.
May 1, 2011: Former president Laurent Gbagbo has accepted his defeat and is now willing to call on his followers to surrender, which he later did on TV.
May 4, 2011: Troops captured the business district from pro-Gbagbo forces, dispersing or killing the rebel fighters.
The country's highest court, the constitutional council (and its several pro- Gbagbo members), proclaimed Alassane Ouattarr the president.
Switzerland has frozen $81.45 million in bank accounts that appear to belong to former president Gbagbo, and were probably stolen.
May 5, 2011: In Abidjan, the last rebel (pro-Gbagbo) stronghold, a naval base in the port area, was captured. There are still pro-Gbagbo gunmen in Abidjan, but they no longer have a base to operate from. The most dangerous of these rebels are Liberian mercenaries, who roam from neighborhood to neighborhood, seeking a safe way out of the city and back to Liberia. With no base, the pro-Gbagbo forces can no longer disrupt life in the city, and traffic is back, as is commercial activity. This has been happening for weeks, neighborhood-by-neighborhood, but now seems to include the entire city.
May 6, 2011: Over a thousand people have died in three months of violence. But the new army, FRCI (Republican Forces of the Ivory Coast) has suppressed most of the individuals and groups that are still armed and dangerous. This is especially true in Abidjan, the largest city in the country and home of a third of the 15 million population. The city is also largely pro-Gbagbo (who did receive 46 percent of the vote in last year's election). Thus Ouattarr has had to make friends of many pro-Gbagbo people and groups. Most of the Gbagbo era military high command have come over to Ouattarr's side, and been accepted. Gbagbo justified being president-for-life by convincing most southerners that the northerners were foreigners (many were, or were the children of those who had come to work in the booming cocoa plantations). But cocoa is the basis of the country's prosperity, and the northern migrants did work that not enough southerners wanted to do.
May 21, 2011: Alassane Ouattara was finally sworn in as president, after winning an election last November, and a civil war.
May 26, 2011: Six weeks after the brief civil war ended, much of the country is still a mess. There are still a million internal refugees. Apparently over 3,000 died in the fighting and civil disorder. The final battles were fought mainly in the south, particularly Abidjan (the largest city in the country and home of a third of the 15 million population). The city is also largely pro-Gbagbo (who did receive 46 percent of the vote in last year's election). There was not a lot of fighting, but there was an enormous amount of looting and destruction. Thus a lot of people are out of work, as well as out of a home. Most of the victims of this economic destruction were Gbagbo supporters.
June 1, 2011: The new government has been formed by president Alassane Ouattara, and it consists of 36 ministers. The senior official is prime Minister Guillaume Soro, who is also defense minister. Ouattara has asked the West for $20 billion in reconstruction aid over the next five years.
The UN is pressuring the government to shut down the pro-Ouattara death squads. That has proved difficult, as these killers are among the most enthusiastic Ouattara supporters. There are a few such killings a week, and the government apparently believes that the violence will decline as most known pro-Gbagbo supporters flee the capital. But the hard core pro-Gbagbo people will still be out there. But in Abidjan, and most of the south, peace has returned.
June 16, 2011: Despite the installation of a new, elected, government last month, violence continues in the south. About 3,000 supporters of both Gbagbo and Ouattara have died since last November, most in the fighting between armed groups. There are still over 400,000 refugees in the country, nearly all of them former supporters of former dictator Laurent Gbagbo. There is still some violence against pro-Gbagbo groups in the south. During the five months after the national elections last November, Gbagbo police and thugs killed anti-Gbagbo people in Abidjan (the largest city in the country and home of a third of the 15 million population). When the armed supporters of Alassane Ouattara (the northerner who won the election) moved south in March, they sought out the most enthusiastic Gbagbo supporters. In some cases, organized and armed Gbagbo supporters sought out the advancing Ouattara men and fought it out. But, just as in the elections, the Gbagbo forces were outnumbered and outfought. While some tribal and religious violence and animosity remains , the war is over.
September 13, 2012: All pro-Gbagbo newspapers have been shut down. The government accuses these news outlets of advocating a resumption of the civil war.
September 21, 2012: Several attacks on soldiers and police near the Ghana border left ten dead (seven of them attackers). The attackers were believed to be supporters of former president Gbagbo and operating from bases across the border in Ghana. In response to this violence the Ghana border crossings were closed.
September 25, 2012: The Ghana border was closed again, after having been opened the day before.
Laurent Gbagbo himself is still imprisoned (in the Netherlands) and waiting prosecution by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.
Laurent Gbagbo's supporters remained organized and served as the official political opposition. But the government believed the southerners were planning a coup or revolution and last month arrests of important southern politicians (who were Gbagbo supporters) began. The arrests continued this month and now we have armed violence returning in the south. There was some violence last month, and it has continued into September.
It's all about money. For decades migrants from neighboring countries were allowed in to help with the booming cocoa business. But when growth in the cocoa industry stalled (and competition from Ghana and Indonesia increased), the Christian southerners sought to expel many of the Moslem migrants in the north. Fighting broke out in 2002, but neither side was strong enough to prevail. That was the situation until last year, when northern forces moved south and deposed Gbagbo by force.
Gbagbo, under pressure from the UN, eventually signed a power sharing deal in early 2007. This was to allow the economy to rebuild and national elections to be held. Despite the peace agreement the most important steps were never completed. The army and rebel militias were not reduced in size and integrated, as per the peace deal. Both sides had less than a year to do this, as well as decide who, in the north, was a citizen (and eligible to vote) and who was not, then hold new elections. The issue of which migrants were citizens is what sparked the civil war in 2002 and, in theory, the peace deal should make many migrants, or descendants of migrants, voters and those voters might be sufficient to get the pro- government, and Christian dominated, party out of power. The north is mainly Moslem. Five years of conflict had done much damage to the economy and infrastructure. Unemployment was about 50 percent and there were still 700,000 internal refugees.
By late 2006, the northern economy and infrastructure had broken down. The northern rebels were split into a coalition of factions. They were only really united when it came to dealing with the government in the south. As a result, the water and electricity systems fell apart in the north, mainly due to lack of maintenance and looting of facilities. There was no government in the north to guarantee the safety of water and electricity facilities, or the staff that runs them, so little was done. President Gbagbo knew this and believed that if he could get the 4,000 French and 7,000 African peacekeepers out of the country he could invade and conquer the north and reunite the country. ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States), which supplied most of the African peacekeepers, was opposed to that, as they saw Gbagbo as a corrupt despot and the cause of most of the trouble in Ivory Coast. But ECOWAS and the French had to agree to remove Gbagbo and run the country until elections could be held. This would be very difficult, for Gbagbo had followers who would fight. Gbagbo's basic position, which caused the civil war, was that most of the people in the north, because they were emigrants or the children of emigrants, were not really citizens of Ivory Coast and should leave. There's one major problem with this. The Ivory Coast armed forces and pro-Gbagbo militias in the south were not strong enough to toss out the peacekeepers. And then there's the cost issue. Maintaining 11,000 peacekeepers was expensive. France and the African nations was getting tired of paying for it. Everyone wanted the situation to be resolved peacefully but Gbagbo had made "expulsion of the foreigners" really popular in the south. And the "foreigners" in the north were not willing to go.
During eight years of de-facto division, cocoa production continued in the Moslem north but the exports declined because of the higher costs of production. Many bribes had to be paid to soldiers and warlords, in order for the crop to be moved into the Christian south. The warlords were enjoying all this wealth and were reluctant to give it up without some kind of "compensation." Thus neither president Gbagbo nor the northern rebels had any real incentive to change things. By 2006, the deadlock between the government, in the south, and the rebels, in the north, caused the country to be ruled by warlords and outlaws. Despite pressure from the UN and the presence of 10,000 peacekeepers, the government and rebels would not agree to a deal to share power. The country was drifting into total social collapse, like so many other countries in Africa.
Former president Gbagbo's dirty politics were largely responsible for causing this mess in the first place. When Gbagbo was still in power he apparently believed he could use wheeling and dealing with the UN and peacekeepers to defeat the northern rebels. Many Ivorians were not happy with the division of the country, which they blamed on rabble rousing president Gbagbo. That attitude led to Gbagbo losing the 2010 election.
Many Gbagbo supporters still have their weapons and their dislike for the northerners. Gbagbo's party, the FPI, is still around and remains active. The country remains divided by tribal and religious differences. President Ouattara has to satisfy demands for justice from his supporters and opponents.
Abidjan is still largely pro-Gbagbo (who did receive 46 percent of the vote in the 2010 election). There was not a lot of fighting in Abidjan last year but there was an enormous amount of looting and destruction. Thus a lot of people are out of work, as well as out of a home. Most of the victims of this economic destruction were Gbagbo supporters and they are still angry.
Over 3,000 died in the civil war that ended two years ago. There are still refugees across the border in Ghana, most of them supporters of former dictator Laurent Gbagbo. There is still tension between Gbagbo supporters and anti-Gbagbo people in Abidjan (the largest city in the country and home of a third of the population). When the armed supporters of Alassane Ouattara (the northerner who won the election) moved south 18 months ago they sought out the most enthusiastic Gbagbo supporters. In some cases, organized and armed Gbagbo supporters sought out the advancing Ouattara men and fought it out. But, just as in the elections, the Gbagbo forces were outnumbered and outfought. Animosity and resentment by Gbagbo loyalists based in Ghana has led to increased violence in southern Ivory Coast. Ghana has sought to shut down the Ivory Coast rebels but has had limited success.
September 27, 2012: Despite the installation of a new, elected government sixteen months ago, violence continues in the south. In the last six weeks about a hundred people have been killed or wounded during attacks on army and police installations in the south. The attackers have been defeated in all cases but it appears that the animosity between the Christian south and Moslem north is reviving in this country of 21 million.
November 30, 2012: The International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued warrants for the arrest of Simone Gbagbo for crimes against humanity. Her husband Laurent is already in custody of the court and awaiting trial. November 30, 2012: The International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued warrants for the arrest of Simone Gbagbo for crimes against humanity. Her husband Laurent is already in custody of the court and awaiting trial.
December 21, 2012: Gunmen attacked police and a power station in Abidjan (the largest city) and killed ten and wounded about six. The attackers were believed to be backers of former president Gbagbo.
Gbagbo himself is still imprisoned (in the Netherlands) and waiting prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for crimes against humanity. That trial is supposed to start in February. That court is trying to extradite Gbagbo’s wife Simone from Ivory Coast but the government wants to prosecute her themselves. The same applies to other corrupt Gbagbo allies.
Since the elections, Gbagbo supporters have remained organized and served as the official political opposition. But the government believes the southerners are planning a coup or revolution and last August arrests of important southern politicians (who were Gbagbo supporters) began. The arrests continued into September and that appears to have triggered the resurgence of armed violence in the south. Except for some attacks earlier this month, the violence has died down. Many of those Gbagbo supporters arrested 3-4 months ago have been released on bail.
Former president Gbagbo's dirty politics were largely responsible for causing this mess in the first place. When Gbagbo was still in power, he apparently believed he could use wheeling and dealing with the UN and peacekeepers to defeat the northern rebels. Many Ivorians were not happy with the division of the country, which they blamed on rabble rousing president Gbagbo. That attitude led to Gbagbo losing the 2010 election.
When the armed supporters of Alassane Ouattara (the northerner who won the election) moved south 21 months ago, they sought out the most enthusiastic Gbagbo supporters. In some cases organized and armed Gbagbo supporters sought out the advancing Ouattara men and fought it out. But, just as in the elections, the Gbagbo forces were outnumbered and outfought.
The new government has brought law and order to the country, even areas in the south with a lot of Gbagbo supporters. There are not believed to be a lot of armed Gbagbo partisans running free and foreign investors appear convinced of that. Government services are being returned to the north, where warlords have ruled for a decade. While the services are appreciated, the taxes to pay for them are not.
There was not a lot of fighting in Abidjan last year but there was an enormous amount of looting and destruction. Thus, a lot of people are out of work, as well as out of a home. Most of the victims of this economic destruction were Gbagbo supporters and they are still angry. Many Gbagbo supporters still have their weapons and their dislike for the northerners. Gbagbo's party, the FPI, is still around and remains active. The country remains divided by tribal and religious differences. President Ouattara has to satisfy demands for justice from his supporters and opponents.
December 26, 2012: Despite the installation of a new elected government 19 months ago, some violence continues in the south. The attackers have been defeated in all cases, but it appears that the animosity between the Christian south and Moslem north is not going away in this country of 21 million. Police have arrested nearly a hundred suspects over the past few months. This was because of an outburst of violence last August and September (during which about a hundred people were killed or wounded during attacks on army and police installations in the south). Abidjan is still largely pro-Gbagbo (who did receive 46 percent of the vote in the 2010 election).
October 25, 2013: IVORY COAST: Ouattara crackdown on illicit gold mining’
AFRICA MINING: President Alassane Ouattara signed a decree on Oct. 18 in order to end illicit gold mining in the country. Interior and security minister Hamed Bakayoko and defence minister Paul Koffi were ordered to deploy security forces in mining areas.
Ivory Coast - Guillaume Soro, from battle dress to business suit’
WAN (June 18, 2013) - Guillaume Soro has played numerous roles on his way up from student politics to rebel leader and then president of the National Assembly. In the space of less than a decade, he has been able to forge wide-ranging and varied contacts in the military, institutional and business spheres, making him a rare specimen in post-Félix Houphouët- Boigny Ivory Coast. In the course of his rapid rise to prominence, the man who is the second highest-ranking person in Côte d’Ivoire’s state hierarchy of at the age of 41 has been constantly accompanied by a handful of collaborators who began their careers at his side. This loyalty reflects the values of the Senufo people to which he belongs but is, above all, part of the strategy adopted by Soro, who is designated by the Ivorian constitution as Alassane Ouattara’s official successor, to gain power. Such “brothers in arms” as Souleymane Koné, Moussa Dosso, Hervé Touré and Issiaka Ouattara today have high-ranking state posts as ministers, military commanders and heads of public institutions. All admire Soro as the man who opposed the doctrine of “Ivorian-ness” and the regimes of Robert Guéï and Laurent Gbagbo. They enable him to exercise his influence in all strategic domains after having been prime minister without interruption from 2007 to 2012. This inner circle has been enlarged by friendships formed during Côte d’Ivoire’s chaotic history over the last 10 years. Apart from the president and first lady, the contact network of the former warlord has been enriched by such personalities as Mustapha Chafi, special adviser to President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso, architect Pierre Fakhoury and a variety of figures from the Rassemblement des Républicains (RDR) party, which Guillaume Soro hopes to lead in the expected contest for the presidency in 2020.
April 14, 2014 - A moment of silence for the victims of April, 2011 in Cote d’Ivoire’
AFRICAN HERITAGE: Everyone remembers those days in early April 2011, and in particular 11 April, when the planes of the ONUCI and the French army bombed all strategic sites in Abidjan including the military camps, the TV station, and the presidential palace, killing thousands, and dragging the president out like a mere bandit. Now, to have just one side of the post-electoral crisis present at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague is simply a farce! To have Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé at the Hague is a farce, when we all know that the violence grew out of a contentious presidential election between two parties. Where are Alassane Ouattara and Guillaume Soro? It is also sad to note that only Africans are being judged at The Hague, when crimes were also committed in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, etc. It’s a moment of silence to all the victims of the post-electoral crisis of Côte d’Ivoire, to all those who stood for their convictions, to all those who believed in casting a peaceful vote, and to all those who believed in their beautiful country, peace to all.
March 18, 2014: IVORY COAST – President awards first of this year’s licences. Presidnt Alassane Ouattara began awarding this year’s first mining licences in Ivory Coast on March 12.
COUNTRY FACT FILE
Location
On south coast of West Africa
Official title of the State
The Republic of Cote D'Ivoire (English)
Republique de la C¨te D’Ivoire (French)
Ivory Coast or Côte D' Ivoire:
Flag description:
Three equal vertical bands of orange (hoist side), white, and green; orange symbolizes the land (savannah) of the north and fertility, white stands for peace and unity, green represents the forests of the south and the hope for a bright future. Note: similar to the flag of Ireland, which is longer and has the colors reversed - green (hoist side), white, and orange; also similar to the flag of Italy, which is green (hoist side), white, and red; design was based on the flag of France.
Neighbours
Liberia, Guinea on W, Mali, Burkinafaso on N, Ghana on E.
Land boundaries; total 3,110 km. Border countries; Burkinafaso 584 km, Ghana 668 km, Guinea 610 km, Liberia 716 km, Mali 532 km.
Local divisions
19 regions and 81 departments
Government type
Republic - semi-presidential
Legislation chamber
Unicameral - National Assembly
Form of State
Republic
Current government operating under a power sharing agreement supervised by international mediators. President is the Chief of State Prime Minister is the Head of Government President is elected for a five year term by popular vote with no term limits. A multi-party transitional government with one legislative house. The National Assembly 225 seats, members are elected by direct popular vote to serve for five-year terms.
Executive branch President Head of Government Cabinet : Separated by chief of State and head of government. President elected by popular vote to serve for five-year terms, eligible for a second term. Head of Government to be appointed by the president with the legislature's approval. Council of Ministers appointed by president, however, under the current power-sharing agreement, the Prime Minister has the power to appoint too.
Former rulers
1960 - 1993 Félix Houphouët-Boigny
1993 - 1999 Aimé Henri Konan Bedie
1999 - 2000 Army General Robert Guéï 2000 - 2011 Laurent Gbagbo
2011 - present Alassane Drammane Ouattara
Judicial chamber
Supreme Court; consists of four chambers, namely Judicial chamber for criminal cases, Audit chamber for financial cases, Constitutional chamber for judicial review, and Administrative chamber for civil cases.
Capital city
Yamoussoukro (politically) Altitude 31 mtrs /102 ft .
Geographic coordinates - 6.49N , 5.17W. A political capital of Cote D'Ivoire since 1983, located 240 km northeast of Abidjan, named after locals Queen Yamousso & the King Kouassi N'Gokro, founded in 1939.
Abidjan (economically) Altitude 215 mtrs.
Geographic coordinates - 5.25N ,4.2W. Remaines commercial and administrative centre, lies on the southeast coast of the country in the gulf of Guinea on the Ebrie Lagoon. Its name derived from Ivorian local dialect "Tchan m'bi djan", meaning for "I am quite a bit busy", it consisted of Grand-Bassam & Binger ville, which are now considered to form a suburb of the current Abidjan city that founded in 1931.
Names of main towns
Bouake, Daloa, Korhogo, Man, Duekoue
Date of independence
August 7,1960.
Religions (Major)
Traditional 50 %, Muslims 15%, Catholic christians 12%. Indigenous 11.9%, None 10.1 %. Note: the majority of foreigners (migratory workers) are Muslim (70%) and Christian (20%).
Main spoken languages
French (official), Bawle, Diowa, Bete are widely spoken. Over sixty native dialects spoken.
Currency unit
Guinean Franc =100 Centimes
Area in Km2 322,463.00
Country area comparison in Africa
28 out of 55 states
Demographic terms:
Average annual population growth rate 2.105 %
Birth rate 31.48 births per 1,000 population
Death rate 10.43 deaths per 1,000 population
Average life expectancy ; 56.19 years
Male 55.27 years ; Female 57.13
Illiteracy rate (%)
Male: 35, Female: 55
Average per capita income
USD 1, 800
Population density
Urban population (%)
55
Contributor groups
Farming, fishing: 28, Industry: 17, Social service: 55
Main Export items
Cocoa, coffee, timber, petroleum products, textiles, cotton, bananas, pineapples, palm-oil, fish.
Economy is based on
Agriculture
Climate
Tropical
Extremes:
Lowest point; Gulf of Guinea 0 mtr Highest point; Mt. Nimba 1,752 mtrs
Weather of the Capital city (Yamoussoukro) average temperature 26.3°c
Altitude: 31 mtrs /102 ft
Hottest Month: February-April 24-32oc
Coldest Month: August 22-28oc
Driest Month January 41 mm average Rf.
Wettest Month June 495 mm average Rf.
Measures
Metric system.
Time zone
GMT/UTC+0
Public holidays
January 1 (New year), May 1 (labour day), August 7, November 1, December 7, 25, All Roman Catholic holidays, All Muslim holiday
Ethnic groups
Baule 25%, Bete 20%, Senufo 15%, Malinke 11%, (over 60 tribes).
Topographic & Environmental concern
Forests cover the W. half of the Country and range from a coastal strip to half way to the N.E. A sparse inland plain leads to low mountains in NW. Côte d'Ivoire has the highest level of biodiversity in West Africa with over 1,200 animal species and 4,700 plant species. The country is, however, struggling with severe deforestation, with only 2 per cent of the country as of 2005 covered with forest. Côte d'Ivoire has also been in the news over a toxic waste dumping saga, which was connected to the deaths of some 15 people and the negative health effects of 100,000 others. Environment: deforestation (most of the country's forests - once the largest in West Africa - have been heavily logged); water pollution from sewage and industrial and agricultural effluents. A UN human rights expert has said there was evidence to suggest the waste belonging to Dutch commodity trading company Trafigura, caused deaths and illness.
Economic Overview
Industry Foodstuffs, beverages, wood-products, oil refining, trucks & buses assembly, textiles, fertilizer, building materials, electricals, commercial ship repair.
Chief crops
Cocoa (40% world's production), coffee, bananas, palm kernels, corn, rice, manioc, sweet potatoes, sugarcane, cotton, rubber trees, timber.
Natural resources
Petroleum, Natural gas, Diamonds, Manganese, Iron ore, Cobalt, Bauxite, Copper, Gold, Nickel, Tantalum, Silica sand, Clay, Cocoa beans, Coffee, Palm oil, Hydropower
Land in use (%)
Arable land: 8
Grassland: 41
Forest woods: 20
Other: 31
Marine:
Coastline; 515 km.
Commercial Sea ports:-
Abidjan (main port), San-Pedro
Development prospect;-
Long-planned infrastructure projects have sparked back into life under the new government, including a highway between Abidjan and the administrative capital Yamoussoukro, and a third bridge over the Ebrié lagoon. The government awarded France's Bouygues the $325m contract for the bridge, which should ease Abidjan's growing congestion. French companies have retained the lion's share of the market despite jostling from the US and India.
All rounds effort to revitalise institutions, and the need to generate an over 60 percent Cocoa based government revenues planned. Both foreign and local investment will be hindered if security remains a problem in Abidjan. Meanwhile, outside of the commercial hub, the government's reach in areas administered by the rebellion is tenuous. The government has not yet dismantled parallel taxation and racketeering networks in the north. At a time of declining appetite for risk, frontier-market watchers have also been sent a negative signal when the government defaulted on a $29m eurobond coupon in late January 2011. Despite tacit approval from the IMF, this second default on the twice-restructured eurobond may hinder future cash-raising efforts on international markets.
Mining is also set to receive a boost. Companies say that gold production capacity will hit 13tn, up from current annual production of 7tn. The mining ministry will also increase the number of mining permits. Oil companies are planning about a dozen new wells over the next two years. Côte d'Ivoire produces around 40,000 barrels per day, but has maritime borders that straddle the Jubilee oil field, thought to contain vast untapped reserves.
Mining supremo: Since coming to power in May 2011, President Alassane Dramane Ouattara has made it a personal point of honour to restore transparency in the extractive industries. He has directly involved himself in management of the sector at the expense of his mines minister, Adama Toungara, and, more generally, the functioning of the mining administration. Prospecting and operating companies have been most affected as they have seen their applications for permits and rights renewals frozen. This has resulted in a negative investment climate which is pushing some discouraged operators to leave the country, as did Canadian gold producer Newmont recently.
“ADO” has a plethora of advisers to take care of the dossiers “sent up” from the mines ministry and thus maintain his control over the sector. The key figure among them is Philippe Serey Eiffel, coordinator of the presidential advisory corps and head of the presidential economic service. He works closely with Daouda Thiam, the natural resources adviser at the presidency. These two, along with Amadou Gon Coulibaly, secretary general at the presidency, and ADO’s brother, Birahima Téné Ouattara, who is minister of presidential affairs, form a quartet on who everything in the Cote d’Ivoire mining sector depends. One result of the all-powerful position of the head of state is that the mines minister, who is above all an oil expert, and his staff serve simply to rubber stamp decisions taken over their heads. This has not, however, prevented Adam Toungara from using his family connections, notably his brother Mamadou Latif Toungara, to build up his own contacts networks.
Unlike Toungara, ADO has been very careful to ensure that none of his family serve as intermediaries for the mining companies. As a result, the Ouattara clan have positioned themselves as messengers of the companies at the mines ministry as a means of avoiding the wrath of the president. This is flattering to Toungara but the minister is nevertheless careful not to encroach on the president’s territory. He has been close to ADO for a long time and owes his appointment to him. The only exception to the rule is the president’s brother, Birahima Téné Ouattara, who, as presidential affairs minister, is a veritable second prime minister who has a say on all matters, including mining questions. Away from the presidential and ministerial power structures, the men at the helm of the private sector mining companies represent another power base, whose allegiance is partly to the former Laurent Gbagbo regime and partly to the new Ouattara regime. Finally, the war lords from the diamond-rich northern party of the country who support Guillaume Soro are still free of central administration interference. Source: ION.