The Making of an African Working Class

THE MAKING OF AN AFRICAN WORKING CLASS THE MAKING OF AN AFRICAN WORKING CLASS PORT ELIZABETH 1925 - 1963 JANET MARY CHERRY THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN JANUARY 1992 Abstract The thesis examines the 'making' of an african working class in Port Elizabeth. It offers an alternative interpretation to conventional histories which emphasize continuity both in the idea of a strong industrial working class, and in a tradition of militant and effective worker organisation. At the same time it posits the idea that there was a working-class movement which developed among Port Elizabeth's african community in the late 1940's and 1950's. Chapter 1 examines population growth in Port Elizabeth, the growth of secondary industry, and employment opportunities for africans. It is argued that limited opportunities for african employment in secondary industry affected the forms of working-class organisation that emerged. Chapter 2 examines the situation of the urban african population in the 1920's and 1930's, looking at factors which influenced its organisation and consciousness. The low wages paid to african workers were not challenged effectively in this period by the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union which had declined by the mid-1 920's, or the Trades and Labour Council which did not organise african workers. However, the permanently urbanised status of the majority of the african population laid the basis for a militant community consciousness. Chapter 3 analyses attempts to organise african workers during the Second World War. It focusses on Wage Board determinations, the first african trade unions formed by the Ballingers and Max Gordon, the organisation of the Council of Non-European Trade Unions and the Trades and Labour Council, and the organisation of railway workers. It is argued that these attempts at organising african labour were largely unsuccessful in building strong industrial unions with an african leadership. Chapter 4 looks at the rise of the 'new unions' in the post-war period, when african workers were drawn into manufacturing on a large scale, and an african working-class leadership began to emerge. The response to this from the state, capital and other trade unions is examined through looking at the struggles of workers in four sectors: stevedoring, laundry, textiles and food. These sectors are contrasted with the tertiary sector where organisation of african workers was weak. Chapter 5 examines the politics of reproduction of the african working class between 1945 and 1960. It looks at changes in the nature of the African National Congress and the Communist Party of South Africa, and at innovative strategies around issues of reproduction. The role of womens organisation and their struggle against the extension of pass laws is highlighted, and it is posited that a working class movement developed in this period. Chapter 6 analyses the application of influx control in Port Elizabeth in the 1950's, and the conflict of interests over the implementation of the labour bureau system. It examines the divisions in the african working class between migrants and non-migrants, and the response of different sections of the working class. Chapter 7 looks at the role of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. It is argued that the integration of point-of-production struggles with community and political struggles was the outcome of the position of african workers in industry combined with strong political organisation in the 'sphere of reproduction'. Changes in the structural position of african workers combined with political repression led to the collapse of this working class movement in the early 1960's. Acknowledgements Thanks firstly to Alan Hirsch, my supervisor, who provided constructive criticism and invaluable direction despite the difficulties of 'long-distance' supervision, and to all at the now-disbanded Economic History Department at UCT, especially [an Phimister for his encouragement. Thanks to all my colleagues who share my interest in the history of Port Elizabeth, and who provided me with information, sources and comments on drafts: especially Glen Adler, Gary Baines, Marian Lacey, Thembeka Orie, Jenny Robinson and Bev Taylor. Thanks also to the 'old guard', who gave me their time, interest and inspiration: Alven Bennie, Gus Coe, Lilly Diedericks, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba and Ray Simons. Thanks to the staff at the Cullinan Library, University of the Witwatersrand and the Jagger Library, University of Cape Town, who were always extremely helpful; and to my mother and Karl Von Holdt, for their hospitality in Cape Town and Johannesburg. Thanks to my father, the University of Cape Town, and the Human Sciences Research Council, without whose financial assistance I would not have been able to complete this research. Lastly, special thanks to Ken Pinchuck, who not only provided his technical and linguistic skill in the production and proof-reading of this thesis, but who also gave unstintingly his time and emotional support. This thesis is dedicated to the workers of Port Elizabeth, a few of whom I have had the privilege to know. TABLE OF CONTENTS page Abstract ii Acknowledgments iv Listoffigures x List of tables x List of abbreviations xi Introduction 1 Notes to introduction 6 Chapter 1. The historically stunted growth of the african working class in Port Elizabeth 7 1.1. Introduction 7 1.2. Population 8 1.3. Industry:characteristics 12 1.3.1. Commercial to industrial capital 12 1.3.2. Dependenceonmanufacturing 13 1.3.3. Qualificationstohighemployment inmanufacturing 14 1.3.4. Structuralchanges withinthemanufacturingsector 15 1.4. Employmentpractices 17 1.4.1. The employment of africans post-1 960 18 1.4.2. Changesinemploymentoverthestudyperiod 20 1.4.3. Employment in themotorindustry 23 1.4.4. The domination by white labour of industrial employment in the preSecond World War years 24 1.4.5. Growth of coloured employment in the 1940's and 1950's 27 1.4.6. Race and skills divisions 28 1.4.7. Gender divisions in industrial employment 32 1.4.8. Employment - summary 34 1.5. DifferenceswithUitenhageandEastLondon 35 1.5.1.Uitenhage 35 1.5.2.EastLondon 37 1.5.3. Conclusion - differences with Uitenhage and East London 38 1.6.Wages 38 1.7. Implicationsforlabourorganisation 40 1.8. Conclusion 42 Notestochapter1 43 Chapter 2. Africans in Port Elizabeth during the 1920's and 1930's Stability, depression and spontaneity 47 2.1. Re-examiningPortElizabeth'slabourhistory 47 2.2. The permanence of the african working class in Port Elizabeth 49 2.3. Labourorganisationin thelate1920's: theend oftheICU 53 2.4. Africanwages andthe cost ofliving: the depression years 54 2.5. The1930's:spontaneityand the Trades and LabourCouncil 56 2.6. Political organisation and community struggles in the 1930's 60 Notes to chapter 2 63 Chapter 3. Initial attempts at african industrial labour organisation The war years, 1939 - 1945 66 3.1. Conflicting claims of industrial unionism 66 3.2. Theearly1940's:competitioninthelabourmovement 68 3.2.1. WageBoarddeterminations 69 3.2.2. A.Z. Tshiwula and the Ballingers: initial organisation 73 3.2.3. Railwayandharbourworkers 75 3.2.4. MaxGordonandtheSAIRR 82 3.2.5. MohammedDesaiandCNETU 85 3.3. Conclusion 89 Notestochapter3 91 Chapter 4. The 'new unions' in the late 1940's and early 1950's 4.1. Thepost-war context in the PEU 95 4.2. TheroleoftheSAT&LCinthelate1940's 96 4.3. Dock workers: the service sector, solidarity, and the emergence of african leadership 100 4.4. The laundry workers' strike: legality, community solidarity, and another tasteofrepression 108 4.5. Food and canning: weakness and expansion - women take control 114 4.6. Textile workers: competing with the IDC and 'homeland' workers 117 4.6.1. InitialstrugglesatFWP,Uitenhagein1948 119 4.6.2. The wool-washerystrike,1948 121 4.6.3. Ongoing struggles with the worsted manufacturers, 1950 - 1954 1224.7. Railwayworkers:an exampleofdefeat 125 4.8. Municipalworkers:thelargestafricanlabourforce 128 4.9. Conclusion: what didthe'newunions'achieve? 133 Notes to chapter 4 134 Chapter 5. 1946 - 1960: The politics of reproduction, pass laws and the role of women 139 5.1. Reproductionstrugglesincontext 139 5.2. Africanwagesandthecostofliving 142 5.3. The politics of reproduction - PE in the late 1 940's 144 5.4. Thebanningofthe CPSAandthetransformationoftheANC 147 5.5. Reproduction struggles and innovative strategies: the politics of the 1950's 149 5.6. Womensorganisationandthepasslaws 153 5.6.1. Women'sroleinreproductionstruggles 153 5.6.2. Women'sresistancetothepasslaws 156 5.6.3. Womens organisation, labour organisation and non-racialism 158 5.6.4. Who were these women? Two short biographies 158 vii 5.7. Conclusion 159 Notes to chapter 5 161 Chapter6. Theimplementation oninfluxcontrol inthe1950's 165 6.1. Theimpactofinfluxcontrol 165 6.2. The PEM and the implementation of influx control 167 6.3. Theimpactofinfluxcontrolonmigrantlabour 169 6.3.1. ProblemswiththeULPP:thecaseofthePEM 169 6.3.2. Migrant workers and the case of the Walmer municipality 171 6.4. Influxcontrolandthelabourneeds ofprivatecapital 172 6.5. Theimplicationsforlabourorganisation 177 Notes to chapter 6 179 Chapter 7. "A little light in the deep night of poverty" The SACTU era, 1955 - 1963 181 7.1. DebatesaroundSACTUandtheCongressAlliance 181 7.2. SACTU inPort Elizabeth 185 7.3. Theestablishedunions:laundry,foodandtextiles 186 7.3.1. TheFoodandCanningWorkersUnion 187 7.3.2. Textiles 190 7.3.3. Laundryworkers 193 7.4. SACTU'sachievementsforworkers 193 7.4.1. Organising the unorganised: the first phase, 1955 - 1959 194 7.4.2. Organising the unorganised: the General Workers Union, 1960 - 1963 196 7.4.3. Sectoral organisation:transport 198 7.4.4. Sectoralorganisation:metalandbuildingworkers 200 7.4.5. The 'poundaday'campaign 201 7.5. Politicalsupportforworkerstruggles 203 7.6. Stayaways 208 7.7. Leadership: integration,militanceandpolitics 214 7.8. ThedeclineofSACTU 217 7.9. Conclusion 219 Notes to chapter 7 222 Conclusion 228 Listofreferences 231 List of fiaures Figure 1.

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