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Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for

1990

The Mexican Immigrant Press Beyond the Boederlands: The Case of El Cosmopolita, 1914-19

Michael M. Smith Oklahoma State University

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Smith, Michael M., "The Mexican Immigrant Press Beyond the Boederlands: The Case of El Cosmopolita, 1914-19" (1990). Great Plains Quarterly. 417. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/417

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THE MEXICAN IMMIGRANT PRESS BEYOND THE BORDERLANDS THE CASE OF EL COSMOPOLITA, 1914,19

MICHAEL M. SMITH

During the first three decades of the twentieth who settled in the Southwest, immigranrs in century, a variety of factors-overpopulation, the Great Plains and Midwest found no recep­ endemic poverty, inflation, stagnant wages, tive Mexican communities or barrios. More than peonage, and, especially, the Mexican Revo­ a thousand miles from home and facing an alien, lution of 191O-drove hundreds of thousands often hostile, environment, they encountered of from their homeland and into the an unfamiliar language, cultural tradition, and . Although most of these migrants legal system. To cushion the shock of migration settled in the contiguous southwestern Ameri­ and to help satisfy their fundamental need for can states, tens of thousands proceeded north community life, Mexicans created their own into the Great Plains and the Midwest, estab­ national institutions. One of the most signifi­ lishing dozens of colonias (settlements) in rail­ cant products of ethnic institutional develop­ road centers, mining camps, industrial districts, ment was the immigrant press. Denied access and agricultural encampments. From 1900 until to information in American newspapers by their the Great Depression, the creation of these cul­ inability to speak or read English, Mexicans tural islands of Mexican immigrants in such depended upon their native tongue for news not places as Oklahoma City, Kansas City, Omaha, only of this country and their adopted com­ , Gary, and Lansing enriched the social munities but also, and more important, of their fabric of those regions of the United States be­ homeland and their own people. yond the borderlands. Unlike their compatriots This study will examine the history, func­ tions, and vicissitudes of El Cosmopolita, pub­ lished in Kansas City between 1914 and 1919. 1 Michael M. Smith is associate professor of history and The four-page weekly is significant for several coordinator of the Latin American Area Studies Program reasons: it was the first newspaper established at Oklahoma State University. He has written several in and for a Mexican community outside the articles about Mexicans in the Great Plains plus The borderlands; its contents offer intriguing in­ Mexicans in Oklahoma (1980). sights into the conditions, attitudes, and dy­ namics of an evolving heartland colonia; and [GPQ 10 (Spring 1990): 71-85] it provides a broader understanding of the role

71 72 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 and ideological tone of the immigrant press dur­ zations, churches with Spanish-speaking ing a critical period in Mexican and Mexican­ Catholic priests or Protestant ministers, and American history. dozens of Mexican-operated businesses. Among these enterprises were several short-lived news­ THE KANSAS CiTY COLONIA papers of which EI Cosmopolita was the most enduring and significant. 3 Between 1900 and 1920, the Kansas City colonia in which EI Cosmopolita arose became FOUNDING EL COSMOPOLITA the first substantial urban concentration of Mexicans outside the Southwest. 2 Kansas City's In , Manuel A. and Juan M. position as a major railway hub made it the Urbina founded EI Cosmopolita as an independ­ principal interior distribution point of Mexican ent weekly newspaper dedicated to "news, en­ workers destined for myriad locations through­ tertainment, and information." The brothers out the Great Plains, Midwest, and elsewhere, were well educated-Manuel attended nearby and its increasingly extensive commercial and William Jewell College-but apparently neither industrial development had attracted approxi­ possessed abundant financial resources. The Ur­ mately ten thousand Mexican immigrants by binas were active in local Mexican affairs and 1920. Initially comprised of solos (transient, un­ during the preceding month had joined several accompanied male laborers under short-term members of the Westside barrio to establish a contracts), immigrants typically held low-sta­ patriotic and mutualist society, the Union Me­ tus, poorly-paid positions in railway transpor­ xicana Benito Juarez. Their announced goals for tation, meatpacking plants, construction the paper coincided closely with those of the projects, and municipal and private services. Union Mexicana Benito Juarez-the promotion They lived in crude boxcar camps, overcrowded of ethnic solidarity and national pride and the residences, unsanitary tenements, and cheap defense of colonia interests. 4 boarding houses. Prevailing cultural and racial Despite its altruistic aims and philosophy, EI attitudes commonly debarred them from certain Cosmopolita was a commercial enterprise de­ residential areas, businesses, churches, munic­ pendent for survival upon subscriptions and ad­ ipal services, and social and recreational facil- ' vertisements. But like the vast majority of ities. Mexicans suffered overt segregation, Spanish-language newspapers of the era, EI Cos­ personal affronts and mistreatment, police ha­ mopolita was not a profitable endeavor and prob­ rassment, judicial inequities, and crass exploi­ ably operated at a loss throughout its half decade tation by Anglos and their own countrymen. of existence. 5 Many of its potential readers were After 1913, the unremitting violence of rev­ illiterate even in Spanish, and it is unlikely that olutionary upheaval and attendant social and the profits of local Mexican businesses were suf­ economic dislocations forced many Mexicans ficient to generate the needed advertising rev­ to remain in Kansas City for extended periods enue. The Urbinas struggled unsuccessfully to of time, but the circumstances of their daily keep the paper operating, and in December they existence only served to strengthen their at­ were forced to sell out to their business manager, tachment and loyalty to their native land. Im­ Manuel P. Martinez. Martinez, however, could migrants persisted in considering themselves not surmount the financial difficulties. In Feb­ Mexican nationals, seldom learned English, re­ ruary 1915, he sold EICosmopolita to three Kan­ sisted overtures to "Americanize," and refused sas City Anglos, who formed El Cosmopolita to become citizens of the United States. Re­ Publishing Company. The new owners prom­ sponding to their physical and social isolation ised to maintain the paper's goals and orien­ from the dominant society, Mexicans created tation and continued to employ Mexicans for their own ethnic institutions, including a num­ its editorial, newswriting, and production staffs. ber of social, patriotic, and mutualista organi- Shortly thereafter, Jack Danciger (fig. 1), a EL COSMOPOLITA 73

Spanish, speaking Anglo entrepreneur and E1 Cosmopo1ita's leading advertiser, became a part' ner in the venture and ultimately acquired sole ownership of the publishing company. 6

JACK DANCIGER Danciger's access to more substantial eco, nomic resources than those available to the pre' vious Mexican owners allowed him to place E1 Cosmopolita on a secure financial footing. He and his several brothers managed a highly suc, cessful family corporation that, in addition to real estate and mineral and petroleum proper' ties, included several enterprises directly tied to the Kansas City colonia and Mexican settle, ments throughout the region and the South, west. The Dancigers' Royal Brewing Company sold beer on both sides of the border; their Har, vest King Distilling Company imported and bottled a variety of Mexican alcoholic bever, ages, which were distributed through Danciger FIG. 1. Jack Danciger, El Cosmopolita. Repro~ duced courtesy of Joseph Regenstein Library, Uni~ Brothers Wholesale Liquor Company; and their versity of Chicago. Bernardo Lopez Mercantile Company imported and marketed a wide assortment of Mexican items. 7 More than likely, the Dancigers ac, General Venustiano Carranza's Constitution~ quired E1 Cosmopolita not as another business alist movement to those of his chief rivals, Fran, investment but as an instrument to control and cisco "Pancho" Villa and Emiliano Zapata. facilitate the promotion of products they sold Under Danciger, however, E1 Cosmopo1ita be' to a predominantly Spanish, speaking clientele. came stridently pro,Constitutionalist, reflect' Danciger improved the paper's technical and ing both his own connections to Carranza and journalistic quality and greatly increased distri, his family and the political affiliation of the bution. By 1918 weekly production reached Mexican editors he employed. In , 9,000 copies, making E1 Cosmopolita the second Danciger had granted Sebastian Car, largest Spanish, language newspaper in the ranza, Jr., nephew of Venustiano Carranza, the United States. Only San Antonio's La Prensa Royal Brewing Company franchise in Eagle Pass, claimed a larger circulation. 8 Although Dan, Texas, and rights to sell the beer throughout ciger continued to publicize colonia activities, northern . 9 At the suggestion of his new he broadened the paper's focus to attract a wider business associate, in August Danciger met national Mexican readership. At the same time, Venustiano Carranza at his headquar, the newspaper became the principal advertising ters and immediately became an ardent convert outlet for the family's Mexican,oriented com' to Constitutionalism. Danciger later used his mercial interests. influence with leading Missouri and Kansas po' Danciger redirected E1 Cosmopolita's ideo, liticos to obtain a meeting with President logical focus as well. While the Urbinas claimed and personally lobbied on be' political independence, they did consistently half of Carranza's recognition by the United support the . Their ac, States. In September Carranza rewarded Dan, counts of the conflict suggest a preference for ciger's support by appointing him Mexican 74 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990

Consul for the Kansas City District, a position Mexico before becoming editor of El Cosmo­ he held until .10 polita in early 1918. 12 It is not possible to as­ It is possible that Danciger also became a certain the impact of El Cosmopolita's pro­ paid publicist for the Constitutionalist govern­ Constitutionalist campaign upon the Mexican ment. Carranza's confidential agents, consuls, community in Kansas City. Members of the co­ and unofficial representatives were engaged in lonia were both socially heterogeneous and po­ an intense effort to curry favor among Mexican litically diverse, and available evidence suggests immigrants, the North American public, and that many Mexicans disagreed with the paper's government officials. They established or sub­ ideological position. 13 sidized Spanish-language newspapers in the By late 1918, Danciger's direct involvement United States and engaged the services of with El Cosmopolita greatly diminished. During American publicists and journalists. Danciger the growth and profitability of the was personally acquainted with George F. Weeks, Danciger Oil and Refining Company and re­ the American who headed the Veracruz office lated investments required his increasing atten­ of the Mexican News Bureau, a propaganda tion. In 1918 the mercantile company was agency that promoted the Constitutionalist cause closed, and Prohibition destroyed the liquor­ in the United States. 11 While there is no ex­ related businesses. With the demise of these plicit evidence that El Cosmopolita received a enterprises, Danciger's commercial relationship subvention, the paper uniformly extolled Car­ with Mexicans largely ended as well. In addi­ ranza and denigrated his adversaries. tion, by that time Carranza had consolidated Although Danciger was frequently listed as his presidency. There were, therefore, no im­ editor of El Cosmopolita and occasionally con­ pelling economic or political reasons to main­ tributed pro-Constitutionalist pieces, he prob­ tain an intimate association with the paper. ably assigned day-to-day management and editorial responsibilities to Mexican associates. THE DEMISE OF EL COSMOPOLITA His duties as vice president of the Harvest King Distillery, vice president of the Danciger Oil Although Danciger retained a financial in­ and Refining Company, general manager of the terest in El Cosmopolita Publishing Company, Bernardo LOpez Mercantile Company, and other by the end of 1918 he relinquished management business interests must have occupied most of of El Cosmopolita to a group of twenty members his time and attention. At least five Mexicans of the colonia, headed by Reverend R. G. Estill, served as editor of El Cosmopolita during the pastor of the Protestant Instituto Crisitiano Me­ time that Danciger maintained his closest ties xicano, located in the heart of the Westside to the paper. All of these men were avid Con­ barrio. Estill served as business manager, and stitutionalists, and two had previous newspaper Rafael Renteria, a Mexican journalist, became experience in Mexico and the United States. managing editor. Proclaiming that "this group Arturo Alcocer (1915-1916) served as Danci­ is not comprised of capitalists" but rather was ger's private secretary in the Kansas City con­ "made up of people of modest means," the new sulate and later held a similar position in the management vowed to improve the moral, ma­ Mexican embassy in Washington. Pedro Fer­ terial, and intellectual conditions of the Mex­ reiro (1916-1917) was chancellor of the Mex­ ican community. The group also established the ican consulate in Kansas City in 1917 and 1918. Cooperative Commercial Trust, an enterprise Miguel Corona Ortiz (1917) had been a jour­ that would provide translating services and legal nalist in Mexico as well as in Laredo and San advice, cash checks, transfer money and parcels Antonio, Texas. Trinidad Meza Salinas (1917) to Mexico, and offer other forms of assistance. had worked on newspapers in Mexico and New They would charge a "just and moral fee" for Mexico, and Carlos Ferreiro, the son of Pedro their services and use a portion of the profits to Ferreiro, was a Constitutionalist functionary in subsidize the newspaper. The offices of El Cos- EL COSMOPOLITA 75

at the Mexican Catholic school in Westside cruelly disciplined their students. Since Mexi~ ~ cans in the colonia were predominately Cath~ 1ii'i""'iiiIi-.:-:---c-I*r ...... olic, such sectarian acrimony probably offended SEPTm.! ElCANOS~Y1YA R Gl.OIIJSO~ DE most potential subscribers and advertisers. 15 iA HIDALGO! In Jul y 1919, J. Barrios de los Rios assumed management of El Cosmopolita. He declared that the paper would enter a "new life" and rejoiced that for the first time in five years it had come under the direct responsibility and management of Mexicans. Barrios decried both the religious sectarianism of the preceding regime and the political partisanship of the Danciger years, but he failed to make the publication a successful enterprise. He was forced to abandon the ven~ ture a month later. 16 Carlos Ferreiro, former editor of El Cosmopolita, was unable to stem its fatal decline. By October, the paper had be~ come little more than a four~page broadsheet of advertisements; it contained little news and few articles. El Cosmopolita expired, quietly and ap~ FIG. 2. El Cosmopolita, 16 . Re~ parently unnoticed, on 15 , with produced courtesy ofJoseph Regenstein Library, Uni~ its two hundred and seventy~fifth issue. versity of Chicago.

EL COSMOPOLITA mopolita and the Commercial Cooperative Trust An examination of El Cosmopolita's content were located in the same building that housed and focus demonstrates that, throughout its five~ the Instituto Cristiano Mexicano. Neither the year existence, its directors consistently en~ newspaper nor the cooperative prospered. Few deavored to: 1) furnish news of immediate in~ local Mexican businesses advertised in El Cos~ terest to the Mexican immigrant, 2) provide a mopolita, and circulation plummeted. 14 variety of important social services to the Kan~ Several factors may account for the new sas City colonia, 3) cultivate an appreciation management's lack of success. Their capital re~ for esthetic pursuits and encourage self~im~ sources were probably minimal from the outset, provement, 4) promote ethnic solidarity and and the subsidy from the cooperative venture national pride,S) defend the interests of the never materialized. It appears, however, that El Mexican population of Kansas City and the sur~ Cosmopolita's decline and diminished appeal can rounding area, and 6) support the Mexican Rev~ be traced principally to its management's de~ olution, particularly the leaders, principles, and cidedly anti~Catholic position. Scathing edi~ goals of the Constitutionalist movement. The torials criticized the traditional role of the remainder of this essay will analyze each of these Catholic Church in Mexico and charged that principal functions. priests had always served the interests of an oppressive conservative elite. They ridiculed the A PAPER FOR MEXICANS Catholic clergy in Kansas City, declared that priests discouraged Mexican children from at~ The editors of El Cosmopolita uniformly pro~ tending public schools "because they [were] moted the publication as a Mexican newspa~ Protestant," and alleged that nuns and the priest per-"the only Mexican newspaper published 76 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 north of Texas"-and considered Mexican im, SOCIAL SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY migrants their primary audience. In this respect, EI Cosmopolita reflected the concept of "Mexico El Cosmopolita provided a wide variety of de afuera" (Mexico outside Mexico) and was social services for the Kansas City colonia. dedicated to serving a group that resided only Community leaders used the paper as a forum temporarily outside the fatherland. As a result, to announce myriad activities such as the fiestas news coverage focused largely upon Mexico, patrias, meetings of patriotic and social orga, while local and national news not directly af, nizations, religious services, charity bazaars, fecting the lives of Mexicans in the United States concerts, and poetry readings. EI Cosmopolita's was minimal. An analysis of El Cosmopolita's management sponsored or publicized fund,rais, content shows that principal concerns, in de, ing drives to aid needy families. They main, scending order of importance, were Mexican tained a "Department of Assistance," which affairs (mainly political events and military supplied free legal and translation services to campaigns); news related to Mexicans in Kansas help subscribers make bank deposits, cash City and elsewhere in the United States; Mex, checks, send money orders, and obtain back pay ican and Hispanic culture, history, and litera, or compensation for work, related injuries. ture; and United States,Mexican relations. In Through EI Cosmopolita's "Personal" column, this regard, EI Cosmopolita conformed to the lonely hearts sought companionship, shy suitors orientation of the Mexican immigrant press in expressed their affection, furtive lovers planned general. 17 elopement, and estranged mates sought rec, onciliation. Revealing the personal heartbreak and tragedy of the era, an "Inquiries" section contained pleas for information about individ, . --_. uals whose relatives had been killed in the rev, olution, sons long absent, brothers separated for years, or runaway teenage daughters. Since Kansas City was a major labor distri, but ion center, announcements concerning job opportunities were of particular interest to its working class readers. Through company,paid advertisements and an "Employment Section," EI Cosmopolita reported positions-typically in railroad construction, track maintenance, pub, lic works construction, and agriculture-avail, able throughout the United States. The ads often detailed not only the type and location of work but also the wage scales, conditions of employ, ment, and designated labor agents. Another important service of EI Cosmopolita was the publicizing of dozens of commercial en, terprises owned or operated by Mexicans for a Mexican clientele. Rooming houses, hotels, pool halls, restaurants, barbers, painters, musicians, linguists, and many others reached their cus, tomers through its classified section. The ad,

FIG. 3. El Cosmopolita, 18 . Re, vertisements and announcements of casas de produced courtesy ofjoseph Regenstein Library, Uni, cambio (banking and money exchange compa, versity of Chicago. nies) which arranged for the international EL COSMOPOLITA 77 transfer of funds were especially important since colonia. many colonia residents regularly sent money to One of El Cosmopolita's recurring themes was support family members in Mexico. the utility of education as a means of self-im­ Furthermore, editors announced and inter­ provement. The editors maintained that the preted confusing or complicated local ordi­ major cause of the Mexicans' low-status em­ nances, state regulations, and national laws. ployment, poverty, susceptibility to fraud and They warned against violating statutes con­ abuse, and negative stereotypical image lay cerning the transportation or consumption of largely in a single defect-the average immi­ alcoholic beverages and those prohibiting the grant's lack of education. In both news stories carrying of firearms or other dangerous weap­ and editorials, writers stressed the need to cap­ ons. They regularly reported changes in United italize upon the educational opportunities avail­ States and Mexican immigration laws or federal able to the immigrant and his family. Children tax regulations. After the United States entered should attend school and acquire useful business World War I, the editor of El Cosmopolita ex­ and technical skills. Editors emphasized that plained to alarmed Mexican males that al­ many of the immigrants' problems resulted from though they. must comply with military their own ignorance of the language, laws, and registration requirements, they would not for­ customs of this country. They also complained feit their Mexican citizenship nor would they that too many Mexicans wasted their time and be forced to serve in the United States armed money in pool halls, cantinas, and other centers forces. When, in fact, local authorities arrested of vice when they should have been trying to approximately two hundred Mexicans who had improve themselves. Editors advised Mexicans not registered and sent them to military training to attend night schools offering special classes camps, representatives of El Cosmopolita helped in English, civics, and practical education to secure their release. IS ease their adjustment to the United States. They could then take advantage of new opportunities ESTHETICS AND SELF-IMPROVEMENT and obtain better employment. 19 Many of these recommendations parallel the The directors of El Cosmopolita actively sought ideas and programs of contemporary Progres­ to cultivate an appreciation for esthetic pursuits sives throughout the United States. By pro­ and promote self-improvement. The weekly is­ moting "Americanization" and acculturation, sues routinely contained a page devoted to "Lit­ Progressives hoped to transform immigrant erature and Entertainment," and editors groups into productive United States citizens. encouraged readers to submit stories, articles, At no time, however, did El Cosmopolita's ed­ poems, and songs for publication. The principal itors encourage assimilation or naturalization. feature of this page was poetry, frequently that They never suggested that Mexicans abandon of local authors but most commonly works of their loyalty to Mexico or renounce their na­ well-known Mexicans such as Amado Nervo, tionality. One writer ruefully noted that the Ignacio Ramirez, Manuel Gutierrez Najera, and discrimination, prejudice, and abuse to which Luis Gonzales Urbina. Also included were brief Mexicans were subjected did not constitute at­ literary pieces and poems by important inter­ tractive inducements to become citizens. 20 national writers including Ruben Dario, Jose Santos Chocano, Leo Tolstoy, and Victor Hugo. ETHNIC SOLIDARITY AND NATIONAL Short historical items, such as an account of PRIDE the founding of T enochtitlan or biographical sketches of Mexican national heroes, were pop­ A common motif throughout the pages of El ular inclusions. In a lighter vein, El Cosmopolita Cosmopolita was that Mexicans were in this printed jokes, humorous stories, and satirical country only temporarily and that ultimately commentaries on affairs or personalities in the they would return to Mexico, where they would 78 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 apply their strength and energy to help recon, struct the nation and exploit its resources for :-..:.-~ ~~ --- EL coSMOPOii8 _ , _ TA':-;=~'-:-!:.: the benefit of its citizens. Editors noted that ...... ~ although more than a million immigrants had Extra EXTRA Extra left Mexico, they still carried in their hearts an a GOBIERNO COHSmuCIONAUSTA ES RECONOCIOO intense desire to return to the patria. Mexicans suffered many travails in the United States, yet even the coarsest workers were transformed by their experiences. Realizing their lack of edu, cation, many had taught themselves to read and write. They had acquired new skills and, per' haps, a new consciousness. In the future, these same Mexicans would increase the productivity, enhance the progress, and contribute to the prosperity of the homeland. Returning immi, grants would "carry the light" and teach others so that Mexico could reap the fruits of their knowledge and labor. 21 EI Cosmopolita heightened such patriotic sen' timents through the promotion of ethnic soli, darity and national pride. Editors exhorted Mexicans to forget class and social distinctions, FIG. 4. El Cosmopolita, 11 . Repro, duced courtesy of Joseph Regenstein Library, Uni­ ignore political differences, and work together versity of Chicago. for the common good by establishing mutualis, tas, labor agencies, commercial cooperatives, and savings unions. They carefully noted the creation of such organizations as the Uni6n Me, goals espoused by all groups that controlled El xicana Benito Juarez, National Benevolent So' Cosmopolita; it also reflects the programs of co' ciety, Club Mexicano, and Club Recreativo. The . Ionia organizations such as the Uni6n Mexicana paper encouraged readers to become members, Benito Juarez. Although there does not appear extensively publicized meetings, printed sched, to be an official connection between El Cos' ules, and summarized association activities. To mopolita and any of the various national soci, engender a more positive image of Mexicans, eties, editorial positions echoed the sentiments editors of El Cosmopolita urged readers to avoid of the elite that led such groups; editors of El behavior that confirmed negative stereotypes. Cosmopolita formed part of that elite. Thus, while They admonished Mexicans to work hard, obey colonia leaders sought to promote the idea that the law, and generally deport themselves in a Mexicans were an educated, cultured, and law manner that brought honor and respect to abiding people, they also condemned actions themselves and to Mexico. News stories re, that belied that image and diminished their own porting colonia assaults, murders, drunkenness, status in the eyes of the Anglo majority. or sexual misbehavior frequently editorialized El Cosmopolita promoted pride in a common that the misdeeds of a few reflected poorly upon Mexican heritage through extensive exploita, all Mexicans. Writers often demanded that the tion of national symbols and concepts. Pictures consul seek deportation of miscreants, partic, of the Mexican flag, patriarchs such as Hidalgo ularly those who preyed upon their own coun, and Morelos (figs. 2 and 3), and revolutionary trymen. 22 leaders Francisco Madero and Venustiano Car, The social prescription of education, hard ranza commonly emblazoned the front page. Ed, work, and lawful behavior is consistent with the itors provided broad coverage of the various EL COSMOPOLITA 79

fiestas patrias commemorating important dates ment. Mexicans complained that their typically in Mexican history such as the Dieciseis de Sep­ dark skin often caused them to suffer indignities tiemhre and Cinco de Mayo and quoted exten­ that local blacks were forced to endure. Mex­ sively from the nationalistic recitations, icans in Kansas City, Missouri, were commonly speeches, and reenactments presented on those assigned to black wards or annexes in hospitals occasions. In addition, the paper contained nu­ and clinics and were buried in segregated ce­ merous editorials extolling patriotic virtues and meteries. Hospital administrators in Kansas City, poems dedicated to nationalistic themes. Kansas, divided darker-complexioned and On occasion, writers condemned actions they lighter-skinned Mexicans between "Negro" and deemed insulting to Mexican national honor. "white" units. When the mayor of Kansas City, In , for example, El Cosmopolita Missouri, announced on 1 that reported that Gabriel M. Hernandez, Honorary the custom would cease in his city, El Cosmo­ Consul of Honduras and Uruguay in Kansas City polita rejoiced that the "inhuman practice" had and professor of Spanish at the local Polytechn­ ended, and in the future "Mexicans [would] be ical Institute, had affronted Mexico and its cit­ treated as white people." The editors promised, izens by removing the national flag from his however, to "work to eliminate the negative classroom. In protest, the staff of El Cosmopolita image of Mexicans. . . and get better treatment spearheaded a letter-writing campaign demand­ from the police and judges. "25 ing that municipal and school officials order The paper often publicized allegations of po­ Hernandez to replace the banner. The paper lice abuse and harassment. In , the later reported that Hernandez had returned the editor firmly endorsed the action of a delegation flag, admitted the insult, and humbly apolo­ of Mexicans who lodged a formal complaint gized for his action. 23 with the Kansas City (Missouri) Police Com­ In a related vein, editorials in El Cosmopolita missioner. The group demanded that he order long decried the poor quality of Spanish lan­ police officers to stop harassing Mexicans along guage instruction in Kansas City high schools. Twenty-Fourth Street, the heart of the West­ After receiving numerous complaints, in 1915 side barrio. Stories in El Cosmopolita supported the paper announced that a six-member com­ their charge that patrolmen accosted Mexicans mittee, headed by noted Mexican educator Gil­ without cause, "frisking, detaining, and arrest­ dardo Aviles, had received permission from the ing them and even molesting men out for a stroll Board of Education to conduct an investigation. with their wives and children." The paper pub­ After visiting four city secondary schools, the licized a similar protest by a group of twenty­ committee reported that teachers were poorly six Mexicans from Herington, Kansas, who al­ trained, could not speak the language, were ig­ leged that local police "illegally broke into their norant of modem pedagogical methods, and used residences in the middle of the night, abused outdated textbooks. A three-year effort to rem­ and ridiculed them, and tried to compel them edy the situation apparently resulted in a num­ to move into a black neighborhood. "26 ber of welcome curricular reforms. 24 El Cosmopolita also publicized complaints that Mexicans received inadequate consideration in judicial actions. They often faced biased mag­ DEFENDING THE IMMIGRANT istrates, were not clearly informed of charges One of El Cosmopolita's most essential func­ against them, and usually had no interpreter or tions was to defend the Mexican immigrant from Spanish-speaking lawyer. Articles condemned discrimination, abuse, and exploitation. Racial examples of prejudicial attitudes and language prejudice and segregation were characteristic of during court proceedings. The paper cited a case Kansas City's ethnic milieu in the early decades in which the judge allowed the lawyer of a man of the twentieth century, and articles in the accused of killing a Mexican to justify a plea of paper frequently decried instances of mistreat- self-defense because "the Mexican possessed the 80 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 inborn desire to murder that is characteristic of tralism to a zealously partisan Constitutionalism his race. "27 (fig. 4). During the years that he controlled El The major employers of Mexicans in Kansas Cosmopolita, virtually every issue contained ar­ City were railroad companies, and stories in El ticles or editorials extolling Carranza and his Cosmopolita repeatedly denounced their treat­ program. The front page featured photographs ment of Mexican workers. The Achison, To­ and biographical sketches of leading carrancista peka, and Santa Fe Railroad was the single largest officials, military officers, and diplomats; news employer of Mexicans, and El Cosmopolita was stories frequently reflected the latest bulletins especially critical of that company. In April from Carranza's propaganda office. As previ­ 1916, the paper condemned the Santa Fe's abuse ously noted, Danciger employed Mexican edi­ of its Mexican employees, declaring that the tors who not only sympathized with Carranza's company considered itself the "owner, body and program but also held positions in the Consti­ soul" of its Mexican workers and treated them tutionalist administration. Even under the Es­ like "caged animals." Workers were urged to till-Renteria group, El Cosmopolita reflected an desert the Santa Fe for jobs with other railroads uncritical acceptance of the new regime. hiring in Kansas City, and the paper highlighted Editorials in El Cosmopolita portrayed Car­ advertisements of competing corporations that ranza as a man who possessed the essential qual­ offered higher wages and better working con­ ities of political leadershirr-high character, ditions. 2s patriotism, serenity, and spirit of justice. He A perusal of El Cosmopolita clearly confirms respected individual liberties, freedom of the its editors' commitment to expose abuses and press, effective suffrage, and workers' rights. His defend colonia interests. Highly editorializing Constitutionalist agenda promised a new social front-page stories detailed the plight of Mexi­ order that would foster material improvement cans who were victims of prejudice, fraud, rob­ and mutual respect among all classes. Writers bery, and callous treatment. Writers condemned exalted the revolutionary Constitution of 1917 enganchandores ("hookers" or labor contractors) as the key to lasting reform. Harmonizing the who exploited Mexican workers and publicized venerable precepts of the Constitution of 1857 the deceptive practices of insurance companies. with the needs and complex problems of mod­ They alerted readers to disreputable casas de em society, the new charter enshrined the pre­ cambio that charged exorbitant fees for their cept of "Mexico for Mexicans" as the basis for services or stole the unsuspecting victim's money national reconstruction. 30 and warned of unscrupulous railroad companies The newspaper lauded Carranza as the or other employers who attracted workers by staunch defender of Mexican honor and integ­ falsifying information about wages, conditions rity against the machinations of internal and of employment, and benefits. 29 external enemies. According to El Cosmopolita, "mindless anti-Constitutionalist military chiefs," Mexican reactionaries, foreign interests, and the SUPPORT FOR THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION "yellow press" posed the most serious threats to Perhaps El Cosmopolita's most striking char­ reform and stability in Mexico. acteristic was its unflagging support of the Mex­ was derided as a puppet of Mexican conserva­ ican Revolution. Although editors decried the tives and American capitalists and character­ relentless violence and selfish intrigues of rival ized as a "bandolero," "traitor," and "caveman military chieftains, they uniformly interpreted whose only logic came from the barrel of a gun." the upheaval as necessary to eradicate the so­ Emiliano Zapata was depicted as "savage" and cial, economic, and political inequities of Por­ "ignorant"; the renowned "Attila of the South" firio Diaz's thirty-five-year dictatorship. In 1915 could not even speak proper Spanish. One ed­ Jack Danciger transformed the paper's ideolog­ itorial charged that Mexican reactionaries de­ ical tone from an initially independent neu- sired to recreate the hated Porfiriato, regain their EL COSMOPOLITA 81 wealth and power, and stifle reform. The author United States and Mexico allowed mutual bor­ condemned these cientfficos for their willingness der crossing by soldiers in pursuit of marauding to sacrifice the nation to their own selfish ends. 31 Indians. Obviously seeking to minimize the se­ El Cosmopolita equally disparaged the "dollar verity of the crisis and to maintain order in the chasing" foreign capitalists who wanted the colonia, editorials counseled patience and tran­ United States to intervene in Mexico, establish quility. El Cosmopolita affirmed that the pres­ an obedient government, and protect their lands, ence of American troops in Mexico was no cause mines, and petroleum. Articles accused the "ig­ for alarm, that Wilson and Carranza would ne­ nominious oilmen of Wall Street" of using their gotiate a mutually satisfactory solution to the money to subvert the loyalty of Mexicans and crisis, and that Mexican citizens in the United financing anti-Constitutionalist military fac­ States had no reason to fear for their safety. tions and murderous bandits. The paper charged Editors warned Mexicans not to be deceived by that the "yellow press" in the United States was the enemies of the patria who encouraged them a tool of both Mexican reactionaries and Amer­ to return to Mexico and combat the American ican interventionists. El Cosmopolita repeatedly invaders. They declared that while it was praise­ excoriated the "venal" Hearst newspaper chain, worthy to fight for an ideal, struggle to extirpate describing it as an "implacable enemy of Mex­ social evils, and defend the homeland when it ico." Countering those Americans who cla­ was in danger, it was likewise criminal and su­ mored for military intervention "to end violence icidal for Mexicans to sacrifice their lives for and restore civilization in Mexico," the editors "some multi-millionaire who only wanted to suggested that the United States first solve its increase his fortune. "34 own problems. To emphasize the point, they El Cosmopolita's editors affirmed that the published scathing editorials decrying the Constitutionalists had established the only le­ lynching of blacks in the American South. 32 gitimate claim to leadership and called for an Danciger's political sympathies and personal end to all violence and recrimination in Mex­ admiration for Woodrow Wilson undeniably ico. Peace, cooperation, and national recon­ muted criticism of the president's handling of struction were of paramount importance. United States-Mexican relations. Despite Wil­ Declaring that allegiance to the nation must son's sanction of the occupation of Veracruz in supercede all other political loyalties, one writer 1914 and hostility towards post-Dfaz regimes, prophesied that in the future there would be he was portrayed as a man sincerely committed only one political party-"the Collaborationist to a policy of peace. An editorial celebrated Party"-to which all Mexicans would belong. Wilson's reelection in 1916 because the presi­ He proposed that the first step toward national dent was "a noble and prudent friend of Mex­ reconciliation be the granting of amnesty to all ico." Although Wilson had committed mistakes oppositionist factions, including expatriated in his policy towards Mexico, such errors "nei­ members of the old regime. Thus, all who truly ther discredited nor diminished his expressions loved Mexico would combine their energy and and demonstrations of good will." El Cosmo­ talent to begin the moral regeneration and ma­ polita blamed the State Department, not Wil­ terial reconstruction of the patria. 35 son, for diplomatic failures in Mexico. 33 Despite the vicissitudes of managerial con­ Sympathetic treatment of Wilson persisted tinuity, financial stability, and ideological ori­ even when he ordered the Punitive Expedition entation, El Cosmopolita maintained a high into Mexico after Pancho Villa raided Colum­ degree of fidelity to its original commitments. bus, New Mexico, in 1916. One article declared The newspaper served as an organ of ethnic that Wilson's decision "did not constitute in­ unity, cultural reinforcement, and national tervention or anything like it." Another ex­ pride. El Cosmopolita furnished news of the im­ plained that the president's action had legal migrant's homeland in his own language, of­ precedent in the nineteenth century, when the fered a multiplicity of social services, contributed 82 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 to the cultural life of the community, and de­ ically published in small towns. They had lim­ fended colonia interests. El Cosmopolita pro­ ited circulation and suffered a high mortality vides insights into the lives of Mexicans in rate. 37 Kansas City during the colonia's formative stage Felix Gutierrez and Richard Griswold del of development and remains a key research tool Castillo offer additional interpretations. Gu­ readily available to scholars interested in the tierrez maintains that southwestern Spanish­ Mexican immigrant population of the area prior language newspapers have played three funda­ to 1920. mental roles. They have served as institutions of social control, as instruments of activism, and as reflections of life. In his study of EL COSMOPOLITA AND THE SPANISH­ borderlands newspapers during the Mexican LANGUAGE PRESS Revolution, Griswold del Castillo demonstrates El Cosmopolita's place in the history of the that the press offers widely divergent examples Spanish-language press in the United States is of philosophical interpretation and political more difficult to ascertain. Despite the fact that support. Some papers consistently opposed the hundreds of Spanish-language newspapers have Revolution and longed for a return of the dic­ been produced in this country, scholars have tatorship. Others held magonista, maderista, largely ignored their contribution to the Mex­ huertista, villista, or carrancista sympathies. Some ican-American experience. A few recent stud­ editors' loyalties fluctuated with the fortunes of ies partially rectify this oversight, but they focus war, while others adamantly refused to make almost entirely on newspapers published in the any ideological commitments whatsoever. 38 A Southwest. No work directly addresses the Mex­ point by point enumeration is unnecessary to ican immigrant press beyond the traditionally­ confirm that El Cosmopolita conforms in many defined Spanish Borderlands. Available studies, respects to models that both Gamio and Parks however, do provide a point of departure. 36 suggest. It is also clear that the paper lends itself Manuel Gamio's classic Mexican Immigration to Gutierrez's main avenues of analysis and to the United States offers a model for the Mex­ broadly fits the roles that he identifies as char­ ican immigrant press. He notes that these pa­ acteristic of the Spanish-language press in the pers were generally short-lived, local in Southwest. And finally, Griswold del Castillo's circulation, and, with the exception of four or essay confirms that El Cosmopolita's ideological five, "reflected the cultural deficiencies of the commitment to the Revolution was not re­ great masses of immigrants and of the Mexican markable. American laborers by whom and for whom this El Cosmopolita deviates from the models in press is made." Gamio states that these news­ several ways. The newspaper's consistently ed­ papers devoted the greatest amount of attention ucated tone, more extensive focus, and wider to political events in Mexico, discussed local circulation distinguished it from the newspapers affairs only as they related to the interests of that Gamio and Park describe. Another salient "La Raza," glorified Mexico, defended Mexi­ distinction was its place of publication-far be­ cans from the abuses of Anglo society, and high­ yond the borderlands. The Kansas City colonia lighted the activities of their national was comprised almost exclusively of immi­ organizations. Robert E. Park's standard, The grants, and it lacked the pre-existing networks Immigrant Press and Its Control, gives little at­ and organizations typical of Mexican-American tention to the "Spanish press," but his views culture in the Southwest. Geography placed the generally coincide with Gamio's. He indicates paper and its audience in a particular context. that the immigrants were mainly concerned with Although its functions were similar to those of problems in their home country and were highly its Southwestern counterparts, El Cosmopolita's nationalistic. He writes that Spanish-language arena of action, immediate concerns, potential papers were "provincial" in character and typ- impact, and image of immigrant life reflect fun- EL COSMOPOLITA 83 damentally different circumstances. provide? What particular problems did specific Perhaps El Cosmopolita's most unusual char­ colonias face, and what role did their newspa­ acteristic was Anglo ownership during much of pers play in their exposure and solution? To its existence. This circumstance clearly tem­ what extent did these papers deal with local pered its role as a voice of the Kansas City and national affairs? Did they oppose or en­ Mexican community. Jack Danciger's influence courage assimilation? What do they reveal about on the paper was apparent in several important intraethnic and interethnic relations? How in­ respects. The strident pro-Constitutionalism of dependent of Anglo influence were they? The El Cosmopolita reflected his own political and study of Spanish-language newspapers such as commercial ties to Venustiano Carranza. Dan­ El Cosmopolita enhances our growing appreci­ ciger's connection to the Democratic party, his ation of Mexican immigration as a national phe­ esteem for Woodrow Wilson, and his desire to nomenon and Mexican-American history as avoid further bloodshed in Mexico explain his highly diverse. minimizing the threat to peace that the Punitive Expedition posed. It is also reflected in the call for Mexicans'to remain patient and calm and NOTES the confident affirmation that the crisis would 1. Unless indicated otherwise, "Kansas City" will be resolved by diplomatic means. refer to the greater metropolitan area, which includes It must be recognized, however, that the var­ both Kansas City, Missouri, and Kansas City, Kan­ ious Mexican editors held carrancista sympathies sas. 2. For the purposes of this paper, "Mexican" will as well. They likely represented the attitude of refer only to persons bom in Mexico. Although there Kansas City Constitutionalists as accurately as was an indeterminable number of U.S.-born persons other pro-Carranza papers reflected similar sen­ of Mexican descent in Kansas City and elsewhere in timents elsewhere. While they probably were the Great Plains and Midwest, evidence clearly in­ less ardent in their regard for Wilson and his dicates that the overwhelming majority prior to 1930 were Mexican-born. "Anglo" is used to identify those Mexican policies than Danciger, they did dis­ people who were neither African American nor Mex­ courage their fellow Mexicans from taking up ican. arms against the United States. Carranza him­ 3. Besides EI Cosmopolita (hereafter cited as EC), self, though he staunchly defended Mexican there were at least two other Spanish-language news­ sovereignty, sought to prevent the crisis from papers established in Kansas City before 1920. In October 1915, EI Mexicano was founded to protest escalating into a war between the two countries. Jack Danciger's appointment as consul. Copies of two Furthermore, both Danciger and his Mexican issues are contained in "Jack Danciger, su expediente associates must have realized that the isolated personal," Expediente 31-17-19, Archivo Hist6rico colonia was in a highly vulnerable position. Na­ de la Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, Mexico, tionalistic, anti-American outbursts promised D. F. (hereafter cited as AHSRE). EI Cosmopolita announced in that Gabriel RUlz had only effective, if not fatal, retaliation from local established La Voz de Mexico, but I have found no authorities and citizenry. extant copies. Sources on Mexicans in the Kansas Many colonias developed outside the South­ City area include Judith Fincher Laird, "Argentine, west during the era of the Mexican Revolution. Kansas: The Evolution of a Mexican-American An examination of newspapers published in Community, 1905-1940" (Ph.D. diss., University of Kansas, 1975); Larry Rutter, "Mexican Americans these localities will broaden our knowledge of in Kansas: A Survey and Social Mobility Study, 1900- the Spanish-language press and teach us much 1970" (M.A. thesis, Kansas State University, 1972); about the communities themselves. El Cosmo­ J. Neale Camlan, Foreign Language Units of Kansas, polita may serve as a model to which we may vol. 1, Historical Atlas and Statistics (Lawrence: Uni­ compare other newspaper5 beyond the border­ versity of Kansas Press, 1962) and his "Foreign Lan­ guage Units of Kansas," vol. 2, Typescript, University lands. Did these publications continue to focus of Kansas Library, Lawrence, Kansas; Robert Op­ on Mexican affairs? What ideological commit­ penheimer, "Acculturation or Assimilation: Mexi­ ments did they reflect? What services did they can Immigrants in Kansas, 1900 to World War II," 84 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990

Western Historical QUilrterly 16 (October 1985): 429- AHSRE, 15-17. 48; Mi~hael M. Smith, "Mexicans in Kansas City: 12. EC, 9 October 1915; 19 ; 8 July The First Generation, 1900-1920," Perspectives in 1916; 3, 10, and 24 February 1917; 5 ; 30 Mexican American Studies 2(1989): 29-57; the "Guad­ ; 23 . alupe Center Collection" in the Missouri Valley Room 13. The paucity of information makes it difficult of the Kansas City (Missouri) Public Library; and to make more than cursory observations about po­ reports of the Kansas City consulate and the personal litical affiliations and activities in Kansas City. EI files of Jack Danciger and of Mexicans residing in Cosmopolita never contained a "Letters to the Editor" Kansas City in the AHSRE. section nor did it print communications of that sort. 4. EC, 22 August 1914; 22 . Beyond brief and scattered references, there is little 5. Robert E. Park, The Immigrant Press and Its data available to measure the community response Control (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, to EI Cosmopolita's pro-Constitutionalist position. EI 1922), pp. 309-24. Mexicano was established in October 1915 to express 6. EC, 26 ; 13 ; 2 opposition to Danciger's appointment as consul, but October 1915. The principal sources of information writers largely attacked his character and qualifica­ on Danciger include Ignacio Richkarday, lack Dan­ tions for the position. While criticizing the manner ciger: His Life and Work, trans. Ann Marie Swenson in which Danciger promoted the Constitutionalist (1963); Danciger's previously cited file in the AHSRE; movement, they never revealed their own specific and EC, 1915-19, passim. political affiliation. See, for example, Manuel A. 7. "Bernardo L6pez" was an alias Danciger used Urbina et al. to Venustiano Carranza, Kansas City, in Kansas City. See EI Mexicano, 6 . Missouri, 11 Septiembre 1914, "Expediente personal 8. N. W. Ayer and Sons, American Newspaper de Pedro F. Osorio," Expediente 4-20-33 (I), AHSRE, AnnUilI and Directory (Philadelphia: N. W. Ayer and 46-47; EI Mexicano, 31 October 1915 and 6 Novem­ Sons Newspaper Advertising Agents, 1918), pp. 1316- ber 1915; and EC, 21 . 17. 14. EC, 25 . 9. EC, 9 October 1915; Richkarday, lack Dan­ 15. EC, 15 and 22 . ciger, pp. 125-28. 16. EC, 21 ; 23 August 1919. 10. Although Danciger never held public office, 17. In order to identify the issues to which EI he was associated with a number of important figures Cosmopolita gave the greatest attention, all editorials in the Democratic party including Kansas City po­ and headlines were read, analyzed, and categorized. litical boss Tom Pendergast; Senator William J. Stone Of the 232 editorials appearing between 1914 and (D.-Mo.), Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations 1919, 40 percent related to Mexican domestic events, Committee; Senator James A. Reed (D.-Mo.); and 16.5 percent to Mexicans in the United States, and Senator William H. Thompson (D.-Kans.). Rich­ 15 percent to U. S. -Mexico relations. Other principal karday, lack Danciger, pp. 130-35, 152-66; Rafael E. topics include Latin America, United States affairs, Muzquiz to Eliseo Arredondo, Mexico, D. F., 24 and World War I. Thirty-five percent of the paper's September 1915, and Jack Danciger to Venustiano headlines related to Mexican news; 17.5 percent to Carranza, Kansas City, Missouri, 22 June 1916, in Mexicans in the United States; 17 percent to items "Jack Danciger, su expediente personal," AHSRE, of a cultural, literary, or historical nature; and 5 3, 76. percent to U.S.-Mexico relations. For the Mexican 11. For information concerning these activities, immigrant press, see Manuel Gamio, Mexican Im­ see Alfredo Breceda to Venustiano Carranza, New migration to the United States (Chicago: University of York, 22 July 1915, doc. 5009; Luis Bossero to Can­ Chicago Press, 1930), pp. 136-39. dido Aguilar, New York, 1 , doc. 8280; 18. EC, 20 November 1915; 11 March 1916; 20 Luis Bossero to Candido Aguilar, New York, 2 June May 1916; 18 September 1918. 1916, doc. 8993; Pedro Ferreiro to Venustiano Car­ 19. EC, 7 ; 27 March 1915; 25 ranza, Kansas City, Missouri, 15 , ; 1 ; 4 March 1916. doc. 11804; all the preceding are located in Man­ 20. EC, 11 . uscritos de don Venustiano Carranza, Fondo XX-I, 21. EC, 7 ; 15 . Cenrro de Estudios de Historia de Mexico, Fundaci6n 22. EC, 22 ; 23 September 1916; 4 No­ Cultural de Condumex, Mexico, D. F.; see also Tim­ vember 1916; 29 June 1918; 4 March 1916; 13 May othy Turner, "Prospectus for the Organization of an 1916; 25 November 1916; 4 March 1916; 10 April Official Bureau of Information of the Constitution­ 1915; 29 . alist Government ... ," New York, 21 July 1915, 23. EC, 18 March 1916. "Revoluci6n Mexicana durante los afios 1910 a 1920. 24. EC, 22 October 1914; 29 ; 19 June Informaci6n diversa de la republica y de las oficinas 1915; 10 July 1915; 14,21, and 28 July 1917. de Mexico en el exterior," Expediente L-E-811 , 25. Laird, "Argentine, Kansas," p. 192; EC, 1 EL COSMOPOLITA 85

January 1916. a True Chicano Bibliography: Mexican-American 26. EC, 6 March 1915; 8 January 1916. Newspapers: 1848-1942," El Orito 3 (Summer 1970): 27. EC, 29 March 1919. 17-24 and Herminio Rfos, "Toward a True Chicano 28. Laird, "Argentine, Kansas," p. 113-127; EC, Bibliography-Part 2," El Orito 5 (Summer 1972): 8 and 22 April 1916. 40-47, are useful introductions. Journalism History 4 29. EC, 29 July 1916; 22 February 1919; 8 Feb­ (Summer 1977) contains a series of excellent articles ruary 1919; 30 September 1916. on the subject. These include Felix Gutierrez, "Span­ 30. EC, 18 May 1918; 15 October 1914; 22 July ish-language Media in America: Background, Re­ 1916; 3 February 1917. sources, History," pp. 34-41, 65-68; Richard Griswold 31. EC, 30 September 1916; 1 July 1916; 9 Oc­ del Castillo, "The Mexican Revolution and the tober 1915; 20 May 1916. Spanish-Language Press in the Borderlands," pp. 42- 32. EC, 4 September 1915; 6 November 1915; 47; Ram6n D. Chac6n, "The Chicano Immigrant 11 September 1915; 3 July 1915. Press in Los Angeles: The Case of 'El Heraldo de 33. EC, 15 June 1918; 11 November 1916; 24 Mexico,' 1916-1920," pp. 48-50, 62-64; Juan Gon­ . zales, "Forgotten Pages: Spanish-Language Newspa­ 34. EC, 18 March 1916; 17 June 1916; 1 and 8 pers in the Southwest," pp. 50-52; and Felix Gutierrez July 1916. and Jorge Reina Schement, " and the Me­ 35. EC, 3 April 1915; 4 November 1916; 28 Oc­ dia: Bibliography of Selected Materials," pp. 53-55. tober 1916; 9 August 1919. Francine Medeiros, "La Opini6n, A Mexican Exile 36. The older works of Manuel Gamio and Robert Newspaper: A Content Analysis of Its First Years, E. Park have been noted. On 13 February 1938, La 1926-1929," Aztldn 11 (Spring 1980): 65-87, is a Prensa of San Antonio published a list of 451 Span­ fine case study of that important Los Angeles paper. ish-language periodicals that had appeared in the 37. Gamio, Mexican Immigration, pp. 136-37; Park, United States. Stanley R. Ross includes a brief dis­ The Immigrant Press, pp. 135, 270-71, 289, 306-24. cussion of southwestern Spanish-language newspa­ 38. Gutierrez, "Spanish-Language Media in pers in his Fuentes de la Historia Contemporanea de America," pp. 38-41, 65-66; Griswold del Castillo, Mexico: Peri6dicos y Revistas (Mexico, D. F.: El Col­ "The Mexican Revolution and the Spanish-Lan­ egio de Mexico, 1965), xxxiii-xliv. Two preliminary guage Press," p. 43. surveys, Herminio Rfos and Lupe Castillo, "Toward