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Mobilisation Et Répression Au Caire En Période De Transition (Juin 2010-Juin 2012)

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Mobilisation Et Répression Au Caire En Période De Transition (Juin 2010-Juin 2012) Mobilisation et r´epressionau Caire en p´eriode de transition (juin 2010-juin 2012) Nadia Aboushady To cite this version: Nadia Aboushady. Mobilisation et r´epressionau Caire en p´eriode de transition (juin 2010-juin 2012). Science politique. 2013. <dumas-00955609> HAL Id: dumas-00955609 https://dumas.ccsd.cnrs.fr/dumas-00955609 Submitted on 4 Mar 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne UFR 11- Science politique Programme M2 recherche : Sociologie et institutions du politique Master de science politique Mobilisation et répression au Caire en période de transition (juin 2010-juin 2012) Nadia Abou Shady Mémoire dirigé par Isabelle Sommier juin 2013 Sommaire Sommaire……………………………………………………………………………………...2 Liste d‟abréviation…………………………………………………………………………….4 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………5 Premier Chapitre. De la mort de Khaled Saïd au « vendredi de la colère » : répression étatique et mobilisation contestataire ascendante………………………………………...35 Section 1 : L’origine du cycle de mobilisation contestataire……………………………………...36 1. Les premières brèches de l‟autoritarisme…………………………………………………………..36 2. Khaled Saïd : un choc moral?............................................................................................................40 3. L‟entreprise de scandalisation……………………………………………………………………...44 4. L‟arrivée de nouveaux alliés : les Coptes, les Salafistes et les Ultars-Ahlawi …………………….49 Section 2 : L’effet de la Révolution tunisienne sur la trajectoire de mobilisation égyptienne: de la mobilisation à la révolution……………………………………………………………………....54 1. La question de la contagion ………………………………………………………………………..54 2. Une conjoncture fluide……………………………………………………………………………..58 3. Le « vendredi de la colère » : un moment de dérapage …………………………………………....61 4. Une « révolution des jeunes d‟internet »? ………………………………………………………....65 Deuxième Chapitre. Après le retrait du ministère de l’Intérieur : l’armée au cœur de la crise…………………………………………………………………………………………..72 Section 1 : Les dernières batailles du régime de Moubarak……………………………………...74 1. « Le chaos ou moi » : au cœur de la bataille médiatique…………………………………………..74 2. « La bataille des chameaux » : la dernière bataille de rue………………………………………….78 3. Radicalisation du mouvement contestataire et fragmentation de l‟élite dirigeante………………...81 Section 2 : La crédibilité ébranlée du CSFA……………………………………………………….88 1. L‟installation d‟un nouveau cadre juridique et de pratiques répressives…………………………...89 2. L‟intensification de la répression militaire directe…………………………………………………93 3. La crise de la mobilisation et la division populaire………………………………………………...97 4. Le conflit des générations…………………………………………………………………………101 Troisième Chapitre. La fin du mythe de l’armée : vers une deuxième vague de colère?...................................................................................................................................107 Section 1 : Le début d’une phase ascendante de mobilisation…………………………………..108 2 1. Une transformation de l‟action étatique répressive.……………………………………………...108 2. La production d‟information : l‟enjeu principal de lutte…………………………………………115 3. Le vidéo-activisme : au cœur de la mobilisation contestataire…………………………………..120 Section 2 : La fin de la mobilisation contestataire ……………………………………………...125 1. La Réappréciation des coûts de la mobilisation………………………………………………….127 2. La déception et le burn out……………………………………………………………………….131 3. Polarisation politique et protestations économiques……………………………………………..134 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………..141 Annexes……………………………………………………………………………………..145 Bibliographie………………………………………………………………………………..160 3 Liste d’abréviation AK Initiative « Askar Kazebun » (Militaires menteurs) Institut du Caire pour les études des droits de l‟Homme CIHRS CSFA Conseil Suprême des Forces armées EIPR Initiative égyptienne des droits personnels FCS forces centrales de sécurité FM frères musulmans HMLCS Centre juridique de Hesham Moubarak KKS page Facebook « Kolena Khaled Saïd » (Nous sommes tous Khaled Saïd) PEG Police des enquêtes générales PND Parti national démocratique SRA Service des renseignements de l'armée SRG Service des renseignements généraux SRSE Service des renseignements de la sûreté de l'État 4 INTRODUCTION Ce travail s‟intéresse au développement de la mobilisation au Caire en période de transition (juin 2010 -juin 2012), une période marquée par une répression étatique considérable. En d‟autres termes, cette étude est consacrée à l‟analyse du rapport entre répression étatique et mobilisation contestataire, à la veille de la révolution égyptienne qui a renversé l‟autocrate égyptien Hosni Moubarak en févier 2011 et durant la période de transition qui a précédé l‟arrivée au pouvoir de l‟actuel président Mohamed Morsi. Plusieurs travaux académiques ont étudié la perpétuation des régimes autoritaires à travers l‟alternance de deux stratégies, la coercition et la légitimation. Or, comme nous allons le démontrer dans cette étude, ni la répression, ni les stratégies de légitimation n‟ont réussi à mettre fin à la vague de contestation qui a éclaté en Egypte fin janvier 2011. Plus encore, le régime de Moubarak -un régime jugé « stable » par certains chercheurs1- a chuté en 18 jours. En effet, le choix du sujet de cette étude vient également du fait qu‟il existe dans le champ de la sociologie politique égyptienne un manque de travaux centrés sur la répression menée par les appareils de sécurité en général. Par ailleurs, aucune étude ne traite de l‟évolution de celle-ci, ni de son impact sur la trajectoire de mobilisation durant les 18 jours de la Révolution et la période de transition dirigée par l‟armée. De fait, ce sont exclusivement quelques organisations de défense des droits de l‟Homme qui publient régulièrement des rapports sur l‟état des droits de l‟Homme en Egypte, en se concentrant souvent sur le thème de la torture et de la violence policière et militaire. S‟ajoute à ces facteurs le fait que le sujet de cette étude reste d‟actualité en Egypte. En effet, cette étude, même si elle s‟arrête avant l‟arrivée des Frères Musulmans (FM) au pouvoir, peut servir comme base d‟information qui permet de comprendre les racines des contestations et de la répression étatique qui se poursuivent jusqu‟à aujourd‟hui en Egypte. Cette étude couvre une période allant de la mort de Khaled Saïd -un jeune homme battu à mort par la police dans une rue d‟Alexandrie le 4 juin 2010- à l‟annonce de la victoire de Mohammed Morsi, lors de la première élection présidentielle organisée après la Révolution du 25 janvier 2011, et qui met ainsi fin –au moins en apparence- au régime militaire qui dirigeait le 1 Par exemple, Ferrié souligne que le régime égyptien est stable, et que cette la stabilité n‟est pas uniquement due à la répression mais aussi à et à la mauvaise situation économique et sociale, qu‟il utilise pour se maintenir. Voir : Jean-Noël Ferrié, L‟Égypte entre démocratie et islamisme : le système Moubarak à l‟heure de la succession, Autrement, 2008. Plus généralement, Hibou soutient l‟idée d‟une soumission volontaire des citoyens à l‟égard des régimes arabes. Les dictatures arabes ne reposent pas exclusivement sur la coercition mais sur une forme de violence acceptée par le peuple. En d‟autre terme il y a une forme d‟accoutumance à la dictature, ce qui la rend stable. Voir : Beatrice Hibou, La force de l‟obéissance. Economie politique de la répression en Tunisie, La Découverte, 2006. 5 pays. Ces deux dates revêtent une importance significative concernant le développement de l‟action étatique répressive et l‟évolution de la mobilisation contestataire. Si la torture, pratique généralisée jusqu‟à la mort de Khaled Saïd, démontrait le pouvoir des forces de répression, qui ne craignaient ni l‟opinion publique, ni les organisations des droits de l‟Homme, la mort du jeune Alexandrin a déclenché une campagne de mobilisation sans précédent contre la brutalité policière –surtout sur Facebook- et a entrainé une forte mobilisation contre la répression policière dans les différents gouvernorats égyptiens, ce qui peut nous amener à considérer sa mort comme un catalyseur de la Révolution. Cependant la victoire de Morsi lors de l‟élection présidentielle et l‟arrivée des FM au pouvoir a mis fin à une période de transition caractérisée en premier lieu par une utilisation excessive de la violence par les institutions de sécurité contre les manifestants et les opposants politiques. Une nouvelle phase s‟est par la suite ouverte, durant laquelle la mobilisation et la répression étatique ont connu un tournant, sur lequel nous reviendrons plus tard. Il faut toutefois indiquer que cette étude se focalise exclusivement sur la trajectoire de la répression étatique et de la mobilisation contestataire au Caire, même si la période étudiée débute par un évènement qui s‟est déroulé à Alexandrie. La mort de Khaled Saïd a en effet réussi à mobiliser au Caire. Deux raisons nous poussent à limiter notre étude à la capitale : premièrement, la répression étatique
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