English Quarterly Journal on Spirituality and

Vol. 2

November - January 2021

Published by Culture House, New in cooperation with Allameh Tabataba’i University, Iran & University of Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November – January 2021

CULTURAL DIALOGUE

English Quarterly Journal

on Spirituality and Mysticism

Vol. 2, November 2020 - January 2021

Published by: Iran Culture House, in cooperation with Allameh Tabataba’i University, Iran &

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November – January 2021

Patron-in-Chief : Mr. S. Shahid Mahdi Ex-Chancellor, Jamia Hamdard, New Delhi Chief Editor : Dr. Mohd. Rabbani Cultural Counsellor, I.R.Iran, New Delhi

Editorial Advisory Board : Prof. Harbans Mukhia, (Historian) Prof. Mandana Tishehyar Allameh Tabataba’i University (Iran) Mr. R.M. Chopra, (Former President Iran Society, Kolkata) Prof. Azarmi Dukht Safavi (Founder and Advisor Inst. of Persian Research, A.M.U.) Prof. S.Z.H. Jafri, (Dept. of History ) Dr. Sharnaz Cama, (Project Director, UNESCO) Dr. Sandeep Marwah, (President, ICMEI) Mr. Rizwan Ahamd, (Director, MANUU, Hyderabad)

Group of Editors : Prof. Ainul Hasan, (Dean, Faculty of Humanites, J.N.U.) Prof. Mohd. Arif Ayyubi,(Int. Student Advisor, Luck.Univ.) Prof. A. K. Singh, (Ex. HOD, History, Rohilkhand Univ.) Prof. S. H. Qasemi, (Ex. HOD, Persian , D.U.) Prof. Ravinder Gargesh, (Ex. HOD, Linguistic, D.U.) Prof. Abha Singh, (I.G.N.O.U.)

Managing Editor : Dr. S.Q. Hussain Desiged & Page setting : Haris Mansoor Typed by : Syed. Mohd. Jafar Published by : Iran Culture House, 18 - Tilak Marg, New Delhi e-mail: [email protected] Year : 2020-2021 Printing Press : Alpha Art, Noida

Declaration-The views expressed by the authors in this Journal are their own and not those of Iran Culture House. Neither the board, nor the Editors or Publisher will be responsible in any way.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November – January 2021

From Chief Editor’s Desk

India and Iran enjoy cordial bilateral relations historically, literally and artistically but the contribution of mystic thoughts of Iran and its impact on during pre and post Islamic era has been the most influential element in the development of these relations. With the arrival of in India, a wide range of political, social and cultural exchanges developed with the emergence of great mystical figures like Hujvere and Khwaja Moinuddin Chisty. The spread of the sufistic ideas of famous and great Iranian literary personalities such as Maulana Jalaluddin , Firdousi, Abu Rahyan Al Beruini, Hafiz and Sa’adi had a tremendous impact on the mystical and literary fields of these two countries. Indo-Iranian is the soul of Persian and . Sufis have played an important role in bridging the distance between different traditions and communities and sufism has emerged as a primary vehicle for intellectual advancement of Culture in societies. Mysticism and Sufis have created the strong base of coordination and affection between the two nations throughout history utilizing the spiritual potentialities concealed in Indo- Iranian cultures. Mystic and Sufi migrants of Iran and the impact of Indian ideology resulted in the formation of Islamic Mysticism. Today world is passing through a very delicate phase and is witnessing a cultural identity crisis. Unfortunately modern life is devoid of spirituality. So, it is essential that education should focus on spirituality and morality. A study of great men’s works and thoughts are sufficient to enlighten the soul of all readers who are mostly duty bound to spread their fragrance in the lives of modern men. The former late Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma has mentioned on 11th November 1993 that “Today peace, understanding, friendship and cooperation as well as people and communities within the nations comprise a vital need of human kind. The message of oneness and services rendered by sufi saints and thinkers obviously have great contemporary relevance.” Spirituality is an open system, it is not limited by space and time. Since it is a journey to the hidden reality, it takes man everywhere: the inner and the outer and makes no distinction between the sacred and secular, the high and the low, the learned and the illiterate, the being and non being, the form and the formless and so on.

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Religion without spirituality especially in its social dimension, tends to be a system of oppression and exploitation. Spirituality is the soul and religion is the body with different shapes, color and practices. In India and Iran, mysticism and spirituality have always gone together. Sufis believe that true worship is not in the performance of rituals but true worship is in the service of humanity. Saa’di says: “Ibadat bajuz Khidmat-e-Khalq neest Ba tasbih-o-Sajjadah-o-dalq neest” Without service of humanity, prayer means nothing It is not counting beads, sitting on the mat or wearing tatters. Sufism from its inception attracted the attention of the masses as well as the intellectuals and men of letters alike. It was under the impact of Sufism that the Iranian and Indian poets and writers as well as the religious reformers discarded all kinds of fanaticism. The former President of Indian Council of Cultural Relations late Mr. Vasant Sathe said in the International Conference on Sufism in 1993 that “Sufism involves mans relationship with man as well as mans relationship with Almighty. Those who believe in Wahdat-ul-Wujud also believe that the only real existence is Almighty who is their for Wajib-ul-Wujud. All other beings are shadows of the creations.” Sufism leads to inner purification, self consciousness realization of truth, religious tolerance, unity in diversity, love for all without distinction of caste and creed. Sufism has made a remarkable mark on socio- cultural cum religious history of the world in general and of India in particular. India has contributed the largest number of manuscripts, commentaries and printed editions of Mathnavi. No other literature on mysticism is so loved and studied as Mathanavi-e-Manavi, the work of Jalaluddin Rumi which inspires love and purify the soul. The elements of love and spiritualism in Rumi’s work made him popular in the world of mysticism and as a result most of his poetic compositions have been translated into many languages. The mystical philosophy of love and universal brotherhood as emphasized by Rumi can serve humanity in modern times as a beacon of light and through mutual understanding can initiate well being among various nations of the world.

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Undoubtedly, Sufism gave a great impetus to the Bhakti movement and have influenced the language used by the Bhakti leaders of Northern India. Bhakti and Sufism both are spiritual movements. Both played a significant role in diminishing the hatred and difference between man and man. The divine love is the essence of all religions. It is termed as Prem and Bhakti in Hinduism and Ishqi- Ilahi or divine love in Sufism. We take the privilege of presenting the second volume of the english quarterly Journal Cultural Dialogue on Spirituality and Mysticism with our humble efforts and helping hands of scholars who have contributed their scholarly articles. The academic initiative of Prof. S.R. Bhatt, Chairman of Indian Philosophy Congress and Prof. Arif Ayyubi, International Students Advisor, University of Lucknow is really appreciable.

Dr. Mohammad Ali Rabbani

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Contents

Foreward ...... 7 Prof. S.R. Bhatt

Interfaith Dialogue based on Mystical Bonds ...... 11 Prof. Hakimifar Khalil

Rumi and the Confluence of Indian and Islamic Spiritualism ...... 24 Dr. Balram Shukla

Peaceful co-existence and Spirituality in Islam with special reference to Indian and Iranian Sufis ...... 40 Prof. Hamidullah Marazi

Rumi’s Tasawwuf and Vedantic Mysticism ...... 73 R.M. Chopra

Religious and Cultural Relationships between Indian Parsis and Iranian Zoroastrians...... 86 Prof. Reza Mehrafarin, Malika Haidari

The Migrant Sufis from Persianate World to the Indian Sub-continent: Dissemination of knowledge and the formation of ‘Indo-Islamic Culture’ ...... 97 Prof. S.Z.H. Jafri

Sufi’s and Communal Harmony ‘A Case Study of Indian Sufis’ ...... 119 Prof. S.M. Azizuddin Husain

Sufi Mysticism and Indian Religions ...... 129 Prof. K.T.S. Sarao

Understanding Spirituality in Indian Context ...... 141 Prof. S.R. Bhatt

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FOREWARD

It is a welcome feature that humankind is in possession of multiplicity of cultures each having its distinctive characteristics. Culture in all its facets and dimensions is a crucial constituent and instrument of human development. It is a state of being, a mode of thinking, a way of living, and a set of commonly shared values, belief patterns, practices and efforts. It is a complex whole comprising of knowledge, customs, conduct, morals, law, and artistic, scientific and technological pursuits, humanities and social sciences. It is an individual as well as social affair. It is a totality of heritage borne by a society. It is crystallization of material, mental, intellectual and spiritual wealth generated and preserved by the society. It contributes to discovery of meaning of life and enhances quality of life. Thus, it enriches life, enlarges fullness of life, brings delight of mind, and sharpens intellect and ushers in plenitude of peace. But it is for human to live up to them or falter and fail. The multi-hued tapestry of world cultures glitters with numerous shining strands, right from the dawn of human civilization. The multiple cultures of world are quite varied and astonishing. They display some commonalities as well as differences, similarities as well as dissimilarities. However, the variety of cultures has broad similarities which may enable us to have mutual understanding and call for a need for peaceful co-existence with mutual reinforcements. They provide richness to human heritage and are valuable in themselves. In every culture there has been ceaseless flow of several thought currents with new tributaries joining them. There is multiplicity embedded in unity and therefore human civilization is comparable to a garland of varied and variegated flowers each contributing to the symbiosis of the mixed fragrance. It is like a symphony of the play of multiple musical instruments in an orchestra each contributing its melodious tune to the totality. Of course, there have been some jarring notes but they should be treated as aberrations rather than normal happenings. So, the point is that multiculturalism has come to stay. Therefore, it would not be wise to talk in terms of ‘clash of civilizations’ since all cultures and civilizations are of equal value and utility, and complementary in character. The need of the day is cultural dialogues, mutual give and take, harmony and concord. Any talk of cultural superiority or hegemony is harmful to peaceful living and global harmony. Cultural Dialogue In view of this rich diversity there should not be any insistence on uniformity or unanimity in our modes of thinking and ways of living. Therefore, it would be improper

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November – January 2021 and unjust to insist that there can be only one way of approaching reality. No school of thought originated in cultural vacuum and none developed in isolation or in closed compartments. It has been enjoined that truth can be approached, understood and expressed in diverse ways and therefore the game of theorizing can be played by mutual supplementations and complementaries. There have been mutual borrowings and corrections. There have been agreements to disagreements. But there has not been mutual ignoring or overlooking. Therefore, there can be multiple ways of approaching and describing this multi-faceted Reality. The point to be noted is that all strands are complementary in character. They belong to the same genus and differ only as species. These differences are significant and of great worth since they provide variety and richness and therefore they are to be valued. Reality is manifold and variegated and it is experienced as multifaceted and multilayered. Because of its variety and manifoldness there can be multiple ways and approaches to comprehend Reality and to describe it. In view of this rich diversity there should not be any insistence on uniformity or unanimity in our modes of thinking and ways of living. There cannot be any regimentation in this regard. So it would be improper and unjust to insist that there can be only one particular form of theorizing that has to be universally acceptable. Genuine thought enterprise has to stem from concretely lived experiences that are culturally conditioned and therefore democracy in ideas has to be the guiding point. There should always be a scope for healthy intellectual disagreement. The thoughtful and creative minds need not always agree or think along a fixed path. There is room for debate and discussion, mutual exchanges, give and take, to arrive at truth. Even though there can be diverse modes of thinking this enterprise has to be rational, logical and methodical. Then only it is reasonable and acceptable. In ancient times this was properly appreciated and practiced but later on some sort of dogmatism vitiated intellectual atmosphere. There is a need for revival of this approach. Then only fresh approaches, newer intuitions, novel insights and innovative ideas can be possible. Indo-Iranian Dialogues With this background, Indian Council of Philosophical Research in collaboration with Iran Culture House, New Delhi, organized two bilateral seminars, one in New Delhi and the second in Tehran, with erudite scholars from both the countries participating. India and Iran have centuries old deep historical and cultural intercourse and cross- cultural relations in various social, economic, political, scientific and other fields which have enriched both the countries. In the past the two countries enjoyed geographical contiguity and therefore there has been uninterrupted flow of people, material and ideas

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November – January 2021 between the two. There has been strong Vedic and Buddhist influence on Iran which has been duly acknowledged. Reciprocally Iranian scholars have interacted with Indian scholars. Iranian people have viewed Indian friendship positively and Indian scholars in turn have appreciated Iranian culture. So, it can be legitimately said that the two countries are cultural cousins. Their civilizational ties provide corner stone for multidimensional and longstanding relationship.India has always warmly received Iranian people. Iranian influence is visible on Indian art, architecture, music and literature. A good number of Indian people use many Persian words as they are absorbed in Indian languages. In most of the major Indian Universities there are departments of Persian studies. In recent times there has been improvement in warmth between the two countries because of some mutually useful factors. Our partnership engagements and mutual interactions have increased manifold. But now there is a need for greater constructive re-engagement. We have to revisit our centuries old warm relations. This requires collaborative development. We have to forge lasting friendship. It is well said that trading in goods have ephemeral value but exchange of ideas has lasting effect. Sufism is an example of such a situation. It is a meeting point between the cultures of India and Iran. Both countries find followers of Wahadat-e-Wujud and Wahadat-e- shudut. There are important Sufi and Sufi saints in India and Iran and they command great respect. Sufism has therefore great potentiality of forging lasting friendship. Indian Prime Minister Hon’ble Shri Narendra Modi is very much emphatic on this point. All this requires sustained efforts through seminars, symposia, conferences, workshops and people to people contacts. At the end, I congratulate Dr. Mohd. Ali Rabbani Cultural Counselor of I.R.Iran, New Delhi and his team mates for taking this literary initiatives in bringing the 2nd Issue of English Quarterly Journal Cultural Dialogue on Spirituality and Mysticism and I hope it will be of immense significance for the researchers and scholars.

Prof. S.R.Bhatt Chairman Indian Philosophy Congress National Fellow, Indian Council of Social Science Research Govt. of India and former Chairman (ICPR.)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021

Interfaith Dialogue based on Mystical Bonds

Prof. Hakimifar Khalil University of Sistan, Iran

Abstract: The role of religion has been very significant throughout historical developments. Today, the interfaith dialogue has emerged as a crying need whereas the religions are actually different and diverse and many conflicts and quarrels have taken place in the name of religion. How we can provide a model for principles and guidelines of interfaith dialogue? In recent years, some theories and views have been presented about the method and policy of interfaith dialogue and some suggestions were given to benefit from them to promote the mutual understanding, respect, tolerance and cooperation. However, the presented solutions remain far from ideal aims. This article will explore some methods of dialogue including the triple paradigms of John Hick, Martin Buber's philosophy of dialogue and theory of antiphony by Koyama. Then it will discuss the use of these dialogues based on mystical contemplation. In my view, the final presented method could be a more secure way of dialogue between religions compared with other ones. The article tries to introduce and present the best useful method, policy and practice of interfaith dialogue by investigating and analysing these four methods.

Keywords: Dialogue, Religions, Mysticism, Spirituality, Interfaith Dialogue.

Introduction Apart from some competition, propaganda and claims, religion is a phenomenon to create harmony and understanding of humanity and is a fundamental approach to build the relationship between them. Religious values and beliefs, Religious leaders and faith- based institutions also have a high scope for peace in society and among nations, but history narrates numerous cases of hostility between religious people and bloody clashes

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 between followers of one religion or between followers of different religions. 1 There are different views on the causes and motives of this violence. Some people consider the real motive of religious conflicts to be political issues for economic interests and these conflicts have little to do actually with religion. Yet it is not very much irrelevant with the way of practices of religious people. According to some people those who are usually involved in clashes & violence are not truly religious. Some intellectuals believes that the root of conflicts are rivalries of religious leaders, dissatisfaction and needs, historical issues, political tendencies, economic interests and nationalist issues. 2 In recent centuries, interfaith dialogue has appeared as a way to avoid animosity between different followers of the Religion and it seems that although the proponents of this plan accept these factors as causes and animosity among the followers of religions, but at the same time emphasize another factor, which is mutual understanding between the followers of religions. Since the twentieth century, this concept of dialogue has been largely observed in research on the relationship between religions and the necessity and possibility of dialogue with topics such as reaching common ground in the definition of God as the basis of peaceful coexistence. Humans have created the category of morality and hope for the common future of religions overcoming the past history and dialogue between religions as a paradigm has taken different forms and has been widely reflected. The reason for this is also sought in the specifics of the new age. Scholars consider it to be the principle of a different and at the same time effective worldview. A worldview that has both positive and negative consequences from this. But each of these could have a religious or non-religious basis because everybody in this world have its own way to recognise the world. 3

1 . The Holy always warns Muslim of hostility to followers of other religions such as in Ale Imran, 19, 105; Baqarah,113; Mayedah, 64, 14. 2 . The Role of Religion in Conflict and Peace - building, British Academy for the Humanities and Social Sciences. Sep. 2015, p. 1 3 . Paul Tillich, (1957), Worldviews were seen as human reactions to fundamental concerns and issues. Mackenz (1991, p 13) later added his concern to this. Ninian Smart (1983), a prominent historian of religion, cites a six-dimensional paradigm and sees them as commonalities between religious and non-religious worldviews. These common dimensions are: empirical, mythological, doctrinal, moral, ritual and social dimensions. Wright (1992) discusses the Enlightenment worldview and considers the supernatural as completely different from nature. Berger Luckmann 1967 considers cosmologies to be rational structures and ideological patterns that can be a criterion for measuring ideas. Cox 1999 speaks of a special kind of capitalist worldview, in which he points to valuable and valuable things among the theists. Scoser 2002, pp. 225 and 261, refers

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The basic question here is how to make the connection between all these worldviews. The connection that leads to understanding and tolerance. The question mark of this model of discourse can lead to the greatest mutual understanding between different worldviews, both religious and non-religious. The methods that are used to achieve this goal are dialogue based on the idea of religious pluralism, dialogue based on me and you, dialogue based on me and me, and dialogue based on Dervishism or mysticism. Dialogue based on pluralism Since the beginning of discussion about the issues related to the plurality and difference of religions and their legitimacy, various answers and approaches have emerged, the most important of which are: the approaches of religious exclusivism, religious inclusiveness, religious relativism and the approach based on interfaith dialogue or pluralistic religion. The roots of religious pluralism must be traced to cultural orthodoxy and then to the relativism of philosophers such as Wilhelm Dithery and Ernst Troeltsch whose researches are based on religion with historical perspective and conclude that the are heavily influenced by historical, social, and cultural conditions, and therefore no religious or theological system can claim absolute pluralism. The pluralism of religion in itself have hermeneutic and various epistemological and psychological bases which are not being discussed here. The biggest philosophers of religious pluralism are John Hich, Wilfred Cantwell smith, Ninian Smart, Raimundo Panikkar who have done tremendous works in this regard such as John Hick who has addressed religious pluralism in his book “God has many Names; the myth of God incarnation” arguing that the idea of God- centeredness in religions had replaced the traditional idea of Christ-centeredness or church-centeredness, dealing with the so-called religious paradigms of exclusivism, including Pluralism has shaped what is at stake in pluralism versus exclusivism in general and without its various interpretations. Based on religious pluralism, there is a single ultimate reality that has been experienced in all major religious traditions and all equally offer effective ways to salvation and redemption. Due to the great religious pluralism of the world, they express different to the worldviews that can create the most harmony. Scoser goes on to talk about the impact of these worldviews on the food industry and emphasizes consumerism. Wright and others enumerate symbols based on stories and anecdotes that tell the facts of people's lives and consider them as the practice of human life today. These symbols are: chimneys (symbol of industrialization), banknotes (capitalism), golden bows (consumerism), hammer and sickle (communism) and cross (Christianity). [17], pp6-7

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 human perceptions and perceptions of an infinite divine reality and their response to it. Keeping in view of this that Allah, Yahweh, Krishna, Shiva, father of Jesus are different manifestations of a single reality in human consciousness as well as in the context of different culture and history seems to be partly the product of human mental outbursts. Totalitarianism monopoly stands against religious pluralism which means to confine the right and salvation in a particular religion. Although there seems to be a great difference of opinion between exclusivism and pluralism, in practice and in interfaith dialogue there is no tolerance between the exclusivists and pluralists both although in the both intolerance is not same. The worst part of totalitarianism is that both parties in their minds have their own desires and they say that if everyone agrees with me, everything will be fine, which is an abnormal voice that does not lead to any kind of harmony. This is the same totalitarianism monopoly which lacks tolerance; in this case exclusivists feel that pluralism doesn’t tolerate them. There is another problem with the evaluation of religious beliefs by the exclusivist that they prefers one over the other. While pluralism discusses theories about religious beliefs not religious beliefs itself and therefore it can be said that exclusivism today has continued in a complex way and the dialogues have been reduced to a kind of piety, it seems difficult that all are speaking, but no one is listening. That’s why the religious dialogues do not reach at tangible result. It seems that the basis of all monologues is me and he instead of me and you or sometime it is based on only I and I approach. Conversation based on me and you Martin Buber 1878-1965 an Austrian Jewish philosopher and writer, in his most important philosophical essay, writes about two ways of interactions as I and you and I and he. His main theme is that we can think of two kinds of interaction. The I and he interaction is a relationship with a thing which is independent of us and we can experience it or use it. This kind of relation is related to the sensory and experimental world.

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The I and you interaction is a relationship between people with each other and they have no boundaries. This relationship exists in the soul and mind of a person. And basically, this feeling or idea is one of the fundamental perceptual issues of human beings. 4 According to Buber, human life is a place where the life of discourses takes place. It does not mean that human beings should make every effort to communicate with others, but real life is the human relationship and it is our duty to express our feelings to a friend, even if he has not done anything special for us, because we trust him and I must respond positively to him. According to Buber the human life become meaningfull only due to these relationships and all communication eventually becomes a relationship with God, who is always a “you” for us. According to him, when the relationship between you and me spreads it led to eternal existence of God who is interpretation of eternity, and thus he believes that relationship with the divine existence (Almighty) is totally based on I and You relationship and it cannot be I and he. I cannot say my word without interacting with the outside of the world. “You” always indicates the relationship and presence and our relationship with you (rest of the world) gives meaning to life and leads us to evolution. Therefore, man, in addition to his fellow human beings, should communicate with other living beings, such as animals and plants, and with the divine being, pointing to the exception that exists in the relationship between God and man. On one hand there is unlimited gap between us & God and on the other hand, God encompasses the whole world and me. According to him, man's relationship with God is one of a kind. It is not like man's relationship with others but an exceptional relationship that encompasses all his other relationships. According to Buber, man can look towards life with the I and Him approach and consider it as a destiny that has been imposed on him and he can take it as tool of relationship, then he can think of life as an address to himself, just like the request he should know and man should react to this fact. In this case, life is the answer, so the average person should say the answer, but at the same time, one should keep in mind that there is no you without me. Donald Walsh in his book “Conversation with God” says that by communicating with other people there are places and events that you can exist in. Remember if things

4 . The Article “I and You” by Martin Buber was published for the first time by Ronald Gregory in 1973 and then by Walter Kaufmann was translated into English. Its Persian Translation for the first time was done by Mr. Abutorab Sohrab and Ms. Elham Atardi.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 are no longer you are no longer. Look at relationships as a means of completion of your existence . In this type of relationship, man experiences the relationship and decides to reveal his existence through himself in this relationship instead of taking possession of another. He realizes that it is with you that I find meaning and appearance comes from hearing. Another precise thing about dialogue in Buber’s works is that this term is not only related to words, but is a step towards knowing and understanding existence. Therefore, from their point of view, conversation is a relationship. It is going on, so man in I and You relationship finds the possibility to be free from himself and find his world and face the whole world . Conversation based on the principle of antiphony In contrast to Buber's discourse model, Iwao Koyama (1905-1993), student Nishida school of thought 5. In his book “Logic of Basho” he introduces the principle of antiphony and considers the meaning of this principle as calling and answering or calling and responding to a call. In other words, if there is a voice, there must be an answer, and if there is an answer, there must have been a voice or call. In short, the antiphony is one condition of human existence . According to Koyama, dialogue is a secondary nature of human beings that people enter into that during conversation, but also a part of the existential structure of human beings. Therefore, what happens in dialogue is not only the relationship between two people but also the relationship between two issues. Identity has no meaning for human beings if he is living alone, but the identity of human existence and its individuality are determined in his social life. Koyama’s ideology is like a recall of the theory of the conversation of I and me which has been said about Martin Buber. Here, two conscious individuals are in a struggle to prove themselves. In the process of this conflict, the two sides take away the attribute of being a person from each other and visualize at night. The motive for such a thing, according to Nietzsche, is hegemony or lack of security over identity-building foundations, and according to Sartre, due to the tension in human self-consciousness.

5 . NIshida, (1870- 1945), famous Japanese Philosopher and founder of the Kyoto School of Thought.

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But what we are talking about not I and Me relationship, but the reciprocal relationship between two selves or themselves. In his view, human beings are not chemically opposed to each other, but are a dynamic relationship interacting with each other. Such an interaction actually shapes and nurtures the situation. Antiphony means that two people are considered as two me and not 1 me and one you. Here, the meaning of the two me is one actually. In other words, it is no longer a dialogue, but a monologue, it is not in the form of two people, one asking a question and the other answering .

For Buddhist thinkers, deep self-awareness leads to a kind of self-awareness in which the independent self is nothing more than a merciful and imaginary thing. This awareness generally appears in two stages. In the first stage, it recognizes its self-realization and its dependence on the identity structure and it becomes aware of his attachment to universality. In the next stage, consciousness leads to awareness of the fact that totality and transcendence does not exist by itself, but arises in a person who embodies self- consciousness in every moment.

However, if one realizes that what we call ourselves is nothing but a whole, then one can see the similarities in each difference. In other words, just as differences are known, so are similarities. This form of self and the other is an expression of one thing. In other words, there is a plurality of unity. In this case, where self-awareness leads to other consciousness, it can be the starting point of understanding universality and moving towards peace and tolerance.

James Heisig (B. 1944) a philosopher of religions in Japan in his book “Nothingness & desires” describes the Koyama’s theory and says that the model of antiphony in the dialogue of religions is similar to playing jazz music in which the musician is not only aware of his presence but also shares it with others and at the same time he enjoyed the commonality of the music shared with others. In religious dialogues also both sides are usually seems to be adamant on their point of views and trying to maintain their individuality and this caused a sort special Rhythmic tune while a changed antiphony happens.

According to Heisig the actual antiphony is a model that can make conversations both interesting and disturbing because both experiences show a personal trajectory that reflects the mental and ideological limitations of individuals. Ultimately, in a true

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 dialogue, one must realize that one can understand as per his own intelligence not on the basis of others mentality so our mentality and experience may not be true for others. However, participating in a discourse with the intention of listening rather than persuading is difficult because such a discourse challenges one's presuppositions and structural identity. It sometimes may offend him, but in any case this is the only way to accept plurality and at the same time achieve unity.

Dervish-based dialogue In mysticism, it is said that the mystic uses his efforts to transcend the world of forms and appearances and to pass from the world of multiplicity to unity, and it is through this that the world of multiplicity turns into unity, according to Sheikh Shabestari in Golshan Raz . As long as you and I are concerned, we will talk about my religion and yours, and when these fractions are drowned in the sea of unity and become an ocean, the Kaaba, the idols, the monastery and the church will no longer be different. It has created different religions that even if we look at mystical thought without considering other religions, we see that there are these common features. Common similarities can be the basis for interfaith dialogue. These following common grounds are very important in the discussion of interfaith dialogue: Pure silence Unlike other methods in which saying and expressing opinions is the main factor of dialogue in mystical conversation, silence is a key factor & it is to talk to Almighty. It is the only way to listen & understand the other side's ideas, not only the ideologies but also the feelings and perceptions are important to enter another world, and this requires that one should be able to meditate on other spiritual capacities, worships and rituals and myths of the other side. To achieve this goal, one must pay due respect to the symbols besides listening to the other side. In this conversation, we encounter an orthodox conversation that has a different language. In such a situation, they must not go to talk about the way of worship together, but they must seek to identify the suffering of human beings and the environment of the entire brotherhood, and they must look together who needs help. Every Buddhist, Christian, Muslim and other religion followers have their own views on how to deal with injustice, pain and violence. Differences are not always the cause of conflict but it can lead to growth and perfection.

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Tolerance based on the idea of unity in plurality Among the works and literary masterpieces of , Rumi's Masnavi, is a very valuable and precious book and according to the late Homayi, it is unique work done by a human being, it is a book of dialogue whose infrastructure is narration in such a form, that all of its content have a special effect. Rumi believes more than anything else in the coexistence of human beings. The mirror in his hand shows no other image than harmony and harmony. He believes that human beings are one in the same and that borders and seas and waterways cannot bifurcate them, so he considers all hostile problems due to superficiality, fundamentalism and narrow mentality. According to , God is the source of all diversity in the world, therefore the diversity of beliefs among human beings belongs to him. In his view, the diversity of beliefs is one of the signs of this holy hadith that God's mercy precedes His wrath, at the end, everything will face his mercy. Ibn Arabi constantly emphasized on this that all things are related to each other originated by a divine source which is nothing but the almighty. All the diversity of universe is nothing but the external appearance of the divine names, which are the aspects through which God is directed towards. So all theologies belongs to a single existence and the difference of each is due to differences in proportions and surroundings. It should be noted that although Ibn Arabi considers all religions & sects as enlightenment, but he consider H. (p.b.u.h) as the sun next to the stars, and when the sun shines, the stars disappear. Although there are other revelatory religions, but their light is assimilated with the light of the sun. They exist just like the stars. So he concludes that belief in the truth of the prophets and the religions of revelation is essential. Contrary to the opinions of many people who believe that there can be no serious dialogue between religions and this dialogue takes place only superficially, Ibne Arabi believed that the dialogue of religions is possible only with serious willingness. According to Ibn Arabi, differences lead to new movements and narrations, differences between religions precedes the supreme unity of religions and the unity of existence. It is the primary that can ultimately lead to the consensus in which the external languages are silenced and the esoteric languages begin to communicate, and in these circumstances the

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 differences between religions becomes secondary and Everyone talks about the existence of Almighty God. Spirituality Spirituality is something beyond the appearances of the universe and the purification of inner side of the world and has a deeper look at the mysterious world or consciousness from another level. This is something beyond of simple reality of daily life. Such experiences are part of core religious traditions, many of which can be traced back to the changing moments of spiritual revelation and induction.

Spiritual experience is not an experience that is necessarily a reflection of specific religious ideas, but rather an inexplicable effect on the ordinary life of people with such experiences. And it is guidance for a person to consider such a thing as a result of religious teachings or to consider it more simply as another dimension of life, but in fact many of these teachings have been in the core preaching of religions. Therefore, it can be said that spirituality. Closely related to religion while many religious traditions are rooted in the spirituality of prominent people. However, spiritual experiences are probably one of the broadest human experiences that lead man to a higher truth in life or imply moral rules, and what in these experiences is always emphasized is the inner peace which is probably meditation.

Therefore, the dialogue between religions at first level should be related to depth and actuality of the religions, the spiritual life and religious experience. In these kind of dialogue a pious person with a spiritual person must not contain himself to his own traditions, but he must have the knowledge others too. In fact, it can be said that these people, see others in this spiritual journey, not in front of each other, but next to themselves in their journey, and in fact, they become people who are on the path of perfection. And they flourish more in the experience of faith, and these ideologies can reveal two secrets. The first secret is based on the idea that God speaks in another way, and we should do the same, and the second secret is that others have the right to be benefit, which can complement each other. People are completion of our righteousness and no one can claim to be a friend of the whole truth or aware of all the divine secrets.

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Prayer is a model for dialogue

The necessity of participation and interaction of the two existences in the prayers is also considerable. According to Ibn Arabi composed verses, human’s prayers is a dialogue between God's mercy and man’s gentleness. Based on participatory method it requires imagining the two humans in dialogue with each other, because the mercy of God is not only in the direction of the creator to the creature or from the beloved to the lover, but also from the creature to its creator from the lover to his beloved. There is divine mercy in the worship of God, eager to go out of the hidden depths of the unseen horizons because the prayers or worships are nothing but a return towards God.

The importance of interaction with God's servants It is already mentioned in Martin Buber's dialogue model, that man's relationship with God is an exceptional relationship that includes all his other relationships. And man's dealings with God's servants are the same as man's dealings with God. Simone Weil, a French mystic writer (B.1909), points out the sensitivity of this issue. In his view, God is in fact in search of man not man in search of God and the idea that God is in search of man is something very beautiful and utmost sweat feeling and the beginning of its deviation is to think that man is in search for God. Ayn-al Quzat considers that love is a common religion between God and man and speak of the religion of God. In his view, there is a strong connection between the great for the servants and the small love of the servants for God. He becomes the lover of his God and can swear by God to his lover that God is right in my life for my beauty. It seems that there is a special type of relationship between God and man, which can be called based on compassion and compassion in the relationship between man and God, or in simple terms, the relationship between man and man. Like the creation of the family of God, this relationship in fact and in general includes the relationship of man with all creatures, the most obvious manifestation of relationship is between man and man. Today the religious paradigm of John Heck is weakening and we are in a transit phase, the idea of God-centeredness as a common point of religions ignorance of differences and the tendency towards reductionism and relativism is becoming illogical. Each religious tradition is forms in a specific context & only with those is it is understandable that there is no Christianity without Christ, no Buddhism without Buddha, and no Islam without

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Muhammad (p.b.u.h). Theoretical approaches are also needed in interfaith dialogue, but are not enough. It is better to proceed with a real experienced discourse or at the level of spiritual life and religious experience that religions actually are for. This will happen only when spiritual personalities relying on spirituality & inner side on the religion as well looking beyond of personal belief with very much positive approach towards all religions the dream of respect to others will come true. Conclusion The result of all the above mentioned is that the most important forms of the three models of interfaith dialogue are related with approaches of interfaith dialogue and the theoretical approaches. Though those are necessary, but not enough. The religious experience of this event can be practiced by the people of spirituality and by relying on the core teachings of religions and by passing the limitations of personal beliefs with a positive attitude towards all religions and believers. The thing which will play a key role in a deep and serious dialogues is a kind of deep self-knowledge that may lead to the confession or further reconstruction of freedom of expressions, as seen in the spiritual experiences throughout history and current scenario, which also seem to lead to Compassion and rationality can be intertwined, so it is necessary to have such potentiality to serve interfaith dialogue so that all followers of religions could adapt the same. We need to work together to help our planet to survive. If we would be able to understand the limitations of others, we would see the world from another perspective and live together in peace and tranquillity.

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References: 1. Buber, Martin, I & You, Translation, Khosrow Rigee, Tehran. 2. Chitik, William, Awalim Khayal Ibne Arabi w Masala ekhtelaf adyan, Translation, Qasim Kakayee, Tehran, 3. Shaygan, Daryush, Henrey Korben, Afaq Tafakkor Ma’navi, dar Islam Irani, translation: Baqar Parham, Tehran. 4. Gorji, Mustafa, Guftgue Farhang ha w tahlil mollefehaye Ann dar Masnawi Ma’nawi, & iterature journal, , 1, Pp 91-112 5. Mael Herwi, Njaeeb, Khasiyat Aaengai,Naqde Hal, Guzara-e-Aara w guzeedaye Asaar Farsi, Ayn ul Quzat Hamedani, Tehran. 6. Nicholson, Reynold, nameh be yek Kahsish, Translation, frozen rasekhi, Tehran, Negah maser. 7. Heck John, ostooraye Tasasod Khoda, centre for religious study & research of religion, Qum, Hauzaye Ilmiyeh. 8. Almirzanah. S. "Ibn al-Arabi’s Sufi Hermeneutics: Application to Interfaith Dialogue", in Sharing Values, A Hermeneutcs for Global Ethics, Eds. Ariane Hentsch Cisneros / Shanta Premawardhana, Geneva: Global Ethics. Net 9. Heisig, J. W. (2013). Nothingness and Desire: An East-West Philosophical Antiphony. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press. 10. Kope, G. (2015), "Antiphony a model of dialogue", Bulletin of the Nanzen Institute for religion & culture, N. 39, pp. 26-36 11. Kōyama Iwao. (1976). the logic of basho and the principle of antiphony. Tokyo: Sōbunsha. 12. Rankin, M. (2009). An Introduction to Religious and Spiritual Experience, Continuum international publishing group. New York. 13. Valk, J. (May 2009), "Religion or Worldview: enhancing dialogue in the public square", Marburg Journal of Religion: Volume 14, No. 1 (May 2009)

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Rumi and the Confluence of Indian and Islamic Spritualism

Dr. Balram Shukla Department of Delhi University

Spiritualism is a lofty platform where all the apparent differences become invisible. Varieties and differences are posited only on the surface level of existence, while in the depth of the being exists only one Supreme Being. The apparent variety in the world is inevitable in order to necessitate and cater to the various demands of the world or creation. All these differences finally dissolve into a single unity, which is the final and ultimate goal of all kinds of spiritual quests. It is an empirical realization stated by the great spiritual masters of all the ages and has also been reiterated in ancient texts among all the cultures1. Thus, spiritualism erases conflicts among religions, cultures and dares to tread beyond geography, language and ethnicity. Maulana Jalāluddīn Rūmī (Rūmī hitherto), one of the great and legendary spiritual masters of all time, has put forth transcendental experiences which show concordance with the Indian spiritual systems and have the potential of bringing global peace and reconciliation.

Rūmī (1202 to1272 AD) is the greatest Sufi of the Persian world born in Balkh, in the 13th century. Owing to adverse circumstances of that age his father Bahāuddīn Walad, a renowned philosopher, migrated to Konya in Turkey along with his family and disciples. Konya had been a part of the Roman and because of this it was called Rome or Rūm and this gave Maulana Jalal-ul-Din’s second name – Rūmī (i.e. He who is related to Rūm-Konya). After his father’s death, Rūmī formally attained spiritual instruction under the guardianship of his father’s arch disciple Burhan-ul-Din and also went to Aleppo where he composed a matchless theological account of his time which garnered a huge number2 of followers, making him very famous in that region. When he was 37, Rūmī met a mystique named Shams-ul-Din Tabrizi who metamorphosed his personality to such an extent that he quit the discourses and began

1 Muṇḍakopaniṣad 3.2.8 2 Rūmī’s son claims this number to be 10,000.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 dancing and singing. He abandoned all his intellectualism and began striding on the path of love. Owing to the undue pressure of Rūmī’s disciples, Shams had to disappear. As an outburst of this bitter separation from his master and beloved, Rūmī composed almost 4000 overwhelming and energetic Ghazals that are compiled in “Divan e Shams” . After this, Rūmī also composed the “Mathnavi” of world fame. He founded the Maulavian school of Sufism which is famous for introducing music and dance as essential spiritual instruments. In order to bring the whole humanity on a single plane, Rūmī differentiated spiritualism (Tar īqat) from ritualistic paraphernalia (Śar īyat) . In spite of apparent differences based on geography and language, there is an underlying affinity between all the religions. The factor which flows like an undercurrent in all religions can be called ‘Spirituality’. The spiritual perspective which can unify all the religions, according to Lord Krishna is the purest kind of intelligence: “Through which one sees a single, undecaying, undivided Entity in all the diversified things, is the purest kind of knowledge. 3” According to Rūmī even bitter enemies cannot harm each other in the said spiritual state of mind because it is the state where all individualities vanish away. He proclaims in his Mathnavi-e-Manavi - “Since colourlessness (pure Unity) became the captive of colour (manifestation in the phenomenal world), a Moses came into conflict with a Moses. When you attain your colourlessness which you (originally) possessed, Moses and Pharaoh are at peace (with each other)” 4.

3 Sarvabh ūte ṣu yenaikam bh āvamavyayam īkṣate । Avibhakta ṃ vibhakte ṣu tajjn āna ṃ viddhi s āttvikam ॥ (Bhagavdg ītā 18.20) 4 Ch ūn ke b īrang ī as īr e rang shud Mūsī-ī b ā M ūsī-ī dar jang shud Ch ūn be b īrang ī ras ī k’ ān d āś tī ,Trans. R.A. Nicholson ( - ٢٤٦٧- Mūsī o firaun d ārand āś tī (Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī٢٤٦٨ ( Masnavi.net)

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Thus, the most important thing is to concentrate on the affinity and similarities present in mankind and not on their discords 5. For this purpose, Sufism intends to glean the grains of spirituality from the husk of religion. Rūmī has dared to enunciate that he has taken out the marrow (essence) from the Quran and thrown the remaining bones away to the dogs 6. And when we see that in its real essence no tradition is depleted of the spiritual spark, none of them can be unacceptable to us. Rūmī aspires to attain that higher consciousness where all the apparent dissimilarities and incongruities merge into one, and the cacophony of the world seems to pass into an enchanting harmony. He says: “When the individuality of unities gets dissolved the Lord emerges there 7.” In his works we astonishingly find an immense resemblance of thoughts with those in Indian spiritual (Ādhy ātmik ) traditions. In his Mathnavi and Odes we find several tenets which are alien even to the traditional orthodox Islam and native to the Indian psyche. By a subtle study of his works, we come to know that Rūmī was intricately informed about Indian culture and its literature. He has adopted numerous Indian stories, fables and anecdotes to substantiate his spiritual findings, though with considerable alterations. In Rūmī’s Mathnavi, we find a totally new avatar of Pancatantra tales. Borrowing at least five tales from the Panchatantra 8, he has wonderfully changed both the form and the message of these stories in order to convey the Sufistic ideas and precepts. Many of Rūmī’s poems seem to be natural translations of vibrant Upanishadic Mantras. A close and critical reading of the two texts shows that this similarity is not random. We have enough historical and geographical testimonies to prove vital presence of the sanskaras or impressions of Indian spirituality in Rūmī’s psyche. It is proposed by some scholars that because of having ancestral roots in Balkh, once a stronghold of Buddhism

5 In Quran too in the chapter ‘Āl-e-Imr ān’ , the mankind has been invoked to concentrate on the points they agree with- “qul ya ahl-al-kitabi, t’ āla’ ū il ā kalimatin sav āin bainan ā va bainakum” (3.64) “O People of the Book, come to a word common between us and you.”

6 Man ze Qur’ ān bar guz īdam maghz r ā Ustukh ān r ā p īś e sag and ākhtam 7 Mard-o-zan ch ūn yek śavad ān yek tu-ī Ch ūn yek ī-hā mahva shud ānak tu-ī (Mathnav ī-e-mānav ī-1786 ) Trans. R.A. Nicholson, ( Masnavi.net)) 8 For more informations see- Rūmī and the Creative Rendering of Panchatantra Tales- Balram Shukla, Iranian Historical Quarterly (Tehran). No.22, Pp-11-17.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 and Hinduism, the Indic ideas of re-incarnation, importance of Karmic laws, the utmost submission to the Guru and making music central to spiritual practices etc. must have been naturally engrained in his thought processes 9. Moreover, his master Shams-ul-din Tabrizi is said to be a progeny of supposedly a Vai ṣṇ ava who was newly converted to Islam 10 . Apart from these evidences what profoundly informs both the traditions of Rūmī’s spiritualism and Indian spirituality is the key element of Ātma Jn āna or self- realization. This very element of self-realization is basically the contact zone where the two entirely different cultures with their peculiarities meet and mark a sonorous fusion. In the pages to come, we will see several important points in Rūmī’s which implicate resonance with Indian spiritual thoughts. It is a general view held among scholars that Indo-Iranian Sufism, which is the soul of Persian poetry, seems to be different from Arab mysticism and orthodox Islam because it is seen as “the reaction of Aryan mind against a Semitic religion imposed upon it by force 11 .” It is said to be the confluence of Islam and Christianity, Zoroastrianism and Buddhism, and Vedanta and Neo-Platonism 12 . We find the synthesis of all these views in Rūmī’s poetry. His Mathnavi has “all the pantheistic beauty of the Psalms…”. Rūmī cannot see anything but God in each and every being of the universe. Nothing is to be discarded in this world-view because nothing is absolute evil– “Pas bad-e mu ţlaq nab āśad dar jah ān13 ” And by doing so he fulfills the injunction of the Upani ṣad for the realization of God- bh ūte ṣu bh ūte ṣu vicitya dh īrāḥ prety āsm āllok ādam ṛtā bhavanti. 14 (The men with wisdom can single out That in all kinds of becomings and pass forward from this world and become immortal)

9 “The Nav-Vihar at Balkh was a great Buddhist temple where pilgrims used to go from distance places. Barmak or Bermecide is the Sanskrit Word Pramukha (Chief). The well-known Bermecides originally belonged to Kashir and were the chief priests of the Nav-Vihar. Later their successors went to and became famous ministers of Abbasid Caliphs. They were largely instrumental in establishing the Academy and getting Indian and Greek works translated into Arabic.” Abidi , page 215 10 S.A.H. Abidi, p. 213, in Quasemi 1997 11 E.G. Brown, vol.1, p.419 12 S.A.H. Abidi, p. 214, in Quasemi 1997 13 Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī-65 14 Ka ṭhopani ṣad – 2.1.5

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A realized soul who can witness God everywhere, according to the Srimadbhgavadgita , God never disappears for him- yō m ām pa śyati sarvatra sarva ṅ ca mayi pa śyati. tasy āha ṅ na pra ṇaśyāmi sa ca m ē na pra ṇaśyati.. 15 By witnessing oneness everywhere, they could transgress fear. The Upani ṣads have unleashed the secret that fear is apprehended only from the other – dvit īyād vai bhayam bhavati 16 , Rūmī reverberating with it states that there is no ‘other’ and hence there is no need to be scared of anyone- Guftam ai Iśq man az cīz-e-digar mī tarsam Guft- Ān cīz-e-digar nīst digar hīc ma-gū17 . (I complained to Love that I am scared of other things. Love consoled me-“Don’t be scared, there is nothing other than you in this existence.”). In the Upani ṣads and following monistic literature we find numerous statements endorsing the non-duality of Being, e.g. Ekamev ādvit īyam Brahma, neha nānāsti ki ṃcana 18 (B ṛha.Upa. 4.4.19), Mṛtyo ḥ sa mṛtyu ṃ gacchati ya iha nāneva pa śyati 19 (Ka ṭh. Upa. 2.1.12), et c. Realizing the oneness of the existence, they naturally do not delimit themselves to any constructed framework by the society like that of caste, creed or geography. It is from this very point of view that the Vedantic procedure of Udv āpa (Exclusion) begins by proclaiming Neti – Neti (The Reality is not this) . In one of his famous Ghazals, Rūmī finds it difficult to identify himself with any religion, race or geography. The Ghazal starts with the following couplet- Ce tadb īr ei musalm ānān ke man khud rā nemi dānam Na tars ā nei yeh ūdam man na gabram nei musalm ānam.

15 Bhagavadg ītā 6.30, “ He who sees Me everywhere and sees everything in Me, he never becomes separated from Me, nor do I become separated from him”. (Sw. Śiv ānanda’s Trans.) ١٫٤٫٢ - Bṛhad ārṇyaka Upani ṣad 16 17 Dīvān-e-Śams : Ghazal-2219. She’r - 4 18 There is no diversity here whatsoever. (Sw. Śiv ānanda’s Trans.) 19 He who sees as though there is difference here, goes from death to death. (Sw. Śiv ānanda’s Trans.)

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In his Nirv āṇa-ṣaṭkam , the greatest monist (Advait Vedantik) preceptor of 9th century Śaṃkar ācarya also refuses his connection with false constructed identities in following words- manobuddhyaha ṅkāra citt āni nāha ṃ na ca śrotrajihve na ca ghr āṇanetre. na ca vyoma bh ūmirna tejo na vāyu ḥ cid ānandar ūpa ḥ śivo'ham śivo'ham. 20 Keeping in mind the philosophical similarities, we shall now present the salient points of affinities between Rumi and Indian monistic thought under six headings that relate to Sufi monism, prominence of love, cause of the world and way of liberation from it, the path to God realization, highest regard for the Guru, and the various ways of worshipping. A. The Sufi Monism The monism advocated by the Sufis, it must be kept in mind, differs largely from orthodox Islam. In orthodox Islam, monism does not mean the oneness of existence by l ā il āha illa’ll āha). Sufis extend this theory by opining) اه ا ﷲ -simply oneness of God that there is nothing in this existence but God 21 . In order to understand the status of God and the Creation, there are three theories in Islamic philosophy 22 –1. Ījādiyaḥ, 2. Śah ūdiya ḥ and 3. Waj ūdiya ḥ. The following three Persian expressions are used for understanding the differences clearly: 1. Hameh az Ū’st =All beings have emanated from the God . The Creator and created have outright different existence. It seems that this very theory has been generally accepted by the Quran . This view is called Ījādiyaḥ. For instance, we find the following verse in the Quran that endorses it – “al-hamdu li’ll āha alla ḍī khalaq assam āvāti wa’l arda” (6.1) = Praise be to Allah Who created the heavens and the Earth. 2. Hameh bā Ū’st =All beings exist in God. The creation is just the reflection of God and hence there is monism in the existence. This theory is called Śah ūdiya ḥ or

20 Neither am I the Mind, nor the Intelligence or Ego, Neither am I the organs of Hearing (Ears), nor that of Tasting (Tongue), Smelling (Nose) or Seeing (Eyes), Neither am I the Sky, nor the Earth, Neither the Fire nor the Air, I am the Ever Pure Blissful Consciousness; I am Shiva, I am Shiva, The Ever Pure Blissful Consciousness. 21 “Dar I śq mast b āś ki i śq ast, har ce hast” Dīvān-e-Śams : Ghazal-455. She’r - 2 22 Batr ā, Śrīniv āsa , p.149

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Wahdat’u śś uh ūd. This theory has close consonance with the theory of qualified monism of Rāmānuj ācharya. 3. Hameh Ū’st = All existence is nothing but God. This tenet is called Waj ūdiya ḥ or Wahdat’ul wuj ūd. It holds the view that it is God only who transformes himself into different beings. This theory propounded by Ibn e Arabi in 12 th – 13 th century, is intrinsically similarity to the Upanishadic theories of monism. Though Sufis repeat all the three theories to show their solidarity with the Quran , it is the third one which is most congenial to their opinion. Except for one or two contexts 23 the Quran doesn’t seem to endorse the third theory of absolute monism. Rūmī, in one of his Ghazals goes a step further and proclaims that in the whole world there is only one being and That is YOU-“Kīst kas ī beg ū digar k īst kas ī be j ā-e-tū”24 . In the same Ghazal, R ūmī has enunciated that whatever has been created in this world is only God’s shadow - “s āye- e-tū’st ei pisar, har che be rust ei pisar” . This statement takes the position that everything in this universe has been created out of Ātman (soul) and are like unreal and illusory shadows. Several maxims of Ved ānta have the same intent, e.g. in Śankar ācārya's Vivekac ūḍāma ṇi - mayyakha ṇḍ asukh āmbhodhau bahudh ā vi śvav īcaya ḥ | utpadyante vil īyante m āyāmārutavibhram āt || (In me, the Ocean of uninterrupted Bliss, endless waves of the universe arise and disappear by the play of the wind of Maya.) And in Dak ṣiṇāmūrti Stotra - “Vi śva ṃ darpa ṇad ṛśyam ānanagar ītulya ṃ nij āntargatam, pa śyann ātmani…” (The entire world is like a city seen in the mirror, the seeing happening in one’s own being. It is witnessing happening in the soul… ) Rūmī with astonishing accordance with the Indian monists, says that you have been born out of yourself and thus you yourself are both the father and the progeny- ham pidar ī wa ham pisar ham tu ne ī wa ham śakar 25 . In the Ved ānta philosophy it is believed that the

23 e.g. “fa ainam ā tavall ū fa samma wajh’ull āh” ( Quran 1.) 24 Dīvān-e-Śams : Ghazal-2148. She’r - 5 25 Dīvān-e-Śams : Ghazal-2148. She’r - 5

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Soul ( Ātman) creates variety out of itself- Sṛjas ātm ānm ātman ā26 . In the Yajurveda also there is a renowned Mantra corroborating the same line of thought: Praj āpati ścarati garbhe antaraj āyam āno bahudh ā vi j āyate (Yajur ॰ 31.16 ). As there is oneness in existence, the knowing God is synonymous with being God- Brahmavid Brahmaiva bhavati (One who realizes God he himself becomes God.- Mun ḍakopani ṣad 3.2.9 ). Rūmī enunciates the same thing through the following expression Nazz āre-e-jam āl-e-khud ā juz khud ā na kard. 27 (No one has witnessed the grandure of God without being God). A Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad also corroborates the same idea: “man araf nafsahu faqad araf rabbahu” (He who realizes his own self also realizes the God). The Upanishads use the famous metaphor of clay to explain the monism 28 . Rūmī also uses the same metaphor while adding some extra dimensions to it - “Khud k ūzā o khud kūzāgar o khud gil-e-kūzā Khud rind-e-sub ūka ś Khud bar sar-e-ān k ūzā khar īdār bar āmad Bi śkast o rav ān śud 29 ” (He himself is the clay, the potter and the pot. He is himself the man who buys the pot and uses it for drinking and verily he himself destroys it and disappears finally .) Unlike the orthodox Islam, Ved ānta and R ūmī both concentrate their discourse on the inner soul (the Pratyag-Ātman ) instead of God. This Pratyagatman being self-proved, always given, is reality of every being and hence no other category can supersede it. For Sufis too, other than this self-illuminating soul, there is no God. There is a popular saying in Sufism - “Sūfī khud ā nad ārad k’ ū n īst āfar īdeh” (Sufi has no God because he has not been created) . In orthodox Islam, Allah is the master and rest of the existence is subservient to Him. That is why it is blasphemous to state the oneness of God and creation. Mans ūr and Sarmad are some blatant examples who were persecuted and finally executed for having the same opinion of “Ana’l-Haq” or “Aha ṃ Brahm āsmi”.

26 Kum ārasambhavam 2.10 She’r - ۶ . ٨۶١-Dīvān-e-Śams : Ghazal 27 28 Vācārambha ṇam vik āro n āmadheyam… m ṛttiketyeva satyam (Ch āndogyopani ṣad 6.1.4) 29 This couplet appears in an ode of R ūmī which some critics think doesn’t really belong to him.

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B. Prominence of Love When a spiritual seeker realizes his own presence everywhere, he simultaneously falls in love with the whole of existence. According to him the real cause of loving someone is to feel identity with the other. The Upani ṣads proclaim that we only love ourselves. The idea of otherness makes us scared: Ātmanstu kāmāya sarva ḥ priyo bhavati (B ṛhad āra ṇyakopani ṣad 4.5.6) Fear is impossible because there is nothing that can be called the “other”. Love is inevitable because all the existence is identical with us: Tatra ko moha ḥ ka ḥ śoka ekatvamanupa śyata ḥ (Īśopani ṣad)” (They who can see ‘One’ Being everywhever how can they come across bewilderment or grief ever? ) The pantheistic approach of the Sufis is the sole cause of the abundance of love in their school. They, like the Vedantins, can feel the presence of the Self everywhere. Love in Sufism is not just centered on an object or a being but like Atman or God, it is omnipresent. Love in Sufism has the same philosophical status as of Knowledge in the school of non-dualistic Vedanta . It is omnipresent, eternal and blissful. In itself it is instrument as well as goal. Orthodox Islam considers worship or service to God as instrumental to liberation, while Sufism believes that only love can lead us to the summum bonum of life. Equality is the pre-requisite of love while for worship or service hierarchy is a must. It is only love through which one can acquire the real knowledge of the Supreme being. Rūmī, in his Masnavi, calls love as the astrolabe for knowing all secrets of the Lord. In the Bhagawad Gita, Lord Krishna also says that his real nature can be understood only through bhakti (Divine Love) – “Bhakty ā māmabhij ānāti yāvān ya ścāsmi tattvata ḥ”30 . In Sufism, Aql (reasoning and intellect) is a counterpart of iśq (Love). Our reasoning, according to Rūmī, is a bunch of our misconceptions. He suggestion to the spiritual seeker is to sell his scholarship and buy the bewilderment of love. This Love alone is the third eye which will lead to the Supreme: zīrak ī be-far ūś o hair ānī be-khar zīrak ī zann ast o hair ānī nazar 31

30 Bhagawadg ītā 18.55

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It should be borne in mind that in bhakti tradition of the Ved ānta, divine love is said to be the prominent instrument for God realization. Bhakti is the main proposition of the Narada and Śāṇḍ ilya Bhaktis ūtras and Pāncar ātra texts. In all the Ved ānta schools, other than that of Śankara, bhakti or divine love enjoys a pivotal status. The Sufi perspective on the status of love differs from that of orthodox Islam. The latter opines that Allah has created the universe in order to examine his votaries. A votary is passed if he, despite being thrown into odd or even circumstances, remains loyal to Allah. On the other hand, Sufis hold the view that the Universe has been created out of love. In the Nāsad īya hymn of the Ṛgveda too it has been stated that even before the genesis, love or desire for creation (K āma) did exist: “k āmastadagre Samavartat ādhi” 32 . In Taittir īyopani ṣad (2.6.4) too we find the reverberation of the same fact - “So’k āmayata bahu sy ām praj āyeyeti”. C. Cause of the world and way of liberation from it The root cause of Creation is one of the widely discussed themes in all religions and philosophies. According to a tradition in Islam, Allah was like a hidden repository and He created this world so that He is known- “kuntu Kanzan Makhfiyyan” etc. Another tradition in Islam says that this universe has been created to serve Allah. Without disregarding the aforesaid opinions, Rūmī puts forth an opinion alien to Islam and native to the Buddhist Vijñānav āda . It says that this world has been created from our thoughts. All the external objects are nothing but projection of the thoughts already stationed in our mind 33 . Just like the dream that appears in our mind, our exterior world too is created out of our thoughts. If we can manage to be thoughtless the world would disappear for us 34 . The world created out of our thoughts is actually unreal, but its identification with the self, projects it as real. We aspire to attain it and want to possess it. Our mind judges different objects as good or bad and due to this we lose our equanimity. Constant thinking

31 Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī - 1407 32 Ṛgveda 10.129.4 33 Bāgh-hā vo m īve-ha andar dil ast Aks-e-lutf-e-ān bar īn āb o gil ast ( Mathnav ī-e-mānav ī - 1365) (The (real) orchards and fruits are within the heart: the reflexion of their beauty is (falling) upon this water and earth (the external world) Trans. R.A. Nicholson, (Masnavi.net) 34 In his autocommentary of the Vakyapadiyam (1.4) Bhart ṛhari names this kind of deliverance as Vaikara ṇyam (The state of thoughtlessness.)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 about the world fastens our relationship with it. Greed for availing the worldly pleasures is the dirt due to which our own self does not get reflected in the mirror of our heart, and we forget our own illuminating self 35 . Therefore, our first duty is to cleanse the dirt from the surface of our heart. As Rūmī reiterates - Saiqal ī kun Saiqal ī kun Saiqal ī36 . Only after doing this the face of the supreme beloved would appear to us. The orthodox Islam certainly would not subscribe to all the thoughts stated above. These thoughts are very similar to Buddhist Vijñānav āda and the Ved ānta.

D. The Path and Process of God Realization According to the Sufis, worldly love is the only way to attain the divine and transcendental love. Love, even if it is physical, is not unwelcome because it serves as a ز bridge leading to divine love. They believe in following famous Arabic proverb Physical love is bridge to divine love). They who haven’t loved the servants) ة ا of God cannot attain Allah. Rūmī expresses the belief that the strings of love with worldly people, finally 37 guide us to the divine one. This is why Sufis had chosen worldly love stories of Laila Majnoon, Khusraw-Shirin, Yusuf-Zulaikha etc. in order to explain spiritual intricacies of divine love. In medieval India too, we find rich literature of the same kind produced by Indian Sufis, where they chose love stories from folklores and used them for their spiritual explanation 38 . Moreover, the Sufis used fine arts such as music and dance in order to attain the Supreme Being. The fine arts arouse delicate thoughts in our mind. The mind captivated and

35 Āine-t d ānī cher ā Ghamm āz n īst Z’ ān ke zang ār az rukh-ash mumt āz n īst ( Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī - 34) (Dost thou know why the mirror (of thy soul) reflects nothing? Because the rust is not cleared from its face) Trans. R.A. Nicholson, (Masnavi.net) 36 (Mathnav ī-e-mānav ī - 34); on another place too, R ūmī puts it like the following - اھ رخ ار رخ ق زر ز آ دا 37 Āś iqu ī gar z’ īn sar o gar z’ ān sar ast ( - Āquibat m ā r ā bed ān s ū rahbar ast ( Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī١١١ (Whether love be from this (earthly) side or from that (heavenly) side, in the end it leads us yonder.) Trans. R.A. Nicholson, (Masnavi.net) 38 pahile hindui katth ā kah ī. puni re kahu turuk lai kahi.. puni ham kholi arath sab kah ā. Jog sing ār b īr ras ah ā.. (Kutuban in his Mṛgāvat ī , verse 427, ed. Mātā Pras ād Gupta)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 liquified by fine music and dance cannot be a ground for harsh thoughts and thus it becomes conducive to love of the universe, and subsequently of love to God. It is interesting to note that Rūmī was the first to introduce dance and music into Sufism which is technically called Sam ā. This dance of Sufis is very esoteric and suggests connection between the mundane and divine world. This dance simultaneously can suggest the pangs of separation as well the bliss of union with the Supreme Beloved. It should be borne in mind that in orthodox Islamic rituals there is no room for dance or singing. A servant of Allah must be civilized, cautious and God-fearing. On the contrary, Rūmī says that in the court of my beloved being afraid is of no use. Everyone, here, is emperor, and servants are not needed at all: bar dar-e-māśū q-e-mā tarsandeg ān rā kār nīst Jumle śā hān and īnj ā bandeg ān rā bār nīst (D īvān-e-Śams : Ghazal-396. She’r – 1) In Shrimadbh āgawata Mahapur āna (11.14.24) too, while defining his votaries, the Lord enunciates that the person full of my love sings loudly, dances shamelessly, laughs and cries intermittently. By doing so he purifies the whole world 39 . We are reminded of one of the 8 verses of Lord Caitanya of the 15 th century in this regard-“While taking Your name, when will my eyes ooze with stream of tears, when will the mouth be with stuttering and obstructed speech, when will the body be covered with bristling of hairs 40 ?”. E. Highest regard for the Guru Highest regard for the Guru (spiritual teacher) is another point of similarity between Hinduism and Rumi’s Sufism. In the Śwet āśwatara Upani ṣad (6.22) , for the first time the reference to Gurubhakti we find: yasya deve par ā bhaktiryath ā deve tath ā gurau. tasyaite kathit ā hyarth āḥ prak āś ante mah ātmana ḥ. (He who has the extreme devotion towards the God and is devoted to the Guru with same intensity will be able to discern the ideas laid down in this Upani ṣad).

39 vāggadgad ā dravate yasya cittam rudatyabh īkṣaṇam hasati kvacicca. Vilajja udg āyati n ṛtyate ca madbhaktiyukto bhuvanam pun āti. 40 Śik ṣāṣṭ akam 6.

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In Sufism also there is a similar statement about the Peer: har ke zāt-e-pīr o haq rā yek na dīd nei mur īd o nei mur īd o nei mur īd (He who differentiates Guru from the God is no way a disciple). In the odes of Rumi almost all ghazals show intense dedication and yearning towards his preceptor Śams Tabr īzī. In orthodox Islam we know that no one can be equated with Allah or the Prophet Muhammad. It is possible only in Indic or its cognate schools of thought which is visible also in the Sufis in general and in Rumi in particular. F. Various ways of Worshipping Spirituality gives room to all opinions and it believes that the ways of worship may differ according to the disposition of the individual. An Arab proverb is very famous among Sufis and it reads: “attar īqu il’all āhi bi-ădadi nuf ūs ul khal āyaqi” (The ways towards Allah are as many as there are people in this creation.) In R ūmī’s Mathnavi (2.35) we find a very nice story about Moses the prophet and a shepherd. The shepherd was invoking God by imposing various qualifications according to his own understanding which Moses overheard. He scolded him for superimposing various adjectives to the formless God and warns him of the flames of hell. Frightened and sad, the shepherd goes away. God Himself sends a message to Moses that you separated my dear devotee from me: “t ū bar āy e wasl kardan āmad ī? yā bar āy e fasl kardan āmadi 41 ??” (Are you here to separate people from me or bring them closer to me?) In the Indian thought there always has been the freedom to choose the path of worship according to one’s own temperament. Lord Krishna declares in the Gita (7.21) - “ yo yo yāṃ yāṃ tanu ṃ bhakta ḥ śraddhay ārcitumicchati tasya tasy ācal āṃ śraddh āṃ tāmeva vidadh āmyaham. (Whatsoever form any devotee desires to worship with faith that (same) faith of his I make firm and unflinching.)

41 Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī-1751

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In Bhagawadgita (3.23) also the very thought has been reiterated by the Lord. He says “Everyone among the human beings is treading on my path only”. And therefore, there is no need to harass anyone or deviate from one’s chosen path. In the Shivamahimnah Stotra (7) it has been stated that according to their interest people choose apparently different paths but their ultimate goal is One - the Lord 42 : This attitude is the only solution to end discord and bring peace and reconciliation in our modern world. Thus, we see that Jalaluddin Rūmī, even being stationed in Islamic boundaries, has innovated a syncretic and tolerant model of Maulaviya that can accommodate all kinds of spiritual seekers in it. In his framework there is nothing but peace and reconciliation as he believes that the nationality of love is outrightly different from all other nationalities. Nationality and religion of Lovers is only the supreme Lord: “millat-e-iśq az hame millat jud ā-st Āś iq ān r ā millat o mazhab khud ā-st 43 ” In the realm of love there is only accord and love ispite of all superficial differences. In his Mathnvi Maulana has stated: “ei bas ā hind ū o turk-e-hamzab ān – ei bas ā do turk ch ūn big āneg ān pas zab ān-e-hamdil ī khud d īgar ast – hamdil ī az hamzb ānī behtar ast 44 ” (Oh, many are the Hind ūs and Turks that speak the same tongue; oh, many the pair of Turks that are as strangers (to each other). Therefore, the tongue of mutual understanding is different indeed: to be one in heart is better than to be one in tongue. ) Finally, we end this paper with an invocation of R ūmī to mankind: “biy ā t ā qadr-e-yekd īgar bed ānīm – ke t ā n āgeh ze hamd īgar nam ānīm45 ” (Come on, let us realize the value of each other, lest we should remain ignorant of the mutual importance.)

42 “Ruc īnāṃ vaicitry ād ṛjuku ṭilan ānāpathaju ṣām nṛṇāmeko gamyastvamasi payas āmar ṇava iva. 43 Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī - 1770 44 Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī- 1206-1207 45 Dīvān-e-Śams : Ghazal-1535. She’r – 1

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References

Persian

Zam ānī, Kar īm. Śarh-e-jāme’-e-mathnavi. Inti śā rāt-e-Ittel ā’āt. Tehran. 1390 Hijri Jam ālz ādeh. Muhammad Ali. Bāng-e-Nay . Inti śā rāt-e-Anjuman-e-kit āb, Tehran. 1325 Hijri Zarr īnk ūb. Abdul Huassain. Pille pille t ā mul āqāt-e-khud ā. Inti śā rāt-e-Ilm ī. (30 th ed.) 1389 Hijri Zarr īnk ūb. Abdul Huassain. Dumb āl-e-just o j ū dar taswwuf-e-Ir ān. Inti śā rāt-e-Am īr Kab īr, Tehran 1389 Hijri Far ūzān Far, Bad īuzzam ān. Śarh-e-hāl-e-Maulav ī. Kit ābfur ūś -e-Jav ār. Ma śhad. 1315 Hijri

Maul ānā, Jal āludd īn (ed.) Nicholson, R.A. Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī-with verse index . Moscow edition. Inti śā rāt-e-Hirmis (4 th ed.) 1386 Hijri Maul ānā, Jal āludd īn (ed.) Kadkani, Muhammad Rez ā Śaf ī’ī. Dīvān- Śams Tabr īzī. Inti śā rāt-e- Sukhan-Tehran 1388 Hijri

English

Arberry, A.J. – Tales from Masnavi , George Allen and Unwin LTD, Ruskin House Museum Street , London – 1961 Whinfield, E.H. (Tr.)- Masnavi I Ma’navi (translation and Abridgement). The Ocatagon Press. London -1979 Syeda Saiyidain Hameed (ed.). Contemporary Relevance of Sufism. Indian Council for Cultural Relations, Delhi-1993 (Editors) Banani,Amin ; Hovannisian, Rechard; Sabagh, Georges – Poetry and Mysticism in Islam : The Heritage of R ūmī , Cambridge University Press – 1994 (Editor) Quasemi, Sharif Husein ; Maulavi Flute, New age International (P) Limited. Publishers, New Delhi et.c.-1997 Rizvi, Syed Athar Abbas. A History of (Vol.1). Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi. (IVth reprint)2012

Hindi

Tiw ārī, R āmp ūjan. Sūfīmat : S ādhan ā aur S āhitya. Jñānam ṇḍ ala Limited. Vārāṇas ī, Sam. 2025 Pāṇḍ eya, Śyām Manohar. Madhyayug īna Prem ākhy āna. Lokabh ārat ī, Allahabad. 1982

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(Trans.) Rizvi, Syed Athar Abbas. Haq āyaq-e-Hind ī of M īr Abdul W āhid Bilgiram ī. Nāgar ī Prac āri ṇī Sabh ā, K āśī . Sam. 2014

Shukla, Balram. Ni ḥśabda N ūpur (100 Ghazals of R ūmī with trans.). Rajkamal Prak āś an. Delhi-2018

Urdu

Maulavi, Jal āluddin R ūmī (Trans. & notes) Hussain, Q āzī Sajj ād. Mathnav ī-e-Mānav ī (6 volumes), Sabrang Kit ābghar, Delhi 1974

Internet links ganjoor.net/moulavi/shams/ghazalsh/ http://www.masnavi.net/2/25/eng/ https://www.vajehyab.com/ (Visited till 12.06.2020)

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Peaceful Co-existence and Spirituality in Islam With special reference to Indian and Iranian Sufis

Prof. Hamidullah Marazi University of

The issues regarding spirituality and monasticism are very relevant to modern times as we have been rendered devoid of almost all perennial values and these have been replaced by new set of values after we blindly emulated the materialistic and atheistic trends which came in the wake of modern western ideologies. These new values are mostly governed by the consumerist concerns of our times and there is hardly any spiritual or moral foregrounding attached to these. Our organizational behavior in the corporate life is mostly influenced by these considerations and governed by these new consumerist ethical codes of conduct which are somewhere rooted in the hedonistic or utilitarian, or at the most we can say, pragmatic considerations. Our world is torn apart by the wars raging everywhere and among various stakeholders. The situation has reached to the saturation point where we can easily apply the remark of Hobbes which he had made about the state of nature: "War of all against all"! Evelyn Underhill rightly says in the preface to his famous book Practical Mysticism, "Moreover, that deep conviction of the dependence of all human worth upon eternal values, the immanence of the Divine Spirit within the human soul, which lies at the root of a mystical concept of life, is hard indeed to reconcile with much of the human history now being poured red-hot from the cauldron of war.” 1 Even in the western context it is being felt earnestly that the world needs something better and more enduring than this show of muscle power and weaponry which has led the world to the unprecedented devastation of human resource, values, and above all the cultures of peace and humanity which were created by the great souls everywhere in the world throughout the annals of human history, if the experiences on which it [mysticism] is based have indeed the transcendent value for humanity which the mystics claim for

1Author Evelyn Underhill, Release Date: June 8, 2007 [eBook #21774] Language: English, E-text prepared by Ruth Hart, [email protected], http://booksiread.org) New York E.P.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 them--if they reveal to us a world of higher truth and greater reality than the world of concrete happenings in which we seem to be immersed-then that value is increased rather than 'lessened when confronted by the overwhelming disharmonies and sufferings of the present time.” 2 More than this, a deep instinct sometimes assures the mystics that the inner spring or secret of that Whole Fact is also the inner spring and secret of their individual lives: and that here, in this third factor, the disharmonies between the part and the whole are resolved. That invulnerable spark of vivid life, that "inward light" which these men find at their own centres when they seek for it, is for them an earnest of the Uncreated Light, the ineffable splendour of God, dwelling at, and energising within the heart of things: for this spark is at once one with, yet separate from, the Universal Soul. According to Martin Lings: "Nearly 1000 years ago a great Sufi defined Sufism as 'taste', because its aim and its end could be summed up as direct knowledge of transcendent truths, such knowledge being, insofar as its directness is concerned, more comparable to the experiences of the senses than to mental knowledge.” 3 Spiritual target which Islam sets before man is to realise ones responsibilities towards his Creator and his fellow beings? The answer in the words of the Qur'an is that when man reaches to this realisation he can be called as: 'A soul at rest' (89:27). Thus the spiritual goal of Islam is to attain this state of peace in the soul. The Qur'an addresses such souls in these words: “O” serene soul! Return to your Lord joyful, and pleasing in His sight. Join My servants and enter My paradise" (89:27-30). The way to reach the stage of the peaceful soul depends on man's relation to God. The more man turns his attention to God, the more he will receive inspiration from Him. With the help of divine inspiration, he will be able to pass through the various stages of spiritual uplift until he ultimately reaches that pinnacle of sublimity so desired by the Almighty. Facing all the conditions of life good and bad without losing one's integrity, as the

2Dutton & Company, 681, Fifth Avenue, Copyright 1915 by E.P. Dutton & Company, P-6

3Ibid-p7

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 adversaries do not disturb the inner peace of man, successes and failures do not affect him. The soul which is contented does not take revenge or vengeance. This peaceful soul is very tranquil in all conditions and it has no fear or grief as it has surrendered itself to Allah and accepts all the Divine decrees for himself and for his world around him. The Quran says about these saintly persons: "No doubt! Verily, the Auliyd' of Allah [literally the friends of God, i.e., those who believe in the Oneness of Allah and fear Allah much (abstain from all kinds of sins and evil deeds which He has forbidden), and love Allah much (perform all kinds of good deeds which He has ordained)}, no fear shall come upon them nor shall they grieve. Those who believed (in the Oneness of Allah-Islamic Monotheism), and used to fear Allah much (by abstaining from evil deeds and sins and by doing righteous deeds), for them are glad tidings, in the life of the present world (i.e., righteous dream seen by the person himself or shown to others), and in the Hereafter. No change can there be in the Words of Allah, this is indeed the supreme success" (10:62- 64). The peaceful soul that is henceforth created raises a person to the higher plane of existence, most beautiful disposition and sublime character,' (68:4). New Para In Arabic about soul there are various words like and Ruh. The Ruh, literally spirit, is used in all the possible meanings of spirit but, in particular, means the non-individual aspect of the soul, the intellect or nous (in Arabic al-aql al faal) as opposed to the lower individual soul, the psyche, in Arabic an-Nafs. 4 The Nafs is understood as the soul. The Arabic Nafs corresponds to the Latin anima and the Greek psyche. It is the individual substance and corresponds to the receptive pole of the Being. It exists alongside with ruh (spirit) again corresponding to Latin spiritus and Greek pneuma, which is non-individual and represents the active pole of Being in man, also called the aql (intellect). 5 Often the term Nafs is used in a pejorative sense, because in its fallen, unregenerate state, admixed with passion and ignorance, it is an-Nafs al- Ammarah bi-s-su (the soul which

4What is Sufism? Premier Publishing Company, Aligarh, 1973, preface

5Cyril Glasse, The Concise Encyclopaedia of Islam, Stacey International London, 1989, p-338

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 incites to evil: 12:53). Passing through the stage of an-Nafs al-Lawwamah (the reproachful soul; 75:2), which corresponds in some sort to the conscience, advocating conversion, it can become purified and reconciled to the source of its reality as an Nafs al- Mutma 'innah (soul at peace) assured of paradise: “0 soul at peace, return unto thy Lord, well-pleased, well pleasing! Enter thou among My servants! Enter thou My paradise! "(89:27) 6 The Prophet had this peaceful soul and the "sublime character," (68:4) sublime character in real sense of the word. One day, as the Prophet was sitting with his companions in Madinah, a funeral procession passed by. The Prophet stood up. His companions pointed out that it was the funeral of a Jew, that is a non-Muslim. The Prophet replied: "Was he not a human being)” 7 However, there can be no comparison between the devotion and of the Prophet (SAW) and that of the Sufi as the Prophet (SAW) is perfect in all respects. Moreover, whatever the travellers on spiritual path attain, it is due to following his footsteps only. It is perhaps for the same reason that, according to Lings, the Divine Messenger enters and leaves this world by the celestial gate towards which all mysticism is oriented. 8 In order to reach to the culmination in spiritual life, the Muslim mystic has to enter this world by the gate that is merely cosmic. Not that the mystic could ever reach this central point of perfection by his efforts. But the Prophet (SA W) himself is always present at this centre, and to those who are not, he has the power to throw out a "life-line," that is, a chain (Silsilah) that traces a spiritual lineage back to himself. 9 Furthermore, every Sufi order (tariqah) is descended from the Prophet (SA W) in this way, and initiation into tariqah means attachment to its particular chain.

6Ibid, p-295

7Ibid. pp-295-296

8Hajar Asqalani, Fathul Bari, Volume 3,p-214, On another occasion the Prophet of Islam was in the Masjid al-Nabavi in Medina, the second most sacred in Islam, when a Bedouin that is a desert Arab, entered the mosque and urinated inside it. It was obviously a very provocative matter. But the Prophet was not at all provoked. After the nomad had urinated, the Prophet simply asked his companions to bring a bucket of water and wash the place clean (Fathul Bari, I/386)

9Lings, op.cit.p-38

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However, Sufism has the dynamism attached to its very essence and it can be said that: "Sufism is nothing if not a movement to return, an ebb, and that by the standards of Sufism the rest of the community, although facing the right direction, is stationary. Even among themselves the Sufis make a distinction between those more central members of an order who are what they call "travellers" (salikun) and those more peripheric members who are relatively at a standstill.” 10 The Sufis are true example of these two traits: connections with God and forbearance with men. After the period of Prophet, apart from other religious accomplishments, the companions and their followers continued the spiritual practices they had learnt from the Prophet in devotion to the acts of worship and righteousness, and finally Sufism became a widespread discipline in the Muslim world. Though the mystical traits were acquired at the individual level by the Sufis in the initial stages of Islamic history, it should be made clear that this individual mannerism and spiritual elevation lead finally to the clandestine emergence of organised monasticism, which developed its structural set-ups known as Sufi Silsilahs (orders) and Khanqahs. The 13th century was a step forward in the integration and consolidation of the mystical movement in Islam. Imam Ghazzali and Imam Qushairi had given form and coherence to the mystical concepts; Shaikh Shihab-u'd-din Suhrawardi (ob. 1234) enunciated the principles of Khanqah life and organisation in his Awarif-ul-Maarif. Two great mystic thinkers of the 13th century, Shaikh Muhi- u'd-din lbn Arabi (ob. 1248) and Maulana Jala-u'd-din Rumi (ob. 1273), gave to the Sufi movement a warm fund of emotions and an elan to appeal to and attract all higher religious sentiments.” 11 However, this fact needs our constant notice that all the Sufis individually and Sufi orders collectively trace their origin to the true Master, the Prophet (SAW) himself and, we know that even the companions of the Prophet (SAW) had received blessing (barakah) from him which he had received from Allah. This was conveyed to them by him at Bayat ar-Ridwan, the pledge made by the companions of the Prophet (SAW) at Hudaibiah when

10 Ibid

11 Lings, op.cit. p-28, Lings has made three categorizations of the divisions of of the spiritual hierarchy, firstly those Sufis who are “travellers,” secondly those who are relatively “stationary” but whose faith and practice are nonetheless perfumed with Sufism, and thirdly the “exoteric” majority. P-31

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 they made a formal Bayt (allegiance) on the sacred hands of the Prophet (SAW). In the Sufi tradition the chain of transmitters whereby the original pact made with the Prophet is passed on from Shaykh to Shaykh and is called a silsla, an initiate chain. All authentic Sufi orders are linked into such a chain. Historically, the Sufis have been grouped into organisations called tawaif or turuq, the latter word being used more commonly in the later period from the time of the Qadiriyyah order. Tariqah is now also a technical term for esoterism itself. Its plural form turuq are congregations formed around a master meeting for spiritual sessions (majalis), in zawiya, khanwahs, or tekk, as the meeting places are called in different countries. 12 These spiritual meetings are described in the words attributed to the Prophet: “Whenever men gather together to invoke Allah, they are surrounded by Angels, the Divine Favour envelops them. Peace (as-Sakinah) descends upon them, and Allah remembers them in His assembly. " The presence of Shaikh is also crucial in all such gatherings. Initiation (al-bayah or al- idhn) 'is necessary point of entry from the exoteric, for this transmits a spiritual influence (barakah), a grace conveyed by the Angel Gabriel to the Prophet at the time of revelation; initiation plants a seed in the soul; it is beginning of a new life, for the initiation bestowed by a spiritual master (Shaykh) has a lineage that goes back, through the entire series of spiritual masters, then to the Prophet. The master, who is always an orthodox Muslim, must incarnate the truth of the doctrine of which he is the living example; only he who has achieved a realization-in some degree at least of the Divine Truth can "put in motion the wheel of the doctrine" for an individual seeker. Ultimately, as al-Kalabadhi said, "The Sufis are agreed that the only guide to God is God Himself.” 13 In the early days, Sufism was not recognized as the inner dimension of Islam, as it is now, but was identified with Islam as such. Indeed, to disparage the weakening of human aspiration after Islam's first efflorescence, Sufis have said, "In the beginning, Sufism was

12 Mysticism in Islam, edited by K.L.Seshagiri Rao, Publication Bureau, Punjabi University, Patiala, 2002 article by KA Nizami. P-60

13 Cyrill Glasse, op.cit.p-376

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 reality without a name; today it is a name without reality.” 14 Sufism is a description of the adventures of a soul. It speaks of the seeker after God as a , or a "traveller," and of the progress in the spiritual life as a "Suluk," a "travel" or "journey" along which he is guided by a Murshid or Pir, a "guide" or an "elder," who has already attained the goal by completing the journey, and is thus qualified to lead a seeker, now his Murid, an "aspirant," to the attainment of Marifat, "the knowledge" of God. The traveller is guided along the course of at- Tariqat, the "path," the practices which are prescribed by the Murshid, the guide, according to the progress made by the devotee. He, passing though the Maqama, the "stages," experiences certain Ahwal, the "states," and finally, if he shows the perseverances to the end, he attains by Fadl, the grace of God, the desired goal of union with God, called fanafil-haqiqat, "annihilation in reality.” 15 According to Abu Sayeed Kharaz, a humble Murid has this quality that he is overwhelmed by the tendencies of time affection and generosity he tried to remove and ward off all the miseries from creatures because he is just like the earth for the creatures of Allah on which people walk and run and, to the Shaikh, he is like a pious son and, for children, he is like an affectionate father. In short, he is very kind to the creatures in general and his behaviour is such a merciful one that he is always involved with them in their distress and also in the supplications and bears all the infliction he receives from them." 16 Sahal ibn Abdullah says that the Murid has this routine that he is inclined to performance of actions and forgiveness from sins and to think for the welfare of people. 17 According to Yusuf Ibn Hussain the indications of a Murid are as follows: his not liking someone is like liking someone; his enemies are also safeguarded from him, as his friends; he finds everything in the Quran; whatever he knows he puts into action, and whatever he does not know he tries to know; he shuns idle thought and thinking; he is ever desirous to get rid of punishment and aspirant of the bounties of Allah and His

14 Ibid. p-377

15 Ibid. p-376

16 Ibid-p-67

17 Shaikh Abu Nasr, Saraj, Kitab al Luman fil Tasawwuf, tr., Syed Asrar Bukhari, Iatiqad Publishing House, New Delhi, 1991, p-335.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 promises. Instead of looking into the defects of others he keeps eye on his own heart. 18 According to Khawaja Nizamuddin Awliya, a Salik should possess six qualities: 1. He should remain in a secluded place so that he may have control on his self. 2. He should remain always with ablution and if he feels sleepy, he should make a fresh ablution after sleep. 3. He should try to keep fast always, but if not possible for him, he should 4. Eat very little. 5. He should remain silent about what does not pertain to God. 6. He should have passionate love and affection for his Shaikh. 7. He should leave all apprehensions for the sake of Haqq. 19 Moreover, the Salik should avoid following things: 1. He should discard the World; especially he should refrain from the company of worldly people. 2. He should not mention anyone other than Allah, and not should he to have any relation with anyone else than Allah. 3. He should also not display any slight inclination'towards the world. 20 Sharf uddin Muneeri says that the first weapon in the hand of us in the fight against our Nafs is hunger as our stomach is the source of all sins. 21 Because, through satisfying the hunger by eating men get sexual power; therefore hunger is fire and human sexual power is its fuel. Human sexual instinct and sexuality can be burnt only by the fire of hunger and turned into ashes. 22

18 Ibid. p-336

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid. P-272

22 Ibid.P-458

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In abnormal and tragic circumstances, the role of these Sufis has been more crucial and challenging. According to Hujwiri, Salik always follows the commands of Haqq, performs his duties towards people and needs the help of a Shaikh because seclusion in his favour is destruction. When any comes to see him, he should welcome him with respect; if he travels he, should travel for the sake of God; that is, he should only make journey for the sake of Hajj, Ghazwa or acquisition of knowledge, or to visit the tomb of a Shaikh. His food should be like the food of a sick person, and should be lawful; he should not accept the invitation of the worldly persons; he should walk with feebleness, and not be arrogant; sleep only when overpowered by sleep; should remain silent as silence is better than speech; even when he needs to speak, his speech should be truthful as speaking truth is better than silence. He should supplicate to Allah and ask for everything from Allah. Though celibacy is against Sunnah, as in celibacy man is sometimes overwhelmed by carnal desires but if a Salik wants to lead a secluded life then remaining celibate is his ornament. 23 According to Mooinuddin Chisti, among the five worship items of a Salik are: 1. Service of parents 2. Recitation of the Quran 3. Respect of Ulama and Mashaikh 4. To make a pilgrimage to Kaabah 5. To render service to his Pir. 24 According to Bakhtiyar Kaki: 1. A Salik should not eat to fill of his belly; if he does, he is a self seeking person; eating is just for the sake of having strength to perform worship.

23 Ibid

24 Syed Sabahuddin Abdur Rahman, Bazm-i-Sufia,(Urdu) Mutbah Maarif Dar al Musannif, Azamgarh, 1989, pp-39-40

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2. Dress should not be for show; if he wears for show and ostentation, he is a thief though pretending to be treading the Sufi way. 3. A Salik should speak little. 4. Sleep less. 5. Abstain from the worldly luxuries. He says Bayazid Bistami worshipped for 70 years but still did not achieve nearness to Allah, but at the time of death he threw away his earthen jug and the khirqah of leather; it was only then that he could achieve this nearness. 25 At the collective levels, the role of Sufis was very significant, especially in the critical junctures of Islamic history. To start with in crisis Sufism played very significant role and its achievements cannot be underestimated. It got its organisational structure owing to these cruises and other emerging challenges to the very existence of Islam in medieval times. For example, Mongol invasion was “a challenge” for the Sufis. Therefore the Sufis concentrated their energies on "the regeneration of society," and they divided universe into spiritual territories (walayatas), and in this environment "the spiritual orders (silsilah) and Khdnqdhs were effectively organised and established on an extensive scale to meet the situation which henceforth became an integral part of the mystic discipline. “With the rise of these silsilahs, large establishment of Khanqahs, for inculcating community spirit among mystics and for the moral and spiritual culture of the people, became almost imperative. Khanqah is a Persian word and its Arabicised form jukhangah means place, and its abbreviated form is khan; in Pahlavi language it is khanak and in ahanah; some people call it combined form of khawan gah, i.e., the place of khwan meaning the place of eating for the , meaning thereby that where the Sufis go, i.e., a place where they stay and eat; such places have been found in the buildings existing from old age. A verse is being quoted in this respect. Surah al Dahar (verse-8), where it has been mentioned that the believers make others to eat despite the fact that they themselves are in

25 Ibid.P-780

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 need of the eatables: "And they give food, inspite of their love for it (or for the love of Him), to Miskin (poor), the orphan, and the captive." (76:8) In a famous Sufi treatise Tabaqqat-al-Sufia, its form has been given as Khanqah and at another place Khanqah in Persian. According to Tabaqqat-al- Sufia, the first ever Khanqah was constructed at Ramallah for Abu Hashim Kufi. Thus it can be said that it is a place where dervish and mashaikh eat and worship and live together. During the times of Prophet (SAW) there was a bench constructed for some of the wayfarer companions of the Prophet in the Masjid of the Prophet (SA W), and the people who were residing there were commonly known as Ashab-i-Sufah (the people of the Bench). Some people consider that this model of sufah had some resemblance with Khanqah, because on the sufah were living those companions of the Prophet (SAW) who had no houses of their own and thus lived on sufah .26 Following are some of the salient features of the Khanqah: 1. Staying place of the dervishes, i.e, for such people who do not have place to stay and the people who do not have their own houses Khanqah is their home. 2. A place where Sufis and dervishes can talk and stay together and also worship together so that they may get externally and internally united to be able to get illuminations of each other and to get enlightened in their souls and hearts so that they and the surrounding areas may get affected by their illuminations, hence safeguarded from catrosphies and atrocities. A dervish should not travel alone; at least one friend should accompany him though; with four people travelling is a difficult position and less than too as well. Everyone should have a rod, a jug, a prayer rug, one comb, one belt and one tooth stick. They should select one of them as their leader and others should follow him as subordinates. When they reach to any Khanqah they should first search for the servant, and when the servant comes they should be welcomed by him and taken inside. And he should make them to put off their socks wherever they want and then should show them bath room. Afterwards, they should handover their belongings to the servant (khadim) and he should preserve these and spread the prayer rug for them. These people should make fresh ablution and offer

26 Ibid. p-105

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 two rakahs and after offering prayer go to meet the dervish. The dervishes should leave prayer rug and stand up to welcome them and embrace each other and kiss each other's hands. And then all should sit on their respective prayer rugs and then whatever is asked from them reply to it gently in shortest possible manner. And they should not answer that which is not asked. Then dining table should be spread and they should be made to dine whatever is available.They should stay there for three days and not leave unless there is any compulsion.After three days they should leave and meet whomsoever they want to. 27 Without permission the people in Khanqah should not leave, and if they want to leave they should only after seeking proper permission 'for it. But they should not go to bazaar and should come back at their earliest after performingtheir duties. They should not eat outside nor go to attend any invitation and not ask for anything from anyone. But whatever they need they should just ask from the khadim. They should refrain from talking in the mosque loudly and not to make noise while taking off their shoes so that the people busy in and worship or the sleeping people are not disturbed. Any person accepting service should be given something. Elders should advice youngsters. 28 First of all one should go to Madrasah and then Khanqah and become murid and remain in the company of the Shaikh, then learn important sciences and then read narrations, then leave reading these books. Afterwards, he should do that what is liked by his Sheikh. There are two ways to reach Allah, one is from takrar (constant repetition) and tahsil (acquisition) and followers of it are these people who call themselves people of Shariah. Second group is of people of the mujahidin (strugglers in Allah's way) and zikr wa azkar (and people who extensively make the zikr). Thus these are people of Shariah and people of Tariqat. 29 Even the Sufis have been taught the mannerism touching upon such trivial points as to how to start with right foot while entering and take out left while leaving. Or how to enter or shrines. But while going to toilets they have been taught to start with the left

27 Ibid. p-105

28 Azizuddin Nasafi, Al Insa al Kamil, quoted in -i-, Hayat aur Karnamay op.cit.p-899

29 Ibid.p-895

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 but while coming out start with right foot. The dervish is advised thus: “Oh dervish is advised thus: Neither during day or night you should shout in the Khanqah nor recite or chant anything loudly. When a man walks into the Khanqah he should not walk there with heavy feet nor strike his shoes against earth so that the people busy in commemoration or meditations get disturbed or if they are sleeping their sleep is disturbed. "Oh dervish! If in the Khanqah there is someone amongst the people of service he should accept to serve but if there is no one to serve whosoever is given this charge ofservice he should be given some remuneration for the services. He will serve sincerely and honestly. To serve others will be allowed only when they allow so and permit accordingly. "Oh dervish! The dwellers of Khanqah should know each other's conditions and if anyone amongst them is afflicted by a calamity and he is not able to remove it, other dwellers of the Khanqah should help him. When the elders meet youngsters they should admonish them. I mean to say that they should not shy away in helping each other and hide shortcomings of each other on the other and highlight good qualities instead. The elderly should respond the queries of others with leniency and open-heartedly or if the questions are not suitable they should avoid their replies. Because responding such questions will entail more harms than profit still if they want to save the people who ask questions from heart burning then they may respond in a very polite way to these questions. The people should be addressed according to their capability. 30 “Though broadly used in the sense of hospices, these' terms differ in their connotation. The Khanqah was a spacious building, providing separate accommodation for every visitor and inmate. The establishment of Khanqah was based on the conviction that a life of solitary, self sufficient, contemplation was incompatible with the highest mystic ideal of salvation through service of mankind.” 31

30 Ibid.pp-900-901

31 Ibid. Acording to A.R.I.Doi: “In the old Khanqah…besides Dhikr and Afkar (Meditation and thought) the Dars (Lessons in Religious Scriptures) formed and essential part of training for the novice, but now in how many courses, including those designed for adults, is Sufism presented not form the point of view apologetic, but as a problem in Islamic living which the students themselves have to work under guidance of the Shaykh of the Silsilah(Order?) “(The Islamic Review and Arab Affairs, September 1970, p-32)

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At some places Khanqah was named Zawiyah. Zawiyah literally means a corner, and in North Africa the word means an oratory or small mosque, a place of religious retreat, or in particular, a meeting place of Sufis for prayer and the invocation of the Name of God (dhikr). A Zawiyah may be small or large, even a mausoleum of a saint associated with religious order. "It is the equivalent of what is called a Khanqah in the East, or a tekke or Dargah in Turkey. It can also be a part of a home that is set aside for prayer.” 32 Some of the Sufis wish to draw themselves closer to Allah through constant weeping, as Thomas a Kempis advised the spiritual postulant "to seek the gift of tears". Most Sufis have passed through phases of weeping as a sign of the "melting of the heart" or melting of existential knots. 33 In fact, when men of different temperaments and attitudes assembled in these Khanqah, all tensions, conflicts and complexes in their character were resolved and their personalities were moulded in consonance with the spirit of the Silsilah. Common penitences and sufferings drew out the noblest qualities of their souls and made them understand what Carlyle calls the 'divine significance of life'. 34 Strict discipline was maintained in the Khanqah and elaborate rules were laid down for the guidance of the inmates: How to talk to the Shaikh; how to deal with visitors; how to sit in the Khanqah; how to walk; how and when to sleep; what dress to wear---on these and similar other topics minute instructions were given to the people of a Khanqah. The Shaikh sternly dealt with those inmates who were found guilty of the slightest irregularity. Awarif-ul-Maarif is accepted by the medieval Muslim mystics as an excellent manual for the guidance of organisers of silsilahs. In this book the details about the Khdnqdh life, its organisation and the various related rules and regulations maintained by the Sufis in their monastic life have been discussed succinctly.

32 Mysticism, Islamic, Nizami, p-74, footnote no.85

33 Cyril Glass’e, op.cit p-432

34 Ibid. p-418

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Here is a gist of these monastic organisational rules and regulations which have been mentioned in this great Sufi treatise: "Sufis reach to Khanqah before the afternoon, if due to some reason they are late they alight at the Masjid or in some corner. The next day, at sunrise, they proceed to the Khdnqdh and make (a) two rak'ahs (of prayers) as salutation to the spot; (b) salaam (peace wishing); (c) haste to embracing and to the handshaking those present.” 35 While being in the Khanqah their monastic behaviour is described as: "In speech, they make no presumption; so long as they are not asked, they do not speak." 36 About their activities at Khanqah, it has been mentioned that they wait till they can meet the masters they want to get instructions from, or just to get blessings, or just to have the pleasure of their spiritual company: "For three days of the business that they may have, beyond visiting of the living and of the dead---they go not from the Khanqah until the inward form, from the alteration caused by the accidents of travel, return to its own ease, and they become ready for the interview with the Shaikhs.” 37 Not only their coming to the Khanqah and going out from the Khanqah is governed by certain set of rules and regulations, but their assembly and stay in Khanqah is also determined by the strict rules and regulations: "When from the Khanqah they wish to go out, they refer their request to the men of the Khanqah. When three days have passed, if they resolve to stay, they seek service whereby

35 Mysticism in Islam, edited by K.L. Seshagiri Rao, Publication Bureau, Punjabi University, Patiala, 2002, p-67 Some psychologists have interpreted meditations of various people in religious symbols or injections. For example, while explaining Surah Kahaf, Carl Jung has given a novel interpretation about the very name Kahf meaning cave when he says that everyone has a cave in himself, or into the darkness that lies behind the consciousness will find his self involved in an at first-unconscious process of transformation, by penetrating into the unconscious he makes connection with his unconscious contents. (The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious pp-74-75)

36 Shahbuddin Suhrawardi (Tr.by Lieut Col. H. Wilberforce Clarke), Taj Company, New Delhi, 1984, pp-30-36

37 Ibid

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 they may stay.” 38 The first three days after the travellers have arrived are spent by them as the guests according to the Prophetic tradition and guidance. But if they want to stay beyond these first three days then they will stay at the Khanqah but not as guests but as servants of the other incoming or outgoing Sufis. Yet again in the monastery the engagements of the Sufis is like whether to be engaged in devoting oneself to spiritual activities then they are exempted from the services or else they may serve. If their time be engaged in devotion, no performance of service is necessary for them. This was something about the behaviour of the travellers who keep on pouring in the Khanqah. The dwellers of the Khanqah have their respective engagements. They have to display certain traits and need to possess certain etiquettes. For example, "The dwellers of the Khanqah meet the travellers with (a) tarhib (ye are welcome), (b) regard, and (c) expansion of face (throughjoy).” 39 It means that they have to welcome the incoming Sufis with open arms and smiling faces. It should not be a just cosmetic mannerism as we may find at the occasion of someone'scl.ecking in at the reception of a hotel, but it was and still is a heartfelt greeting and soul rendering welcome not governed by material concerns and consumerist considerations. After making the incoming Sufis to feel comfortable the next thing the dwellers do is to offer food and refreshment to the guests: "The servant should offer light food, and be present fresh of face, sweet ofspeech.” 40 There is possibility that a strange person may turn up who is not aware about the monastic life and its etiquettes, still he is to be conducted in a polite way and his self respect and honour have to be maintained. "If a traveller, unaccustomed to the customs of Sufis, reaches the Khanqah, they should not look at him with contempt, nor should they prevent him from en tering." 41

38 Ibid

39 Ibid

40 Ibid, p-38

41 Ibid

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The groups which stay at Khanqah have different spiritual objectives to realise, and thus they have to behave in the manner which is most suitable to their condition: "The dwellers of the Khanqah form three parties: (a) ah-li-khidmat (men of service,); (b) ahl-i-suhbat (men of society); (c) ahl-i-khilvat (men of solitude)." 42 The roles to be played by these different groups have also been discussed in detail. "The ahl-i-khidmat are the beginners," who out of love come to the Khanqah. They do them service, so that thereby they may become acceptable to the hearts of men of deeds and of stages, and may be regarded with the glance of mercy, may acquire fitness for kinship and become a slipper out of the garment of alienation and of farness. They gain capability of society for its advantages, and by the blessing of their society, words, deeds and manner become bound by the bond of dignify. After that they become worthy of khidmat. To the old men, the passing of their time in khilvat is best. To the youth, the house assembly setting in company (suhbat) is better than solitude (khilvat), so that, with the bond of knowledge (Ilim), their lusts may be (by the revealing of states, words, and deeds to those present) bound. Thus has Abu Yaqub Susi said: The men of the Khanqah have a portion, devotion and a service; and aid each other respecting important matters of faith and of the words. Fitness for "service" is when a person has, by outward resemblance and inward and pure desire, acquired kinship with Sufis. Who hath no kinship with one of these two ways, ---him, and it is not proper to "service," or with him to associate except in compassion. If the Khanqah have no bequest, and in it be present one possessor of vision, he, according to the exigency of the time and their capacity, instructs murids. If he considers good to abandon Kasb (acquisition) and to remain in beggary, he puts

42 Ibid

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 them on Tawakkul (reliance on God) and on the abandoning of the means (of livelihood). If the men of Khanqah are a brotherhood, and no Shaikh be present, they choose, as occasion demands, one of these three ways: Whether to choose Kasb (acquisition) or Tawakkul (reliance on God) or beggary? The men of Khanqah should observe concord to each other, sit at one eating table, pass life in love and purity and counterfeit evil thoughts. They should not allow hypocrisy that they should display outward reconciliation, and their hearts are flooded with hate, then hopelessness is their good, and their destruction an expectation. They should outwardly and inwardly try to be in agreement with, and in equality to each other, and to be in respect of all people from impurity (of wrong). "In the heart of a Sufi or a faqir, how should there be the alloy and the counterfeit (of evil thought), the place of return whereof is the love of the world?" By abandoning the world and turning from it are they special and chosen. When a person appears possessed of lust, with him they should strive to repel the darkness of lust by the luminosity of the heart. The injurer and injured both are in sin. Because if the injured one had heartily opposed the lust of the injurer, the darkness of lust would through the luminosity of the heart, have departed. The true Sufi is he who strives in the purifying of his heart, and allows no pollution to abide in him. 43 1. The people of the Khanqah should establish cordial relations with all men (Khalq). 2. They should concern themselves with God. 3. They should abandon all efforts at earning a livelihood and should resign themselves to the will of God. 4. They should strive for the purification of their inner life. 5. They should abstain from things that produce evil affects.

43 Ibid, p-38

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6. They should learn the value of time. 7. They should completely shake off indolence and lethargy. 44 The true Sufi is he who strives in the purifying of his heart, and allows no pollution to abide in him. 45 The conditions of the company of the Mashaikh of Tariqat are: 1. Everybody is to be respected according to his status. 2. Old people need to be revered and the people of equal age to be treated well and children to be treated gently, elderly people to be taken as fathers, and the people having same age as brothers and children like siblings. 3. Caprice, jealousy and animosity and hatred to be abandoned. 4. And never leaving any opportunity to advice others and never be grieved for anyone's bad behaviour and never abandon people due to their ill treatment.” 46 Kashaf-al-Mahjub mentions the etiquettes of the companionship in Tasawwuf in detail. (It is one of the oldest Persian treatises on Mysticism. It was written around mid of 11th century. The original work is in Persian and it has been translated into many Oriental and European languages. It was composed by Abu ai-Hasan Ali b. b. Abi Ali al- Jullabi al-Ghaznavi al-Hujwiri (may Allah be pleased with him) who was born in a noble family of Ghazna which was renowned for their piety and countenance. 47 Hujwiri says:

44 Ibid, p-38

45 K.A. Nizami, in Islam, op.cit.p-67

46 Ibid. pp-40-41. See also Shahbuddin Suhrawardi, The Awaif ul Maarif, tr.Liet Col.H. Wilberforce Clarke, Taj Company, New Delhi 1984, pp-37-41

47 , al Mahjub, tr. Mufti Ghulam Mooinuddin Naami, Rizvi Kitabghar, Maharastra, Bhiwandi, 1988, p-492

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"The condition of companionship in Sufism is that one should treat everyone according to his degree. Thus he should treat elders with respect, those of their own sort with pleasant familiarity, and younger with affection. For him elders should be like his parents, should consider brothers of his own age group and should treat the younger like his sons. Should renounce hate, envy, and malice and must not withhold sincere admonition. It is not permissible to speak evil on somebody's back and or to behave dishonestly with companions .Similarly, it is also not appreciated to deny one-another on account of any word or deed, because a companionship which begins for Allah's sake should not be cut short by human words or acts. He says further: "Dervishes are of two kinds, residents and travellers. According to the custom of the Shaikhs, the travelling dervishes should regard the resident dervishes as superior to themselves, because they go to and fro in their own interest, while the residents have settled down in the service of Allah which in the former case is the sign of search, and in the latter is the token of attainment. Hence, those who have found and settled down are superior to those who are still seeking. Similarly, the resident dervishes ought to regard the travelling dervishes as superior to themselves, because residents are laden with worldly encumbrances, while the travelling dervishes are unencumbered and detached from the world." Again, old men should prefer young ones to themselves, for they are newer to the world and whose sins are less numerous; and young men should prefer to themselves the old ones, for they are better than them 'in devotion and service. If it happens like this, there will be no evil and there will be ease and deliverance for all. Mongol invasion was "a challenge" for the Sufis. Sufis concentrated their energies on "the regeneration of the Muslims of Muslim society, "at a time when Muslim political power was at its lowest ebb; they divided universe into spiritual territories (walayatas), and in this environment "the spiritual orders () and Khdnqdhs were effectively organised and established on an extensive scale to meet the situation which henceforth became an integral part of the mystic discipline." 48 The earliest order was the Qadiriyah founded by (ob.l166). His sermons and teachings attracted people to Islam and even a "very large number of Jews and Christians to Islam." Even after his death his madrasa and his ribat continued to

48 This book is translated by Lt. Col® Muhammad Asharf Javed. The author talks about the ettequites of a man intending to involve himself with mystic life)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 attract people from distant lands, and his order found adherents in Yemen, , Egypt and many other regions. 49 Next was the silsilaha-i-Khwajgan organised by Khawaja Ahmad popularly known as Ata Yasawi (ob.1166), and he is referred by Farididdiudin Attar as Pir-i-Turkistan; it is said he affected the conversion of Turks to Islam, his tomb became a "place of pilgrimage" for both kings and Sufis.” 50 However, Khawaja Abdul Khaliq Ghujduwani (ob. 1220) gave a distinct spiritual philosophy to the silsilaha-Khwajgan. Nearly a century and half later there appeared Khawaja Baha-u'd-din Naqshband (ob. 1389) on the scene of the silsilaha-i-Khwajgan. His contribution towards the consolidation and expansion of the silsilaha was so great that after his death the order came to be known as the Naqashbandi silsilaha. Another important mystic order was the Chistiya founded at Chist in the Hari-Rud valley of Afghanistan, near Firuz Koh, the capital of the Shanbani rulers of Ghur by Khawaja Abu Ishaq of Syria (ob. 940 A.D.) and it produced great saints like Khawaja Maudud Chisthti, Haji Sharif Zindani and Khawaja Usman Harwani. Khawaja Mu'in-u'd-din Hasan Sijzi was the founder of this order in India and this order is "in fact, essentially Indian" says Nizami. 51 Khawaja Mu'in-u'd-din arrived in India during the reign of Prithvi Raj and set up a Chisti mystic centre at Ajmer, in the heart of Rajputana. 52 Khawaja Mu'in-u'd-din was having a very dynamic concept of religion and was "thoroughly humanitarian in his outlook.” 53 He interpreted religion in terms of human service and exhorted his disciples." to develop river like generosity, sun like affection and earth like hospitality." The highest form of devotion according to him was to "redress the misery of those in distress; to fulfil the

49 Nizami.op.cit.p,P-61

50 Ibid.p-62

51 Ibid

52 Ibid

53 Ibid

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 needs of the helpless and to feed the hungry." 54 Abul Fazl says that multitudes of people came under the influence of his teachings. 55 His two disciples-Shaikh Hamid-u'd-din Bakhtiyar Kaki (ob. 1236)- played a prominent role in the expansion of the silsilah. The former worked out the Chisti mystic principles at Suwal, a far-off village in Rajputana. 56 The Suharwardi silsilah was founded by Shaikh Abu Najib Abdul Qahir Suhrawardi (ob. 1168), a distinguished Sufi, jurist and reformer of the 12th century. Many of his spiritual descendants become founders of new silsilahs e.g., Kubrawiya, Shattariya and Firdausiya and his' nephew Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi (ob. 1234) succeeded him in Baghdad and devoted himself to the expansion of this order. His Awarif-ul-Maarif is accepted by the medieval Muslim mystics as an excellent manual for the guidance of organisers of silsilahs. 57 Shaikh Najm-u'd-din Kubra (ob. 1226) lived under distressed conditions owing to the Mongol invasion, and it was in July 1226 that the Mongol attacked Khawarizm and the Shaikh went out to meet the invaders in the open field and died fighting the Mongol forces. 58 With the rise of these silsilahs, large establishment of Khanqah for inculcating community spirit among mystics and for the moral and spiritual culture of the people became almost imperative; interestingly, the first Khanqah was built early in the 2nd century AH by Abu Hashim Sufi. This has been mentioned by Nafahat -ul- Uns. 59

54 Ibid

55 Siyar-ur-Auliya, p-46

56 A ‘in-i-Akbari, edited by Sir Syed. P-207

57 A ‘in-i-Akbari, edited by Sir Syed. P-207

58 Ibid. p-65. This book is a treatise on ethics and practical mysticism. It not only explained the Sufi terms and their connotations explained the aims ideals of the Sufis and has formulated principles for the “group organization” of the Sufis. It was due this reason that the contemporaries “in their eagerness to organize their silsilahs, accepted it as their guide book” p-73, footnote 71, Nizami. Its influence in India may be estimated form the fact that for a long time it was prescribed for higher studies in religion and mysticism. P-73

59 Ibid. p-65

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Maqrizi thinks that the origin of the separate houses of worship may be traced back to the days of the Caliph Uthman. 60 Ibn Taimiyah writes on the authority of Akhbar-us Sufiya that the first house for mystics was constructed at Basra. 61 But he thinks that the popularity of Khanqahs and ribats started with the Seljuq period. 62 But these early Khanqah could not develop into centres of the mystic movement. They remained private in character. From the 12 th and 13 th centuries onwards Khanqah, jamaat khanahs and zawiyahs became the nuclei for the expanding mystic movement. Zawiyahs Though broadly used in the sense of hospices, these terms differ in their connotation. The Khanqah was a spacious building, providing separate accommodation for every visitor and inmate. The Jamaat khanah was a large room where all disciples slept, prayed and studied while sitting on the floor. The Chisti saints built Jamaat khanahs. Suhrawardis constructed Khanqah. Common people, unable to appreciate the distinction, used the word Khanqahs even for the Chisti Jamaat khanahs, and now the term is used for all centres of spiritual activity without distinction. The zawiyahs were smaller places where mystics lived and prayed but, unlike the inmates of Khanqah and Jamaat khanahs, did not aim at establishing any vital contact with the world outside. In the 17th and the 18th centuries another type of Khanqahs, the daerahs came into existence. The primary aim of the daerahs was to provide place for the men of one affiliation to devote their time to religious meditation. They were smaller than the zawiyahs. 63 The establishment of Khanqahs was based on the conviction that a life of solitary, self- sufficient, .contemplation was incompatible with the highest mystic ideal of salvation through service of mankind. In constructing Khanqah, writes Shaikh Izzuddin Mahmud,

60 Ibid. p-65

61 Ibn Taimiyah, Fatawa (vol.IV,P-271)

62 Fatawa Ibn Timiya, 11,p-460

63 Ibid.(IV,P.459)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 there are several advantages ... First, it provides shelter for mystics who do not possess any house of their own ... Second, by gathering at a place and mixing with each other, the mystics get an opportunity of regulating their lives and developing uniform inward and outward ways .... Third, in this way they get an opportunity of criticising and mending each other's ways.” 64 Khaliq Nizami says, "In fact, when men of different temperaments and attitudes assembled in these Khanqah, all tensions, conflicts and complexes in their character were resolved and their personalities were moulded in consonance with the spirit of the silsilah. Common penitences and sufferings drew out the noblest qualities of their souls and made them understand what Carlyle calls the "divine significance of life.” 65 Shaikh Shihab-ud-din Suhrawardi found sanction for the establishment of Khanqah in the Quranic verses --- (24:36-37) 66 Strict discipline was maintained in the Khanqah and elaborate rules were laid down for the guidance of the inmates as to how to talk to the Shaikh, how to deal with visitors, how to sit in the Khanqah, how to walk, how and when to sleep, what dress to wear--on these and similar other topics minute instructions were given to the people of a Khanqah. The Shaikh sternly dealt with those inmates who were found guilty of the slightest irregularity. "67 If a Khanqah had waqf for its maintenance, the Shaikh could either instruct his disciples to earn their livelihood or permit them to beg or ask them to sit in the Khanqah resigned to His will. If a Khanqah had no Shaikh but was run by a group of men of equal spiritual status (Ikhwan) the same three courses were open to them." 68 Marifat (gnosis) being the summon bonum of a Sufis life methods were adopted for achieving this goal. Through which was (union) was possible. Heart (qalb) was

64 Footnote no. 85, pp-74-75, op.cit. Nizami

65 Misbah-ul-Hidayah, (Lucknow edition, 1322 AH,PP-118-119). See also Nizami op. cit., P-67

66 Ibid. Nizami. Op. cit.p-67

67 Awarif-ul-Maarif(Urdu Translation Lucknow 1926,p-123)

68 Nizami.op.cit.p-68

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 considered the only medium which could set the Finite in tune with the Infinite. Every silsilah consequently developed its own methods for training heart. However, the temperament of the people of a particular region was taken into consideration while prescribing these methods. This point has been mentioned by Shah Allah. When a person desired to get initiated into a Silsilah, he gave his hand in the hands of the Shaikh and repented for his past sins (Tauba) and promised to lead a chaste and pure life in the future. Sometimes the head of the new entrant was shaved. Sometimes a cap was placed on his head. 69 These are the methods adopted in order to "harness all feelings and emotions to establishing communion with Allah: 1. Zikr-Jihr: Reciting the names of Allah loudly, sitting in the prescribed posture at prescribed times. 2. Zikr-Khafi: Reciting the names of Allah silently. 3. Pas-i-Anfas: Regulating the breath. 4. : Absorption in mystic contemplation. 5. Chillah: Forty days during which a mystic confines himself to a lonely corner or cell and devotes himself to contemplation. In some Sufi silsilahs the efficacy of audition parties (sarna) is laid emphasis upon so that one's spiritual personality gets developed, as music in their view relieves the strain on a man's emotions, and quickens ones emotional response and attunes his heart to the Infinite and the Eternal. According to Nizami: " or , consequently, became one of the popular institutions of medieval mysticism and the common man, incapable of comprehending the mystic principles at a higher level, readily accepted its ceremonial aspect. If its metaphysics attracted the higher intellects, the mystic ceremonial--sama, , Langar, etc.,---drew to its fold the common man who looked upon the mystic more as a blessed miracle worker than a teacher of a higher morality. Considered in the broad perspective of Islamic history, a significant

69 Misbah-ul-Hidayah(Lucknow edition, 1322 AH) PP-121-122

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 contribution of the Sufis was that they removed the contradictions between static and the rapidly changing conditions of life. In fact, it was through the mystic channel that dynamic and progressive elements entered the social structure of Islam." 70 The whirling dance or that is proverbially associated with dervishes, is the practice of the in Turkey, and is part of a formal ceremony known as the Samah. The Samah is only one of the many Sufi ceremonies performed to try to reach religious ecstasy (majdhb, ). The name Mevlevi comes from the Persian poet Rumi (born in Balkh; modem day Afghanistan), whose is in Turkey and who was a dervish himself. This practice, though not intended as entertainment, has become a tourist attraction in Turkey. "If the doors of perception were cleansed, everything would appear to man as it is, infinite. For man has closed himself up, till he sees all things through the narrow chinks of his cavern. " 71 Khanqah was not just a place of retreat but a place where all the comforts of life' were present and people used to enjoy stay in a Khanqah. Ibn Jubyr Andulasi says that in the latter part of 6th century in the Muslim world the Sufis were enjoying very good and luxurious life, and like the kings had all the facilities of life available there and they used to have at least the glimpses of the promised bounties of paradise on earth itself, so to say. They used to organize the musical concerts in these khawaniq. 72 Coming to Kashmir Sufism, it has also developed a well-knit system of monastic rules and regulations apart from important mystical traits. One of the patron saints of Kashmir Syed Ali Hamadani who belonged to a Kubarawi sect of Sufi says, for example, .... “our tariqah is stronger than all other turq; therefore a person who wants to be initiated in to our Tariqah should be ready to get initiated in Tariqat wa Haqiqat at one and the same time."

70 Nizami. Op. cit.PP-68-69

71 Nizami. Op. cit. p-69

72 According to Hujwayri, without mushadah there is no possibility of mujadah and without mujadah there is no possibility of mushadah. He does not however, consider mujahidah as the cause of mushadah, but the method to reach to the way of truth and its means. See Syed Sabahusddin Abdur Rahman, Bazm-i-Sufia, Mutbah Maarif Dar al Musannifin, Aazamgarh,1989, pp-25-26

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Taqwa, according to Shah Hamadan (as the Syed is commonly known in Kashmir and Iran) means that in heart of the Sufi only Allah's Wajud (Being and existence) is settled and all other things than Allah have already vanished. A Salik should make it a point that whatever actions he is performing no one else 'should know about their performance. Salik is a person who gets unconnected from the worldly affairs and remains with ablution all the times and silence is maintained by him throughout, as he remains strictly obedient to all the commands of his Murshid and does not talk to all, and in seclusion keeps fast and does not eat that much that he may be overcome by sleep and remain deprived of worship; however, he should not eat less to become very weak also. The etiquettes of khilvat (solitude) are as' follows according to Hamadani: "Salik should remain very much considerate and with- ablution and keeping (his sitting and standing) direction towards Qiblah and whatever invocatory prayers are recommended by the Murshid should be practiced, and he should remain in seclusion and select a very dark room so that he remained cut off from all the external relations and should only come out from his room when he has call of nature or for ablution or for offering congregational prayers, and when he comes out he should keep his head down and should not cast his gaze on anyone. In seclusion, he should engage himself in zikr and the concentration on recitation of Kalimah Shadah and its repeated mention on his tongue should be that extensive that whole of his body gets affected by its good impact and vibrations. A special care according to Hamadani should be taken that a Salik should not mix up with people and avoid their company. 73 About the importance of Shaikh (Pir) a great Rishi saint of Kashmir says: Pir is the father and mother of the Salik as the Sufis believe. Nooruddin considered Mir Syed Hamadani as his spiritual guide; therefore he says: " .... the Pir is father and mother and through him I have got connected with God who is my lord; therefore Pir is just like the light of my eyes and I hope on the Day of Judgement due to his intercession my sins will be pardoned, and my miseries warded off due to his

73 Justaju Dar Tasawuf Dar Iran, Dr. Zareenkonb, Musasah-i-Amir-Kabir Tehran, and 1367 p-162)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 recommendation.” 74 According to Shah Hamadan, after the gnosis of one's self all the successes follow and man becomes the holder of key of the door of grandeur as he become s master of his times also. 75 When Shah-i-Hamadan reached to Kashmir for preaching of Islam, he informed people about Islamic teachings in the towns and cities. Wherever he stayed in connection with preaching of Islam his son got constructed Khdnqdhs later on and these Khdnqdhs are attributed to Syed Ali Hamadani. The place he stayed at Allaudinpora, when he reached Kashmir, was actually a royal guesthouse those days. Afterwards, it was demolished by the king to establish a sufah for prayer where Syed Ali Hamadani, known as Amir-Kabir, Sultan Qutubbuddin and his nobles would offer five times prayers. In the south (junoob) of this guest house, in its vicinity was a Budh Vihara where a Buddhist monk was residing along with his followers. This monk embraced Islam by the preaching of Syed Ali along with his followers. His grave is present in the graveyard, which is situated near present Khdnqdh itself. The stones of this Budh Vihara have been used in the Khdnqdh-i- Mu 'alia situated on the left side of the Khdnqdh. It was on the place of sufah that the son of Mir Syed Ali Harnadani constructed a Khanqah known as Khdnqdh-i-Mu 'alia. It is worth mentioning that Syed Ali Hamadani had established only the sufah and no other Khdnqdh in Kashmir. 76 The Khanqah -i-Mu 'alia was constructed by Mir Muhammad Hamadani during the period of Sultan Sikandar at the place of sufah which was demolished by the king Qutubbuddin himself. The construction of this Khanqah was started in 798 AH and completed in 799 AH (1397 AD). 77

74 Shamsuddin Ahmad, Mir Syed Ali Hamadani-Shah-i-Hamadan Aik Taaruf, The Monthly Shiraza, Jammu and Kashmir Academy of Art and Culture and Languages, Lalmandi, Srinagar, editor Muhammad Ahmad Andrabi, Vol.35 no 1-3, pp13-14

75 Ibid., p-56

76 Ibid, p-103

77 Ghulam Rasool Bhat(P-191). Before Syed Ali Hamadani there was Khanqah built for Bulbul Shah by Rinchan. Rinchan granted the revenue of certain villages to Bulbul Shah for his maintenance and also built a Khanqah for him near his own palace (Baharistan-i-Shahi)., p-17; see AQ Rafiqul, Sufism in Kashmir,

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The deed written in this regard is very explicit in pronouncing that this Khanqah was meant for the purposes of the stay of the custodians of this Khanqah and the people who will stay there for various religious devotions. The poor people (fuqara), destitute (masakin) , pious people (Salah), righteous (atiqiyah) and the truthful (sadiqqin) etc., were the benefectionaries of this Khanqah and the people who want to meditate in this Khanqah will be provided all the facilities so that they may remain busy in their prayers. This Khanqah was given in the guardianship of Mawlana Sayeed so that he may spend the income incurred from the donated villages on the beneficiaries of this Khanqah and one portion of the income incurred from these villages was allocated for the requirements of the treatment of sick people. This was also agreed upon that the income was to be spent on the needy persons. Malik Devi Ganai was made as overseer on these works so that no one took advantage of any anomaly. In this regard, the agreement was signed by both by Sultan Sikandar and Mir Muhammad Hamadani, the copy of which is found in the record of this Khanqah. 78 Khanqah-i-Aala Tral was constructed by Mir Muhammad Hamdani in 800 AH which is very similar with Khanqah-i-Maula. It was constructed with timber and bricks and in the Khanqah there was constructed 40-ft wide and 60-ft high mosque, and there was made flowery on its walls and the beautiful names of hllah were in golden letters. Khanqah-i-Amirryah, Namlabal Pampur: Amir stayed also at Pampur and Mir Muhammad Hamadani constructed a Khanqah in Namlabal during the reign of Sultan Sikander (1389-1413). The"Khanqah is 25 sq ft in breadth and length. Big slabs of stones were used in its construction which used to be around 3 ft in width and 4 ft in length. This is similar to other Khdnqdhs, and in its construction stones, timber and bricks were used; and there is embroidery on the timber logs and mehrabs. Khanqah-i-wala (Wachi): This Khanqah is situated at Wachi in the township of Shawarah in Zainapora. This Khanqah was also constructed by Mir Muhammad Hamadani in 1399 AD and was known as Khanqah-i-Wala. Second time this Khdnqdh was constructed by Nasibuddin Ghazi. This Khdnqdh has been renovated several times; therefore its original

Bharatiyya Publishers, Allahabad, N.D. Bulbul Shah died in 727/1326 and was buried in his Khanqah, now called Bulbul-Langar, in Srinagar.

78 Ibid. Shiraza. Pp-190-191

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 shape has not remained intact. In 1974, it was constructed once again. Khanqah Kubarawi (Amirryah): This Khanqah is situated in Mattan Chismah Machbhavan and was constructed during the reign of Sultan Skindar by Syed Muhammad Hamdani. The lawns of this Khanqah have been decorated with very beautiful flowers. The Mughals shifted this Khanqah and constructed it at another place. On the spring Aasif Jah Khan built a Shahi Bagh and some glorious buildings. Khanqah -l=Ameerihyah Monghhama Pulwama: Since during his stay in Kashmir, Amir stayed at Monghhama Pulwama (Sirnaw), and it was due to this reason that his son Mir Muhammad Hamadani constructed one-storey Khdnqdh. During the reign of in 1116 AH (1704 AD), this Khanqah was renovated by his governor Ibrahim Khan when he was made governor of Kashmir for the third time. 79 As we know, among the Sufis who were trained in the Khanqah of Alaud-Daula Sirnnani (1261/1336) was Shaikh Abul-Maili Sharaf-uddin-Din Mahmud Bin Abdullah Muzdaqani. His prominence owes to the fact that his disciple was initiated Sayyid Ali Hamadani (born 714 AH) in the Kubraviyav order by him. 80 The importance of Khanqah was well known to Syed Ali Hamadani as he was himself acquainted with this phenomenon at his native place Iran. Sayyid Ali travelled very extensively and came to Kashmir also. Many of the Sufis who were trained at the Khanqah of Alaud-Daula Sirnnani, left their native towns and travelled as far as Gulbarga in south India. Mir Saiyid Ashraf Jahangir Sirnnani (d. 1405), who had travelled for some time in the company of Saiyid Ali, later settled at Faizabad, east of Luknow. 81 Accompanied by his disciples, Sayyid Ali travelled widely in the Valley. He left his deputies at a number of places, which were great Hindu centres of those days, such as Pampur, Awantipora and Vijabror. These followers of Sayyid Ali established Khdnqdh, and the network of branches which gradually emerged became important centres of

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid.pp-191-202 Shirazi GR Bhat op cit)

81 Rafiqui, op cit. p-31

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 preaching and proselytization. 82 It was not specific with Kashmir only but during the Mongol period in most of the Islamic countries like India, Turkistan, Syria, Rome, Egyptian Africa, etc., were great places of flourishing Sufism and everywhere the Khdnqdhs would abound and the assemblies of samah held with great zeal. Ibn Batuta has mentioned that wherever he went to eastern or western part of Islamic world, he found inns, Khanqah, tekkes and Langar in abundance where the people from amongst Sufis, qalanders frequented the most. This situation was prevalent till the last part of 9th century Hijrah, and even after that Sufis were revered the most. They were considered friends of Allah; caliphs would respect them, and the noble and notables would throng their Khanqahs. 83 In some cases, the kings and caliphs would come bare-footed to visit some famous mashaikh and awliya, and would also build their Khanqahs. 84

82 Ibid. pp-33-34

83 Ibid. pp-37-38

84 Shamsuddin, Hayat aur Karnamay, op.cit.p-903

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References :

1. Author Evelyn Underhill, Release Date: June 8, 2007 [eBook #21774] Language: English, E-text prepared by Ruth Hart, [email protected], http://booksiread.org) New York E.P. 2. Dutton & Company, 681, Fifth Avenue, Copyright 1915 by E.P. Dutton & Company, P-6 3. What is Sufism? Premier Publishing Company, Aligarh, 1973, preface 4. Cyril Glasse, The Concise Encyclopaedia of Islam, Stacey International London, 1989, p-338 5. Hajar Asqalani, Fathul Bari, Volume 3,p-214, On another occasion the Prophet of Islam was in the Masjid al-Nabavi in Medina, the second most sacred mosque in Islam, when a Bedouin that is a desert Arab, entered the mosque and urinated inside it. It was obviously a very provocative matter. But the Prophet was not at all provoked. After the nomad had urinated, the Prophet simply asked his companions to bring a bucket of water and wash the place clean (Fathul Bari, I/386) 6. Lings, op.cit. p-28, Lings has made three categorizations of the divisions of Muslims of the spiritual hierarchy, firstly those Sufis who are “travellers,” secondly those who are relatively “stationary” but whose faith and practice are nonetheless perfumed with Sufism, and thirdly the “exoteric” majority. P- 31 7. Mysticism in Islam, edited by K.L.Seshagiri Rao, Publication Bureau, Punjabi University, Patiala, 2002 article by KA Nizami. P-60 8. Shaikh Abu Nasr, Saraj, Kitab al Luman fil Tasawwuf, tr., Syed Asrar Bukhari, Iatiqad Publishing House, New Delhi, 1991, p-335. 9. Syed Sabahuddin Abdur Rahman, Bazm-i-Sufia,(Urdu) Mutbah Maarif Dar al Musannif, Azamgarh, 1989, pp-39-40 10. Prof. Dr. Shamsuddin Ahmad, Shah-i-Hamadan, Hayat aur Karnamay, Shaikh Ghulam Muhammad and Sons, Maisima Bazar, Srinagar, 1995, p-892 11. Azizuddin Nasafi, Al Insa al Kamil, quoted in Shah-i-Hamadan, Hayat aur Karnamay op.cit.p-899 12. Ibid. Acording to A.R.I.Doi: “In the old Khanqah…besides Dhikr and Afkar (Meditation and thought) the Dars (Lessons in Religious Scriptures) formed and essential part of training for the novice, but now in how many courses, including those designed for adults, is Sufism presented not form the point of view apologetic, but as a problem in Islamic living which the students themselves have to work under guidance of the Shaykh of the Silsilah(Order?) “(The Islamic Review and Arab Affairs, September 1970, p-32) 13. Mysticism in Islam, edited by K.L. Seshagiri Rao, Publication Bureau, Punjabi University, Patiala, 2002, p-67 Some psychologists have interpreted meditations of various people in religious symbols or injections. For example, while explaining Surah Kahaf, Carl Jung has given a novel interpretation about the very name Kahf meaning cave when he says that everyone has a cave in himself, or into the darkness that lies behind the consciousness will find his self involved in an at first-unconscious process of transformation, by penetrating into the unconscious he makes connection with his unconscious contents. (The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious pp-74-75) 14. Sayyid Ali Hujwiri, Kashf al Mahjub, tr. Mufti Ghulam Mooinuddin Naami, Rizvi Kitabghar, Maharastra, Bhiwandi, 1988, p-492 15. This book is translated by Lt. Col® Muhammad Asharf Javed. The author talks about the ettequites of a man intending to involve himself with mystic life)

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16. Misbah-ul-Hidayah, (Lucknow edition, 1322 AH,PP-118-119). See also Nizami op. cit., P-67 17. Awarif-ul-Maarif(Urdu Translation Lucknow 1926,p-123) 18. According to Hujwayri, without mushadah there is no possibility of mujadah and without mujadah there is no possibility of mushadah. He does not however, consider mujahidah as the cause of mushadah, but the method to reach to the way of truth and its means. See Syed Sabahusddin Abdur Rahman, Bazm-i- Sufia, Mutbah Maarif Dar al Musannifin, Aazamgarh,1989, pp-25-26 19. Justaju Dar Tasawuf Dar Iran, Dr. Zareenkonb, Musasah-i-Amir-Kabir Tehran, and 1367 p-162) 20. Shamsuddin Ahmad, Mir Syed Ali Hamadani-Shah-i-Hamadan Aik Taaruf, The Monthly Shiraza, Jammu and Kashmir Academy of Art and Culture and Languages, Lalmandi, Srinagar, editor Muhammad Ahmad Andrabi, Vol.35 no 1-3, pp13-14 21. Ghulam Rasool Bhat(P-191). Before Syed Ali Hamadani there was Khanqah built for Bulbul Shah by Rinchan. Rinchan granted the revenue of certain villages to Bulbul Shah for his maintenance and also built a Khanqah for him near his own palace (Baharistan-i-Shahi)., p-17; see AQ Rafiqul, Sufism in Kashmir, Bharatiyya Publishers, Allahabad, N.D. Bulbul Shah died in 727/1326 and was buried in his Khanqah, now called Bulbul-Langar, in Srinagar.

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Rumi’s Tasawwuf and Vedantic Mysticism

R.M. CHOPRA Former President Iran Society

Mysticism is defined as the eternal yearning of the human soul to have a direct experience of the Ultimate Reality. The mystic sentiment grows out of the human aspirations for personal and direct communion with the Supreme Lord. When strong spiritual emotion cannot be satisfied by the orthodox or formal approach to the Supreme Being, the mystic ideals are cherished and cultivated. These are unvarying phenomena of yearning of the human spirit for personal experience of God .1 Evelyn Underhill aptly defines mysticism “to be expression of the innate tendency of the human spirit towards complete harmony with the Transcendental Order; whatever be the theological formula under which that order is understood. This tendency, in great mystics, gradually captures the whole field of consciousness; it dominates their life, and in the experience called mystic union (the Ecstasy, the Absorption in God, the Fana of the Sufis) attains its end. Whether that end be the God of “the various religions”, the World- Soul of Pantheism, the Absolute of Philosophy, the desire to attain it and the movement towards it – so long as this is a genuine life process and not an intellectual speculation – is the proper subject of Mysticism.” 2 Mysticism is a natural phenomenon that develops from the impact of external forces with internal conditions. Hence, in a comprehensive view, all these facts have to be taken into consideration, for it cannot be attributed to any single influence. On the internal side, the social, political and economic conditions of the time, and on the external side the presence of foreign influences in the form of intellectual observations and spiritual findings of the sages and savants of various creeds, collectively favour, the growth of mystic tendencies. It must, therefore, be understood that mysticism is common to all religions and creeds, it only bears a distinct stamp of its nomenclature in different religions.

1. Chopra, R.M., Great Sufi Poets of The Punjab , Iran Society, Calcutta, p.6.

2. Mysticism , E. P. Dutton (1930) p.9.

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The mystics lay great emphasis on purification and discipline of the individual and exhort the people to remain self-contented, apathetic to all enjoyments of this world, and have the least feeling of want. These are the stages for realization of their end – communion with the Supreme Being. The whole system of mysticism centres round two questions : “How is man to realize God in himself ?” and “What is God in relation to the individual and the creation ?” Mysticism shows way or path in answer to the first, and imparts knowledge which describes God, in answer to the second. The key-note of mysticism is love of God and establishment of an intimate connection between God and man. The mystics dedicate their lives to the unbounden love and intense remembrance of God. I Tasawwuf , or Sufism, or Islamic Mysticism, is also known as Ilm-i-Ruhani , ‘Theosophy’ or God-Wisdom, or Divine Knowledge. There is a tradition among Muslim mystics that Imam Ali, the fourth Caliph, first declared to the ‘select’, who were qualified and ready for it, the Ancient Wisdom which is now commonly known as Tasawwuf . Tasawwuf, is another and inherent aspect of the Way of Knowledge, for the realization of the identity of all selves in the Universal Self. Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi (1207-1273 A.D.), a thirteenth century mystic-poet, who is hailed as the greatest mystic-poet of the Persian literature, has written his Mesnavi , composed of twentysix thousand and six hundred verses divided into six books. It is an epic literature and has been acclaimed as the complete scripture of Tasawwuf. The Persian poet (1414-1492 A.D.) has described it as – Mesnavi-i-Ma’navi-i-Maulavi Hast Quran dar Zuban-i-Pehlavi . (The profound ‘Mesnavi’ of Maulavi Rumi Is the Quran composed in the language of Iran.) Rumi has summed up in his monumental Mesnavi , in Persian, all that had been said or written on Tasawwuf in Arabic before him and is also said to have extracted the essence of the Holy Quran and presented in his work. The Mesnavi is the expression of peaceful devotions and profound philosophy in sublime poetry. Rumi maintains that the knowledge of Reality cannot be obtained through the senses. If we are to reach Reality, we must withdraw from the world of sense into that of inner

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 experience. The sense can reach us only upto the World of Appearance but not to the World of Reality. In order to reach the World of Reality we have to take recourse to intuitive reason, or gnosis or ‘ M’arifat , or mystic sense, which, according to him, is the only short cut to the World of Reality.3 According to Rumi, the knowledge of God can only be attained by illumination, revelation and inspiration. To know God one should know his own self. “Look into your heart,” he affirms, “for the kingdom of God is within you.” He who knows himself, knows God. The heart is like a mirror in which every Divine quality is reflected. 4 Thus God of Rumi, thought transcendental – not conceivable to human conceptions, is yet immanent is everything in the universe. “He is immanent in all beings. He is transcendent because He is above all limitations and individualization. His manifestation in limited or finite forms constitutes His immanence, but His being Himself above such limitation constitutes His transcendence. He is the Unity behind the multiplicity and Reality behind the appearance.” 5 That Inconceivable One is the Absolute One of philosophy. Rumi says – Gar tawahhum mi-kunad u -i-zat; Zat na – bud wahmi-asma wa safat; Wahm zayida za-ausaf wa had ast Haqq na-zayida-st u – “lam yulad” ast . (If he conceives that he is in love with Essence of God; Conception of divine names and attributes is not the Essence Conception is begotten of qualities and definition; God is not begotten, He is “lam yulad”). 6 Thus God of Rumi, thought transcendental is yet immanent in everything in the world. To Rumi, God is Pure being and Absolute Beauty. He is everywhere and in everything.

3. Chopra, R.M. Rumi: His Teachings And Philosophy , p.32. (For Greater details about Rumi’s teachings and philosophical rendering reference to this book may be made.)

4. Ibid., pp.21-22.

5. Ibid., p.70.

6. Ibid., p.21.

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Therefore, every man must seek knowledge and the light of the Supreme Being in this world.7 Rumi also believes that God is the only being and he is the only real source of all other beings. Since God is the only Being, the other beings are mere appearances. Rumi’s doctrines of unity is: God alone really exist; there is nothing but God. The world of phenomena and of senses is a mere mirage – a reflection of Being on Not Being , manifesting the attributes of Being as the reflection manifests its original, not really participating in its nature.8 “According to Rumi, all paths lead to one straight path which leads to God. All religions and creeds with their differences are but one Universal Religion. The differences between polytheism and monotheism corresponds to the logical difference between the One and the Many . In polytheism what is worshipped is a form and aspect of God. Actually there is nothing that is worshipped except God.” 9 On an enquiry what is Tasawwuf ? Rumi replied, “(It is) to be forgetfulness of this world.” The mysticism of Rumi is: the one aim to disconnect of this world of phenomena and to be reunited with the Origin where one eternally rests. The mystic’s path to achieve his aim is a logical process based upon its own epistemology, according to which knowledge is of two kinds, namely – 1. Ilam , or Intellectual Knowledge, and 2. M’arifat or Gnosis, or Intuitional Knowledge. Through the first, that is, Intellectual Knowledge, knowledge of the Universe, of Appearances, is obtained; whereas through the second, that is, Intuitional Knowledge, knowledge of Realities is obtained which gives direct insight into Truth. The object of Intuitional Knowledge is the obtention of cosmic consciousness, beatific vision, absorption in ecstatic union with Truth which leads the soul to the realizations of its unity with God. Maulana Rumi was aware that Reality is not only unknown but is unknowable by purely intellectual methods, and the mystic sense, or the intuition, in man remains the

7. Ibid., p.70.

8. Ibid., 71.

9. Ibid., 72.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 only way to reach Reality. Rumi, therefore, epitomized the entire history of the phenomenal world as viewed by the mystic – the progress of man out of God, into the universe, and back again to God. Love, according to Rumi, is the greatest force in human life. It is indescribable in any language. It presents a paradox in as much as in by giving, we take, and by dying we live. 10 With the help of this love, the soul transcends through all barriers and sees the Reality in every created object. Rumi’s view of love is very much akin to the notion of intuition developed by later European philosophers who maintain that it is through intuition that we can grasp the identity of the world that transcends all contradiction and relation. 11 Rumi has argued that if by assimilating feature of love matter could progress by stages to the state of manhood there can be no obstacle in the way of evolution of man to the Infinite Being by his acquiring the qualities of God. 12 The other way, prescribed by Rumi, to reach the Reality, is to take a spiritual guide, or Murshid , and through his help the seeker can be enlightened. Rumi says, “Go seek at once a friend of God. When you have done so, God would become your friend and the road of light will again be visible.” He says - Chunke karda zat murshid ra qabul Ham khuda dar zat-ash amad ham rasul. (When the refuge of Murshid is sought With a pure, innocent heart, Then God, Prophet and all the Great Souls Are realized in the form of Murshid.) 13 The Murshid, possessing his disinterested benevolence for his disciple, keeping his perseverant and independent gaze upon the Truth, acts as the perfect administrator of his disciple. By giving wonderful illustrations and beautiful parables Murshid fixes in his disciples what they wish to and leads them on to the path reaching the Ultimate Reality.

10. Chopra, Great Sufi Poets of The Punjab , p.23.

11. Reference in this connection can be made to the philosophical systems of German philosopher Johann Fichte (1762-1814 A.D.) and French philosopher Henri Bergson (1859-1941 A.D.).

12. 12 Chopra, Rumi: His Teachings And Philosophy , p.75.

13. Ibid., p.42.

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Rumi considers the whole universe as emanating from one God and his pantheistic attitude declares that all that exists is God. Our soul is but a ray of His light which has been severed from its source and fallen into the engrossment of this world and is continuously striving to regain its fountainhead. Life, according to him, is a journey back to God. Rumi preaches a life of ceaseless activity and insatiable yearnings to achieve personal freedom and immortality. According to him, love is the greatest force in human life. All the processes of evolution, assimilation and growth are manifestations of this love. He is a firm believer that a mystic’s love not only attracts the creation, but also the Creator. II Vedantic Mysticism, or ‘Divine Knowledge’, or ‘Spiritual Science’, is also known as Brahman-Vidya (Knowledge of God), or Atman-Vidya (Knowledge of the Soul), and is the outcome of the Upanishads. The Upanishads antedate the birth of Buddha in the seventh century B.C. They are a mystical interpretations of man and God and the universe. Known as the “ Vedanta ”, because they constitute the end of Vedas, or that whole body of philosophic development from 1500 to 700 B.C. which, in a sense, is an anthology of transcendental thinking on man’s search for infinite bliss, constitutes of 108 treatises, now extant, collectively known as the Upanishads. The Upanishads are made up of utterance of dedicated men and women, over the centuries, who were engaged in the pursuit of Truth. Wisdom for them involved not merely the intellect but the entire conduct of life was at stake and success depended on understanding the meaning and destiny of man and the Universe. The sages affirmed that the Upanishads were revealed to them by the power of their penance, self-discipline, devotion, and the grace of God. These were the deliverance of seers and savants in a state of God-intoxication. 14 In the Rig Veda it is mentioned - Eka sad bipra bahuda vadanti “Truth is one, sages call it variously.” 15

14. Chopra, Great Sufi Poets of The Punjab , pp.297-298.

15. Rig Veda (1.64.64). Also quoted in Great Sufi Poets of The Punjab , p.24.

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The theme of the Upanishads, 16 or Vedanta, is to find an ultimate unity of things. Knowledge is nothing but finding unity in the midst of diversity. According to Swami Vivekananda, the Upanishads have a distinct mystic strain; mysticism is the experience of an individual. It is only by that experience, which one attains by intuitional knowledge and rigorous discipline, that one realizes the unity with the Supreme Being and becomes part of that. The Upanishads contain descriptions of the transcendent and the immanent aspect of Brahman (God). The Immanent Brahman dwells in the universe and is to be sought therein, ‘Having created the universe, He entered into it.’ The fundamental thought that runs through the whole body of the Upanishads is the sole reality of Brahman (God), or Atman (soul). Though perceived to be immanent in the universe, Brahman remains transcendent. ‘It is inside all this and It is outside all this’. The Rig-Veda states that Brahman covers the whole universe and yet transcends it. 17 The Upanishads also discuss the means by which higher knowledge can be obtained. The end of this endeavor is to know Brahman (God) or the Atman (soul) and this knowledge is, therefore, named the Brahma-Vidya or the Atma-Vidya . The way to higher knowledge leads to the state of unity, the realization of identity, confluence of being and thought. 18 The Upanishads teach the truth – unknown to the sense-organs – regarding living beings, the universe, and God. They describe the nature and attributes of God, His reality and manifestations, His powers and aspects. They also describe the creation, preservation, and ultimate dissolution of the universe, the changes and modifications of nature. The Upanishads also deal with the development of the individual soul, its evolution and its destiny, its bondage and its freedom.

16. In 1650 A.D., fifty Upanishads were translated into Persian under the patronage of Prince Dara Shikoh, the son of Emperor Shahjahan. From the Persian they were translated into Latin in 1801-1802 A.D. Schopenhauer (1788-1860 A.D.), the German philosopher, studied this Latin translation and in the later years declared: “In the whole world there is no study so beneficial and so elevating as that of the Upanishads. It has been the solace of my life; it will be the solace of my death.”

17. Swami Nikhilananda, The Upanishads , p.46.

18. It is mentioned in the Taittriya Upanishad . This Upanishad is regarded as a source – book of the Vedanta philosophy. It discusses the knowledge of Brahman (God), which alone destroys ignorance, the root of the phenomenal life; this is done through the explanation of the five sheaths which hide the Self, as a scabbard hides a sword. It also teaches that Brahman (God) as the cause of the creation, continuance, and dissolution of the universe.

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According to the Upanishads, man is rooted in a reality far deeper than is apparent to the senses. Just as only a small portion of an iceberg is visible, so only a small portion of man is available to the senses, no matter how their powers may be magnified. The solution of most of our vital problems must come from regions beyond the scope of the faculty of reason. It is further held that only the Knowledge of Brahman (God) can break the ‘fetters of the heart’ by intuitional knowledge, and solve all doubts. By intuitional knowledge, intelligence of man deepens, the heart of man is made pure and his mental horizon widens and, in that state, he understands and appreciates the teachings as enshrined in the Vedas and the Upanishads. In order to reach that stage certain preparatory conditions and a discipline are required which should be in consonance with the Law of Dharam (the way of righteousness). The preparatory conditions are : deep study, worship, and a rigorous discipline constituting of penance, devotion, dedication and practice. The Swetasvatara Upanishad describes the practice and explains its philosophy. The practice consists of two parts. The first part prescribes a physiological discipline, such as, control of breath (b ratyhera ), The second part consists of psychological discipline, namely, collection of the mind and its abstraction from external activity ( dhaarana ) and meditation to understand the Real (( dhyana) . These steps ultimately lead to absorption (Samadhi ) of thought into Reality, of subject into object, for the realization of oneness of individual soul and the Universal Soul. 19 It is further held that this discipline consists of complete mastery over one’s mind and realize the unity of the Self and the Absolute. By discipline of the mind, the sense are merged into mind, mind into intuitive knowledge, intuitive knowledge into the great self, the great self into the Absolute. 20 This revelation of the Absolute, which is experienced by an individual, obtains freedom from fetters and sorrows; sickness, old age, and death are overcome. Atman (soul) obtains Samadhi (absorption). In the state of Samadhi the consciousness of subject and object disappears and the state of selflessness is reached, which, in other words, means annihilation (gnosis) of the self in the Universal Self.

19. A careful study of the entire Swetasvatara Upanishad will show that, like the other principal Upanishads, it affirms, the nondual Brahman as Ultimate Reality.

20. In the second chapter of the Swetasvatra Upanishad , suggestions are given for the practice of concentration and other disciplines of Yoga, which have been accepted by all the systems of Hindu philosophy.

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According to Maitrayani Upanishad , within man is seated Atman (soul) which is pure bliss; it is eternal and known by tranquility, self-restraint, patience and purity of body and mind. The Brahdaranyaka Upanishad tells us that he who, having become calm, self-controlled, withdrawn, patient and collected, by intuitive knowledge or mystic sense, knows Brahman (God), or experiences that state of Supreme Sublime Bliss ( Sat , Chit and Ananda ) sees the Self in his own self, sees all in the Universal Self and attains the Nirvikalpa Samadhi – interminate Realization of the Formless One, a stage where there is no perception of the subject or of the object. 21 The other alternative prescribed is to have discipleship of a teacher, or a master, or a Guru, who knows the ways; and cultivation of certain qualities. 22 Guru, meaning teacher, is always considered as the indwelling Divine who teaches all through the gentle voice of conscience. He is the enlightener of the inner-self of the disciples. He sets the path for a disciple which helps the latter to proceed and make gradual progress on the way of reaching the Lord and have communion with Him. It is by constant companionship and imparting of necessary knowledge that the supreme state can be attained by the disciple. In order to fix in him what the Guru wishes to, he always gives to his disciple wonderful illustrations and appropriate parables. In this way, convictions come to the disciple direct from the heart. It is also ingrained in the disciple that in the company of the Guru, mind remains firm and does not hanker wildly, the soul attains happiness, disciple endures even the unendurable, acquires all the virtues, follows the path of strict morality and becomes aware of the Supreme Reality. It is the Guru who leads the disciple to the truth and enables him to develop an indestructible love of God. It is the Guru whose transmuting spirit changes mortals into God-like saints.

21. The theme of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad is the absolute identity of Atman (soul) and Brahman (God). This identity has been established by reasoning for the purpose of discovering Reality both from the philosophical as well as mystical points of view. According to this Brahman (God) is the Reality behind the universe, and Atman (soul) is the Reality behind the individual. The realization of the identity of the self and Brahman in a mystical experience establishes the existence of a Reality which is infinite, directly perceived, unlimited, and spiritual.

22. The Maitrayani Upanishad .

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This is the Supreme object of the philosophy of the Vedantic mysticism. In this manner not only a philosophy is propounded but a practical course of life and the goal to be obtained is laid down by the Upanishads. The Upanishads seek Truth and pursue it by intuitive reason or mystic sence. This has universal application as because knowledge of the self and the Truth is the right of every human being irrespective of caste, creed or colour; none should be deprived of it. It is quite reminiscent of the universal message enshrined in the teachings of Shrimad Bhagvad Gita. According to the Upanishads, life is a pilgrimage and man is a pilgrim. The point of departure of the pilgrim is his natural state. Therefore a firm faith and a strong conviction are the pre-requisites of the pilgrims who are of stout heart and do not tire easily; who have undergone rigorous discipline only they can reach the top – desired goal Moksha , and merge in the Supreme. This doctrine of annihilation in God of Vedantic mysticism is found in the fundamental teachings and practices of Tasawwuf (Sufism) right from the time of Bayazid (Abu Yazid) Bistami (d.875 A.D.) onwards. It is said that Fana bil , which subsequently become one of the Sufi doctrines, Bistami learnt from his Indian teacher, Abu Ali Sindi, or of Sind, to whom, in exchange, he taught the Hanafite canonical law. The influence of Vedantic mysticism in Tasawwuf can be traced to this common belief. 23

III

Sufism is akin to Advaita Vedanta and there are significant similarities in their ontology. Their belief lies in the non dual Absolute and that the Truth ( ) lies at the heart of all things and yet it is beyond all determination and limitation. Rumi feels that it is an illusion to see human beings as different or separate from nature and the universe. God said, “My earth and my heavens contain me not, but the heart of my faithful servant contains me” 24 He viewed the world as a reflection of God. He compared consciousness to a cup and unconsciousness to the ocean: individually we are like the cup but all of us

23. Chopra, Great Sufi Poets of the Punjab , p.51 (foot Note 27) Also refer to Nicholson, R.A., The Mystics of Islam , p.246.

24. Fatemi, N.S., A Message and Method of Love, Harmony and Brotherhood in Rushbrook Williams, L.F.(1974). Sufi Studies: East and West , Tonbridge Printed Ltd.,U.K. p.61.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 together with nature are the ocean, unconscious reality, or God. If we have the ability to lose the limitation of the cup by freeing the self we can be reunited with the ocean of being, which would enable us to lose the anxieties of separation, loneliness and isolation and gain the permanency of the everlasting ocean. 25 The philosophy of Advaita Vedanta is not easy to explain. Briefly Advaita means ‘Non Dual’ which refers to Absolute Monism. The most famous Advaita thinker has been Shankaracharya of the eighth century A.D. According to him the most important underlying notion in all Vedanta schools is that man is suffering because he is caught in a never ending cycle of births and rebirths known as Samsara . The ultimate quest of man is therefore to seek a way out of this bondage and attain liberation, Moksha . It is the knowledge of true nature of self ( Atman ) and the Absolute ( Brahman ). A man who has reached this realization, not just from scholastic knowledge but through his own experience, is known as Jivanmukta and will not return to the cycle of rebirths. The unity between the true self and Universal Reality i-e Brahman is the highest reality. “In Truth these living creatures were born of Bliss, it is through Bliss that, having come into existence, they are kept alive, it is Bliss that they will all return.” 26 IV From the foregoing it can be observed that Rumi’s Tasawwuf and Vedantic mysticism have many points of similarity. Both teach this earthly life is only an interlude between two ends of a real life which is continuous and eternal. The central theme which runs through Rumi’s Tasawwuf and Vedantic mysticism is the search for what is Truth. It forces upon us the conviction of a spiritual reality, a timeless being, the object of philosophical quest. Both lead up to this Reality which is infinite existence and Absolute Truth. This aspect of realization is rare and simple and requires strict spiritual discipline, unbounded love and devotion, or guidance from a perfect preceptor.

25. Shaffi, M., (1985) Freedom from the Self , Human Sciences Press Inc., U.S.A. p.37.

26. Taittriya Upanishad (III, IV, I) Taken from Self and Non-Self , by Raphael, 1990, Kegan Paul International, UK., P.9.

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In Rumi’s writings, one can find numerous passages that glorify detachment and retreat from the physical and material world. The Sufis, like Vedantists, attach great significance to the love of God, and their sole concern is to be lost in the love of God. They hold that if men wish to draw near God, they must seek Him in the heart of men. Both Rumi’s Tasawwuf and Vedantic mysticism assert that all differences which apparently are far from conciliation in reality do not exist. The clashes which occur everyday in the world are the result of ignorance and when ignorance is removed, clashes disappear and unity is experienced in diversity. Both care little for logical contradictions in the expression of their ideals. At the same time, both insist on having personal direct experience of Reality with the aid of intuitive reason, or mystic sense. The mystic idea that love divine is supreme and beyond all religious and social barriers is common to both. Both believe in the continuity and immortality of soul. The central theme in both is the evolution of man. Both argue that if by assimilation matter can progress to the state of manhood there can be no obstacle in the way of evolution of man to the Infinite Being by his acquiring the qualities. Both insist that truth is same everywhere, though it is known by different names in different languages; when the goal is one, it is immaterial whether one reaches it one way or the other. Rumi’s Tasawwuf , like Indian Vedantic tradition, includes everyone under his umbrella. The world of Rumi is neither exclusively the world of a Sufi, nor the world of a Hindu, nor a Jew, nor a Christian, it is the highest state of a human being – a fully evolved human. As emphasized by Vedanta a complete human is not bound by cultural or other man-made limitations. Both have universal appeal and concur that all religions and creeds with their non-essential differences are but one Universal Religion.

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References :

1. Reference in this connection can be made to the philosophical systems of German philosopher Johann Fichte (1762-1814 A.D.) and French philosopher Henri Bergson (1859-1941 A.D.). 2. In 1650 A.D., fifty Upanishads were translated into Persian under the patronage of Prince Dara Shikoh, the son of Emperor Shahjahan. From the Persian they were translated into Latin in 1801-1802 A.D. Schopenhauer (1788-1860 A.D.), the German philosopher, studied this Latin translation and in the later years declared: “In the whole world there is no study so beneficial and so elevating as that of the Upanishads. It has been the solace of my life; it will be the solace of my death.” 3. It is mentioned in the Taittriya Upanishad . This Upanishad is regarded as a source – book of the Vedanta philosophy. It discusses the knowledge of Brahman (God), which alone destroys ignorance, the root of the phenomenal life; this is done through the explanation of the five sheaths which hide the Self, as a scabbard hides a sword. It also teaches that Brahman (God) as the cause of the creation, continuance, and dissolution of the universe. 4. A careful study of the entire Swetasvatara Upanishad will show that, like the other principal Upanishads, it affirms, the nondual Brahman as Ultimate Reality. 5. In the second chapter of the Swetasvatra Upanishad , suggestions are given for the practice of concentration and other disciplines of Yoga, which have been accepted by all the systems of Hindu philosophy. 6. The theme of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad is the absolute identity of Atman (soul) and Brahman (God). This identity has been established by reasoning for the purpose of discovering Reality both from the philosophical as well as mystical points of view. According to this Brahman (God) is the Reality behind the universe, and Atman (soul) is the Reality behind the individual. The realization of the identity of the self and Brahman in a mystical experience establishes the existence of a Reality which is infinite, directly perceived, unlimited, and spiritual. 7. Chopra, Great Sufi Poets of the Punjab , p.51 (foot Note 27) Also refer to Nicholson, R.A., The Mystics of Islam , p.246. 8. Fatemi, N.S., A Message and Method of Love, Harmony and Brotherhood in Rushbrook Williams, L.F.(1974). Sufi Studies: East and West , Tonbridge Printed Ltd.,U.K. p.61. 9. Shaffi, M., (1985) Freedom from the Self , Human Sciences Press Inc., U.S.A. p.37. 10. Taittriya Upanishad (III, IV, I) Taken from Self and Non-Self , by Raphael, 1990, Kegan Paul International, UK., P.9.

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Religious and Cultural Relationships between Indian Parsis and Iranian Zoroastrians

Prof. Reza Mehrafarin 1 , Malika Haidari 2

Abstract The existence of ancient Zoroaster community so far, despite the numerous problems and obstacles which its followers have faced during different periods of time, particularly after the downfall of Sassanid dynasty, is note-worthy, therefore the relations of Zoroastrians after Islam's entrance to Iran could be a core issue to go through that. In the present study it has been attempted to evaluate the religious and cultural relations between Indian Parsis and Iranian Zoroastrians, along with advantages of these relations for the followers of that religion in India and Iran and also its consequences. Studies show that between Indian Parsis and Iranian Zoroastrian have been in persistent relationships. Although in some periods, these two religious communities could have been found unaware of each other due to inland or political anarchy, they would begin their relationships in various fields as soon as the political and social peace was restored. The religious and cultural relationships between the two nations, which were established to help the Indian Parsis, continued to help Iranian Zoroastrians in recent centuries and it caused this ancient religion to keep its identity and principles alive. This research has been conducted by using descriptive-analytical methods based on historical resources.

Keywords: Indian-Parsis, Iranian-Zoroastrians, Religious Relationships, Zoroastrian Associations

1 . Associate Professor, Deptt. Of Archaeology, Mazandaran University 2 . M.A in Archaeology, Mazandaran University

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Introduction After the invasion of the Arabs in Iran and the downfall of the Sassanids, the Zoroastrian religion, which has always been largely recognized, the religion of the country became severely shaken. Pressures from the Arabs on Zoroastrians to accept Islam or pay Jizyah led some of them to migrate to other lands to get rid of the current situation. The most suitable place for Parsi immigrants was the land of India because Hindu culture and civilization had much in common with their culture and religion, and on the other hand, India, with its multi-cultural identity, was the center of different religions that lived together peacefully. The core issue & research questions Migration is always all about improving the living condition and getting out of a difficult situation hoping for a better future. In the early Islamic centuries, a group of Zoroastrians left their homeland to escape the oppression of the Arabs and to preserve their lives and religion. Some of these migrants settled in India, which we know today as the Parsis of India. Centuries later, with the emergence of new problems in how to conduct their customs, which was resulted from years of exile and scattering on the shores of India, they traveled to Iran to be aware of the situation of their community in Iran as well as with the help and guidance of their peers, they could overcome existing religious problems. Therefore, the representative of the Parsis of India entered Iran in 1477 AD. This journey was the beginning of a relationship between these two communities that continues till today, and if it were not for the mutual help of the Zoroastrians of Iran and the Parsis of India, despite the many problems that arose for this ancient religion in different eras, it would not have much retain its impact till today. The main question is how the Zoroastrian cultural-religious relations with the Indian Parsis could help to preserve the Zoroastrian religion? And which role of the relationship has been more influential in this regard? Research Objectives Identifying the effective and practical factors of the limited and closed social system of the Zoroastrians of Iran, whose number was decreasing day by day in different periods of the centuries, as well as discovering the merits & demerits of bilateral relationship between them are among focused goals of this research.

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Methodology To address the above issues and objectives, the method of historical research has been used, by collecting the first hand reliable resources. After studying and analyzing these informations and determining the cultural alignment and cultural interactions of the two Zoroastrian civilizations living in Iran and another in India, a deductive conclusion is reached. Background Iran and India have various relations with each other since ancient times, and these relations were not specific to the Zoroastrians of these two countries in the Islamic period. In this regard, various works such as: "Relations between Iran and India in ancient times" by Aladdin Azari (1970 AD), "Relations between ancient India and Iran" by Ali Asghar Hekmat (1962 AD), "Relations between Iran and India based on national traditions" Eastern Aryans, especially 's "by Mehdi Gharavi (1975) and many others have been published in this field. These studies have been focused on the cultural relations between Iran and India in different historical and prehistoric periods and the result of these studies shows the cultural interactions between the Iranian plateau and the Indian subcontinent. The range of these historical connections is the third millennium BC to the Sassanid period. The present study is an independent study on the subject of the relationship between the Indian Parsis and the Zoroastrians of Iran with a cultural-religious approach, a subject that can contribute significantly to know about ancient Zoroastrian religion by expanding it in different historical periods. This research, dealing with the cultural and religious relations between the Zoroastrians of Iran and the Parsis of India, considers the migration of Zoroastrians to India as one of the most useful activities to preserve the Zoroastrian religion. Also, given the solidarity and love that Zoroastrians have for their community, the relationship between the two communities was very effective, especially when each group was in danger of extinction. In fact, the survival of the Zoroastrian religion after the fall of the Sassanid till today, owes to these continuous and bilateral ties. History of the Parsis of India The history of Indian Parsis is not that much clear and is still shrouded in obscurity. Iran and India are among the ancient countries of the world, which have long and extensive

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 cultural and trade relations. Most likely, Zoroastrians lived in India during the Sassanid period. Because the borders of Iran in pre-Islamic times were reaching to Sind. In the inscriptions of the Achaemenes, India is mentioned as one of their satrapies. The Sakas temple of Taxila from the Parthian period, 35 km from Islamabad, the capital of , is one of the prominent examples of Zoroastrian shrines on the shores of Sindh 3. The oldest written document about the migration of Zoroastrians to India in the Islamic period is a short treatise in the form of Persian Poem known as the story of Sanjan, was composed in the early seventeenth century 4 and is also one of the most important resources in this field are studied and analyzed by researchers. After the fall of the Sassanid, the Iranians were still at war with the Arabs for more than a hundred years. A group of those who could not fight and could not pay the jizyah went to the mountains and the desert to save their lives and religion. As the mountains of Khorasan were the refuge of these refugees for many years; until that place was also occupied by the Arabs. The Zoroastrians then went to the island of Hormuz but they sailed for India because they were not safe there also. They then disembarked on the west coast of the Indian subcontinent, Gujarat, and asked the Hindu ruler of the area named as Jadairana, to permit them to stay there which were granted on condition of anonymity. The Parsis gradually settled in that place and named it Sanjan 5. The Zoroastrians made five vows to the Indian ruler, which are as follows: Explain their religion but do not try to persuade the indigenous people to believe in it; Hand over their weapons; Learn Gujarati language; Have their wedding after sunset, and finally their wives wear Indian instead of Iranian. The Parsis, while maintaining their religion in India, also remained faithful to their commitments 6. Sanjan, which was the first residence of the Parsis in India, became a large and wealthy city with the efforts and perseverance of the Zoroastrians. They lived a prosperous and comfortable life in Sanjan and their population gradually increased. After several centuries, some of them migrated to other cities in India 7. After the British conquest, a large Persian population moved to Mumbai. Although their population in this city was a minority compared to Hindus; but they had a great contribution in the economic and cultural development of that city. As some of them were considered the

3 . Mehrafarin, 2010: 137-138 4 . Zinali and Kabiri, 2011: 182 5 . Azargashsab, 1979: 59 6 . Khorshidian, 2005: 111 7 . Azargashsab, 1979: 63

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 great and first capitalists and merchants of India. At the beginning of their arrival in India, the Parsisi engaged in agriculture, then in the textile industry, and are now engaged in major commercial and industrial work 8.

Relations of Indian Parsis with Iranian Zoroastrians

Since the beginning of their migration to India, the Parsis have had relations with the Zoroastrians of Iran in various fields. In different periods when the situation of the Zoroastrian society of Iran and the Parsis of India was changing, according to the existing conditions and requirements, relations were established between them. These relations can be examined in three different periods:

From the beginning of Zoroastrian migration to India to the Mongol invasion of Iran

From the beginning of Safavid era to Qajar era

From the Qajar era to the Pahlavi period

Iranian Zoroastrian & Indian Parsis relations (from the beginning of migration to the Mongol invasion in Iran)

After the migration of Zoroastrians, gradually other groups from different parts of Iran went to India and the relationship between Indian Parsis and the Zoroastrians living in Iran continued. When the Parsis entered Sanjan, they sent some people to Khorasan to bring the necessary tools to perform the ceremony in Sanjan to sanctify the fire of Mars, which was known as the fire of , Along with these people, another group of Zoroastrians from the eastern regions of Iran went to India 9. No information available on how long have such relations been established between them and the Zoroastrians. We only know that for an unknown period of time, they were unaware of each other's situation before 1477 AD). A letter written from Iran to India, states that: In the days of Turkism, it was not known whether these poor people remained religious in India. "Thirty-five years before this date, Behesht Bahr Nariman Houshang noticed this issue ..." 10 and from this date onwards, correspondence has taken place between them.

8 . Purdavood, 1915 Yazdgerdi; 1938: 23-24 9 . Pourdawood, 1915 10 . Shahmardan, 1984: 266

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Relations between Zoroastrians of Iran and Parsis of India (from the beginning of Safavid period to Qajar era) In 1477 AD a person named Nariman Houshang was sent by the Parsis to Yazd, (which at that time was the religious center of the Zoroastrians and the residence of the cleric,) and informed the Zoroastrians about the situation of the Parsis and their quantity. The Parsis at that time, due to living in a foreign country and contact with non-Zoroastrians, had a kind of weakness and degeneration in the field of religious awareness. Therefore, in order to solve this problem and retrieve information about the true Zoroastrian rituals, Nariman Houshang was sent to Iran 11 . Nariman did not know Persian when he arrived, he stayed in Yazd for a year and traded and studied Persian, then he received answers to his questions from the priests and practically learned about religious issues and ceremonies. Iranian clerics conservatively wrote important religious issues in the Pahlavi language, but Nariman asked them not to write the letter in Pahlavi, because I Parsis did not know Pahlavi. This letter, which was written in 1468 AD, was written and sent in Persian instead of the Pahlavi language, but in the Avestan alphabet. In that letter, the Iranian clerics had asked the Persian elders: "To learn the Pahlavi script and the correct way to hold religious ceremonies, two wise men should come, learn the Pahlavi script and learn about dos & don’t. Khoshkkan is near and Qandahar is near to Sistan & Sistan to Yazd, there is no fear of this' 12 . From that year to 1758 AD couriers carrying Persian letters came to Iran from India and returned to India with continuous training 13 . Letters were answered at the sheriff's house, by a person chosen from among the Zoroastrians to administer the affairs of the government by the clergy in his presence, and were signed by all the clergy, the sheriff, and many influential religious figures. They also mentioned the names of worshipers and priests of other cities 14 . The contents of these letters were later collected and published in a book called "The Narrations of Darab Hormozdiar" and "The Narration of Hormozdiar Faramarz". The content of these letters was religious and through this the Parsis were usually asked their religious questions to their Iranian counterparts and the Zoroastrian priests who lived in Kerman and Yazd, especially the villages of Sharifabad and Turkabad, eagerly answered them. Iranian clerics along with letters they wrote to the Parsis and resolved religious issues for them; they also sent them

11 . Azargashsab, 1980 AD: 97-95 12 . Shahmardan, 1984: 261-260 13 . Bahrami, 1990: 3 14 . Shahmardan, 1982: 137

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 many religious books and religious treatises and many tricks (Azkaar w Auraad) 15 . Instead of that the Indian Parsis, who considered the Iranian Zoroastrians to be the guardians of their traditional rituals in the land of their ancestors, provided them with financial aid such as Gujrati Parsis were used to send the money to their clerics in Iran so that they could offer special prayers for them, because they believed that the rituals that are held in Iran are more efficient 16 . In the 15th and 17th centuries AD, the Parsis were considered the disciples of the Zoroastrians of Iran in religious matters, and the Iranians lovingly guided them. When the situation of the Iranian Zoroastrians became very difficult in the eighteenth century, the possibility of communication between the two societies was minimized. But it was in this century that a cleric named "Jamasb Velayati" was sent from Kerman to guide the clerics to Surat, India. In Surat, the cleric realized that the Indian Zoroastrian religious calendar was one month behind the date of the Iranian Zoroastrian calendar. This was very important because many religious ceremonies depend on the calendar and history. After some time, some Surat clerics accepted the Iranian calendar and sent one of the clerics named Mullah Kavous to Iran for further research. After returning to India in Mumbai, this person introduced a new branch of religious sect known as the "Qadeemi" or followers of the old calendar. This group not only became subject to the Iranian Zoroastrian calendar, but also followed the customs and traditions of the Iranian Zoroastrians, which partially differed in customs of Indian Parsis. “Qadeemis” only infiltrated Surat and Mumbai, and the Zoroastrians of Gujarat remained steadfast in their ancient calendars, customs, and beliefs 17 . Although most of the efforts were made by the Parsis to acquire religious knowledge, this issue was not in the sense of a one-sided and religious relationship, as according to the names of the year 1509 AD in this year four Iranian Zoroastrians came to India for business purposes 18 . Relations between Iranian Zoroastrians and Indian Parsis (from the Qajar period to the Pahlavi period) From the end of the eighteenth century AD, the Parsis' attention to the living conditions of the Zoroastrians in Iran increased significantly. One of the factors of this attention was

15 . Shahmardan, 1985: 100 16 . Boyce, 2007: 291 17 . Kaj bar & others, 2007: 144-143 18 . Tashkkori and Kajbaf, 2008: 168

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 the reports published by Western tourists about the deplorable situation of Zoroastrians living in Yazd and Kerman. With the removal of Amir Kabir in 1268 AH, the government's sensitivity to the situation of minorities, along with other reforms of Amir Kabir, faded; But in the meantime, the constructive role of "Anjumane Akabir Parsis " the Parsis Association opened a new chapter in the social life of Zoroastrians in Iran. In 1853 AD, the mentioned association sent a person named ManekjilimjiHateria known as Manekji sahibah to Iran to get information about their livelihood and problems while associating with their colleagues 19 . As soon as Mankeji arrived in Iran, he traveled to Yazd and Kerman, took care of the needs of the Zoroastrians, and provided financial assistance to the poor. He took some Zoroastrian youth from Yazd and Kerman to Tehran at his own expense, where he established schools and taught them. After a few years that these young people learned the religious teachings and information of that time, he built schools in Yazd and Kerman and appointed them to teach with sufficient salaries 20 . Mankeji worked hard to ensure the welfare of the Zoroastrians of Iran. He restored fire temples and crypts and rebuilt some. He repaired the shrine of Zarju (Pars Banu) near Yazd. Although Zoroastrians forbid killing cows in their religion, they vowed cows and slaughtered them in that shrine. Hatria wrote a signboard and installed it in the same shrine, forbidding and cursing the slaughter of cows. At that time, Zoroastrians in Yazd and Kerman did not use sidra and wrestling (clothes and belts of Zoroastrians) and Mankeji encouraged them to wear these clothes and gave all of them sidra and wrestling with their own money. Due to the hardships and pressures that came to them after the Safavid period, the Zoroastrians of Iran had forgotten many of their customs and practiced the reprehensible customs that were contrary to their religion. Such as not wearing a saddle and a ship, divorcing a woman, killing a cow, etc., which Mankeji reminded them of the correct customs of the religion 21 . The most important thing that Mankeji did for the Zoroastrians of Iran was to remove the burden of Jizyah from them. Accompanied by the British ambassador to Iran, Mankeji asked Nasser al-Din Shah to abolish the jizyah taxation. Finally, in 1920 AD, a decree was issued to remove the jizyah. With the help and guidance of the second representative of the Anjuman Akabir Sahiban Parsi, "Kaykhosrow Ji Khan Sahib", at the end of the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah, an association was established in Yazd around 1279 AD to deal with the internal

19 . Tashkkaori, 2012: 31 20 . Azargashsab, 1980: 103-110 21 . Shahmardan, 1984: 624-622

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 affairs of the Zoroastrians, called the Anjuma Zartushtian Yazd. It was renamed the Yazd Zoroastrian Association. An association was formed in the same way with the help of this representative in Kerman 22 . In 1918 in Mumbai, an association called the "Iranian Zoroastrian Association" was formed to address the needs of Iranians living in Mumbai and to improve the living conditions of their brothers in Iran. The first action of this association was the establishment of "Sir Ratan Tata" clinic and pharmacy, Markar boys' orphanage and then the establishment of Jahangiri Conservatory in Yazd, all three of which was very necessary at that time and were effective in the development and comfort of Zoroastrians. Other activities of this association included: Markar cultural facilities in Yazd city with the help of "Pashtun Dosabai Markar" which includes primary and secondary schools for boys and girls and construction of clock tower, construction of primary schools in Yazd villages, helping to publish religious books and so on. The representative of this association in Iran was "Soroush Lohrasb" 23 . Conclusion The Zoroastrians, who were forced to leave their homeland to escape the oppression of the Arabs, chose lands that were close to their culture. The best choice for them was the land of India. This group of Zoroastrian migrants who settled on the shores of India was called Indian Parsis. The Zoroastrians considered the Arab invasion of Iran to be like Alexander's invasion, and in the hope that Iran would once again be freed from the yoke of foreign subjugation and that they could return to their homeland, they maintained contact with their homeland. On the other hand, the Parsis, after years of living in a foreign land and the problems that plagued them in that land, lost some of their religious books and customs and had many questions in holding their worship ceremonies. At this time, learning about the situation of their Zoroastrian brothers in Iran, they asked for help, and the Iranians sent them a copy of the existing religious books to help them and reminded them of religious ceremonies. Years after this event, the same situation happened to the Zoroastrians of Iran. Due to the increasing hardships and pressures on Zoroastrian followers in Iran from the Safavid period to the Qajar period, Zoroastrians lost a large number of their religious books, became confused in holding religious ceremonies, and their situation became worse. It was at this time that the Parsis came to their aid and, with their financial, religious and cultural assistance, improved their

22 . Azargashsab, 1980: 127-126 23 . Lohrasb, 1985: 25-9

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 situation. Therefore, if these relations had not been formed and the Zoroastrians would not have rushed to the aid of the Parsis; Persian society could not maintain Zoroastrian customs and traditions even if it continued. On the other hand, if the Parsis had not come to assist the Zoroastrians of Iran after that, there might not have been any trace of this religious minority in Iran. But both societies played an important role in preserving the Zoroastrian religion with wisdom and sacrifice and maintaining effective relations. In the meantime, it is likely that the religious rites of the Persian Parsis, which were imperceptibly influenced by Indian culture, made changes in the religious rites of the Zoroastrians of Iran, which were not easy to discern due to the loss of some religious books at the time. To be aware of this issue and the extent of its effectiveness, we must conduct research in this regard in different periods.

References: 1. Azargashsab, Ardshir, Marasem-e- Mazhabi w Adaab Zartushtian, Tehran, Farohar Publications, 1980 2. Azari, Alauddin, Rawabete Iran o Hind dar Ahd-e- Bastan, Barrasi Haye Tareekhi, No. 4, 6 th yr, 1976, Pp. 111-146 3. Boyce, Merry, Aeen Zartusht-e- Kohan Roozegar w Qudrat-e-Mandegaresh, Translator, Abulhasan Tahami, Tehran, Negah Publication, 2007 4. Bahrami, Ehsan, farhange Wajehaye Awestayee, Daftre Nakhosht, Tehran, Balkh Publication, 1990 5. Pourdaowd, Ibrahim Iranshah, Bambay, Iranian Zoroastrian Association Publication, 1938 6. Tashakkori, Ali Akbar & Kejbaf Ali Akbar, Daramdi ber Sayete Ijtemayee Zatushtian Yazd az yasis selselye Safavi ta payan Padshahi Sahh Abbas 1, 1528 – 1635 AD, Farhang Magazine, Pp. 155 – 181

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7. Tashakkor , Ali Akber, Roykard Hukoomat be Zartushtian dar ahde Naseri, 1 st issue, 2012, Pp. 25-51 8. Hekmat, Ali Asghar, Rawabete Hind –e- Qadeem w Iran-e-Bastani, Magazine of the college of Literature, 3 rd issue, 1937, Pp. 1 – 7 9. Khorshidian, Ardhsir, Farhange Zartushti: Yadwarheh 3000 farhange Zartushti, Tehran, Zoroastrian Association of Tehran, 2005 10. Zainali, Mohmmad Baqer, Kabiri, Sayed Taqi, Parsian Hind dar Ashar Qissa-e- Sanjan, Academic journal of Persian Literature, 17 th issue, 2011, Pp. 181 – 196 11. Shahmardan, Rashid, Tareekh-e-Zartushtian pas az Sasanian, Tehran, Rasti Publication, 1981 12. Shahmardan, Rashid, Tareekh-e-Zartushtian farzangan zartushti, Tehran, Farohar Publication, 1984 13. Gharvi, Mahdi, Rawabete Iran w Hind ber mabnaye Rwayate Milli Aryayeehaye Mashriq be Vejeh Shahnameh Ferdosi, 3 rd issue, 1987, Pp. 119 – 154 14. Kay bar, Asmosan, Boyce, Merry, Dayanat-e- Zartushti, Translator, Faridun wahman, Tehran, Jami Publication, 2005 15. Lohrasab, Surush, Yadnameh Pashutan-e-Dosabai Markar, Bombay, young Zorostorian;s Association Bombay & Iranian League associasion, 1985 16. MehrAfarin, Reza, Ma’bad-e-Sekayee- Taxila, Sub-continent studies magazine, 3rd issue, 2010, Pp. 123 – 144

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The Migrant Sufis from ‘Persianate World’ to the Indian Sub-continent: Dissemination of knowledge and the formation of ‘Indo-Islamic Culture’

Prof. S.Z.H. Jafri Department of History University of Delhi

Abstract [The making of the intellectual tradition of the Indian sub-continent owes much to the migration and settlement of the people from outside during the medieval times. Initially, the Arab traders, merchants, theologians, scholars and Sufis came to settle in the coastal regions of M’abar, Sindh, and Multan. Following the havoc caused by the Mongol conquest of and Iran, the city of Delhi became a place of asylum for the refugees fleeing from the cities devastated by the Mongols during the reign of Delhi Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutamish (1210-36). These people arriving from the various Central Asian and Iranian cities and towns brought the elements of high ‘Islamic Culture’ with them. Due to their presence in the city of Delhi and various parts of the Indian sub-continent, a number of maktab, madrasa and Khanqah were established in these towns and other centers to cater the need of the increasing Muslim population. Towns like Nagore, Samana, Badaun, Makanpur, Kalpi and numerous other towns soon emerged as important Sufi centers representing various Silsilahs . Almost invariably these Sufi centers, representing various Sufi silsilas had facilities for the dissemination of knowledge as well. In the eastern parts of the newly established Sultanate, small towns of Dalmau, Kara-Manikpur, Sandila, Bilgram, Zafarabad, Sahali, Salon, Nasirabad, Khairabad, Laharpur, and Jais emerged as the major centers of Islamic intellectual life and Sufi tradition. The strong intellectual tradition of the region became quite proverbial and people nostalgically recalled it even after its heydays were over. Ghulam ‘Ali Azad Bilgrami (d. 1761), while paying glowing tribute to the cultural life of the region, has said that “this eastern region since the olden days ( qadim-ul ayyam ) has been the cradle of knowledge and center for the scholars ( Ma‘adine ‘Ilm wa maskan-e ‘Ulema )”. According to him the

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 regions, which were incorporated later on by Mughal suba of Awadh and Allahabad enjoyed special status as compared to other provinces of the empire in the sphere of intellectual activities. These two suba had ‘a major settlement of Muslim intellectual elite (shurufa wa najaba). They had been well-provided by the earlier salatin with cash and madad e maash grants. Such policies facilitated the ‘establishment of mosques, madrasas and khanqahs all over the province, where the teachers of all disciplines were busy in the dissemination of knowledge’. It is important to note that Azad Bilgrami specifically says that the ‘well- provided section of the society took extra care of the requirements of these scholars and considered serving them an act of great benefit ( sa ‘adat-e ‘uzma ) for themselves’. Thus, it becomes crystal clear that the making of the ‘high elite’ Muslim Culture, based on the Arabic-Persian tradition, owes much to the migration in the Upper Gangetic Valley mainly after the Mongol devastation of Central Asia and Khurasan. The paper seeks to examine the profile of some of the migrant Sufi families, the ‘saga’ their migration in Upper Gangetic valley, and the ways in which they have contributed into the making of the ‘elite Indo-Islamic Culture’, which was in a way an extension of Arabic- Persian traditions, embedded with the local Indian ethos.] The Context ‘Migration’ of the individuals or the group/s of people from their places of origin to the newer regions pre-supposes extreme social constraints, political instability or the economic deprivations. It can be quite painful as well as traumatic experience for the migrants when it is undertaken as a result of mass massacres, totally putting the life and the honor of the people upside down. Such a ‘saga’ of migration always remains as a ‘permanent scar’ in the memory of the migrants, as quite nostalgically they would remember their horrifying experiences, their legacies of the ‘bygone era’ in their homes of origin. Preserving ‘their past’ through memories and documents was the need of the hour for them as, their familial background or scholarly pursuits of their ancestors, would ensure some respectability for them and for their descendants in their new found homes/settlements. For the migrants, it was the question of honorable survival to remember their past affiliations. In whatever fashion they could preserve, remember and perpetuate this ‘memory’.

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However, one should not forget that the time is a ‘great healer of wounds’, hence people tend to forget their miseries in the wake of ‘new found opportunities’. However, what they never forgot was their nisbah (familial/geographical affiliation) with the place/s of their ancestral origin. Therefore, we see that the migrants at every stage had a memory of their familial past as a part of their larger world view. Even in cases of not so prominent familial past, they often invoked the geographical nomenclatural suffices derived from their hometowns such as Nishapuri, Isfahani, Kashani, Sabzawari, Yemeni, Hamadani, Herati, Safavi, Kirmani, Khwafi and Chishti etc. It is interesting to point out that later on, these groups were accommodated within the Mughal nobility under the broader category of Iranis and Turanis, but in reality, they represented the family groups from the places of their origin, falling within the broad geographical units of Khurasan and Central Asia. The famous river Oxus ( Amu Darya ), being a rough dividing line between these two regions. However, the region east of Amu Darya was mainly inhabited by the Turkish and Afghan tribes and was described as Transoxiana. 1 Tasawwuf and the Indian subcontinent Among the important intellectual and imaginative contributions of the Muslims, tasawwuf , as a philosophy and a practicing creed occupies seminal place. For, besides considering the State as a sinful entity, the early sufis (‘quietists’ of Reynald Nicholson) maintained a distance from the Umayyad as well as the Abbasid regimes. They considered, ‘Ali, as the repository and fountain of all knowledge and acknowledged him to be the inheritor of all ‘secrets’, which the Prophet has received from the God during the night of ascension ( Shab-e M’iraj) , hence they always traced their ‘spiritual genealogy’ from him only. Yet, they never identified themselves with the shi’as politically or theoretically. They were deadly opposed to the extreme sect of the kharijites and murjiets , (the pro establishments). Still they maintained a distinct identity. Ultimately, the creed of tasawwuf emerged as the ‘post-graduate creed of Islam’ (Mohammad Habib), as it has attracted some of the noblest and pious souls, which provided them a sort of public legitimacy.

1 . Perhaps it is relevant to point out that this divide was not merely a geographical one, but it also represented some sort of cultural and sectarian divide also. As late as in the mid- nineteenth century, the famous Urdu/ Persian poet Mirza Asad Ullah Khan (d. 1869) boosts his Sunni affiliations by asserting this identity. For he says: Shi’i kyun kar Howun; Jabki hun maen Mawra-un Nahari (How can I be a Shi’a , when I hail from the region of Mawra-un Nahar?)

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The creed of tasawwuf kept on incorporating the newer ideas from the time of Bayazid Bustami’s (d.AD 822) Subhani ma azam us shani (praise be to me as I am Thay); to Mansur Hallaj’s (d. AD 922) Anal Haq (I am Thay) and finally, to Shaikh Mohiuddin Ibn Al Arabi’s (d.AD 1240) Wahdat ul Wujud (Unity of existentialisms). Such philosophies tend to allow diversity and plurality in society. Hence, the creed of tasawwuf (, m’arifat, tazkiya-e nafs ) emerged as extremely relevant for the regions with vast non- Muslim population. Therefore the Indian sub-continent was an ideal place for the acceptance, development and the growth of this phenomenon. Such a creed found ready acceptance in the Indian sub-continent, as here also the creed of bhakti (devotion) as against / along with gyan (knowledge) was recognized as another way to find the Ultimate/Truth. The Jain monks and Siddhas along with the strong Buddhist monastic tradition carried forward the powerful tradition of spirituality. The initial similarities, at least in matters of externalism, proved to be quite beneficial for the sufis to carry forward their tradition to the newer heights. One notice that soon after the arrival of Arabs, Turks and other migrant’s from Khurasan and Central Asia, various Sufi orders were also introduced in a big way in the Indian sub-continent. They had an audience which required the knowledge of its principles, its theory and the practice in the best manner. Hence, we encounter the first ever treaties were written in Persian and that too at the Indian city of , then a part of the Ghaznivide Sultanate during the early eleventh century. The political renaissance in Persia during the tenth century led to the revival of the Persian language. Shaikh Usman B. Ali Hujwiri’s (d. AD 1072) Kashf ul Mahjub was the first treatise on the doctrine of Sufism. The orthodox reaction against the highly individualistic approach of some mystics is well reflected in the book when the author writing about the organization of the mystic orders says, ‘the whole body of aspirants of Sufism composed of twelve sects or schools (garoh/mazhab) , two of which are condemned (mardud) , while the rest ten are approved (maqbul).’2 Among the former, the author has listed, the hululis or trans-migrations, who believed in the notion of the spirit

2 Ali b. Uthman Al Hujwiri, The Kashf ul-Mahjub , tr. Reynold A. Nicholson, Delhi (reprint), Taj Company, 1991, rpt, pp- 176. (Hereafter, as Al- Hujwiri). The author soon became a house hold name in the region and became popular with his Indian title as Data Gunj Baksh and his tomb was invariably referred to as Data ka Darbar/Data Saheb. The treatise he authored similarly acquired a celebrity status among the contemporaries as well as for the latter generations. It was said about the book: Faiz Bakhsh-e Ganj ‘Alam ;Mazhar-e Nur- e Khuda Naqisan ra Pir-e Kamil; Kamilan ra Peshwa

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 of one preceptor passing into the body of his successor. Probably, they were influenced by the doctrines of the Ismailis who held similar beliefs about their Imams . The other condemned sect was the hallajis, who probably believed either in the extreme individualistic version of the self or in the validity of Mansur’s proclamation of anal haq. Among the sects approved by Hujwiri was that of the Junaidis , the followers of Shaikh Junaid Baghdadi (AD 910). They preferred the path of sahw (sobriety) over that of sukr (intoxication) and avoided externalism (zahiriat) . His influence on his contemporaries as well as on the succeeding generations was immense. 3 The credit of consolidating the philosophy of Shaikh Junaid goes to Shaikh Shihabuddin Suharawardi (d.1234) in his famous ‘Awarif ul Ma’arif , which is a measured, balanced and scholarly text. It was accepted by a majority of the mystics all over the world of Islam. Within a decade or two of its author’s death, it was being taught at Delhi. 4 The Kashf ul Mahjub had a readership in the city of Lahore itself, where there were enough people to understand the issues rose in the book. The city was a part of the Ghaznavid dynasty, but in creating such an intellectual milieu, the efforts of one Saiyid Ismail of are evident, he settled in Lahore in AD 1005. It is said that he was one of the most powerful preachers and his sermons were attended by a large number of people, and many of them were swayed by the power of his argument so much that they embraced Islam. 5 With the expansion of Ghaznavid power in Panjab during the 11 th century, Lahore became an important center of intellectual pursuit. In fact, Abdul Karim Samani described Lahore as ‘the blessed one’ (ba barkat) and a place ‘giving much benefit’ (-i kathir), because it boasted of having a large number of mystics and scholars. 6 This tradition of acquiring excellence in the theological sciences and other branches of Islamic knowledge remained a hallmark of the province throughout the medieval times. Knowledge continued to be transmitted from other towns as well. We specifically told about the town of Sialkot, which emerged as one of the major centers during the

3 Op. cit., Al Hujwiri , see especially chap. XII, pp. 176-266; see also K.A.Nizami, ed., Collected Works of Muhammad Habib , titled as Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period, vol. I, Delhi, 1974, pp. 52-3, 283-7. 4 Ibid, p- 288. 5 Shaikh Muhammad Ikram, op. cit., pp 74-5. 6 Ibid, pp- 75-6.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 seventeenth century. Sujan Rai Bhandari specifically mentions that it has become such a center which attracts the scholars and the learned ( m’adan-i Fazal wa maskan-i Fuzla ), ever since Maulana Kamaluddin Husain Khan, one of the chief scholars from Kashmir had migrated to the town during the reign of Emperor Akbar. Similarly, during the reign of Emperor Shahjahan, Maulvi Abdul Hakim wrote a number of commentaries on the important texts, his fame had reached far and wide and students keep on coming to him from far off places. Similarly after his death, his son Maulvi Abdullah was the chief scholar of town and his madrasa had become a center for learning and scholarship. 7 Apart from Ghaznavid Punjab, Multan and Lahore emerged as important centers of intellectual and cultural pursuits of scholars and mystics, some Muslim settlements had already been established at places like Badaun, Bahraich, Banaras, and Kannauj in the present day and Nagaur, an important medieval town in Rajasthan. There are references in the later sources and when they are taken together, they give an idea of activities of Muslim cultural groups in the transmission of knowledge before the establishment of Ghurid power. The evidence for the other places is meager but for places like Badaun, Bahraich and Nagaur it is possible to surmise the extent of intellectual life prior to the establishment of Turkish rule in north India. The ‘Intra-regional’ transmission of ‘Islamic Sciences’ Between the various settlements of the ‘migrant elite’ there was considerable mobility of the ideas, books, scholars and the people at large. This connectivity made the exchange of knowledge quite easy .The scholars spent their time at the distance places to teach them theological and other texts of philosophy and religion. Hence, it is important to recollect the emerging tradition of Islamic learning at the various settlements in the Upper Gangetic valley and north-western parts of the sub-continent. One such example relates Badaun and Kol (Aligarh), the place associated with some of the top important scholar like Allama Zia Uddin Nakshbi and Shaikh (d.AD 1325) and the well known scholar Maulana Razi al-Din Hasan al-Saghani, the compiler of important collections of hadith , who was born in AD 1181 at Badaun. He received his initial education and training here. By this time arrangements existed for the pursuit of higher branches of Islamic studies. An early incident in his life is a pointer in this direction, once

7Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat-ut Twarikh, ed. Zafar Hasan Dehalvi, 1918, p.73.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 he wanted to borrow a copy of the Mulakhkhas (a textbook of hadith ) from his teacher, who refused to give it to him. Saghani rose to be an eminent scholar of hadith in the entire Islamic east. His compilations of the collections of hadith , namely Mashariq ul Anwar and the Misbah ul-Duja were used as standard texts throughout the region. He used to describe his compilation of Mashariq ul Anwar as the ultimate proof ( hujjat ) between him and God. He was appointed to teach the son of the ruler of Kol (Aligarh) and used to get a remuneration of 100 tankas. When he reached Baghdad and attended the dars ( lectures ) of the renowned scholar of hadith , ‘Allama Ibn Zuhri. He impressed the audience so much with his erudite scholarship and when his fame reached the Caliph, he was invited by him and was shown great respect. It is quite likely that the region around Badaon and Kol (Aligarh) has developed the tradition of higher learning much prior to the establishment of Turkish rule. Hence, we find scholars of such stature who could invite the attention of the great scholars in the Islamic East as well as the Abbasid Caliph. 8 A similar intellectual milieu existed at Nagaur. Here, Sufi Hamiduddin Sihalwi, (d.1240’s) the famous disciple of Shaikh Muin Uddin Chishti had established his khanqah , and because of his austerities and his preference for a life of poverty (faqr), he came to be known as Sultan ut-tarikin (prince of recluses). 9 The family of Qazi Hamiduddin had also migrated from Central Asia and settled here. When Maulana Raziuddin Saghani reached Nagaur, Qazi Hamiduddin and Qazi Kamaluddin requested him to teach hadith . He taught the Misbah al-Duja to scholars of Nagaur and also issued certificates. 10 One of his pupils requested Maulana to teach him ‘ ilm-i tasawwuf, Maulana told that he accompany him during the journey to the countryside which he was going to undertake shortly, it is reported that during this journey when Maulana reached the countryside, he removed the dress of the scholars and put on the dress of the dervish (peerahni ) and n’alain-i-chubi (wooden sleepers) and also had a kuza (hanging jug) filled with water in his hand. With such ‘disguise’ he continued his onward journey throughout concentrating on prayers and meditations, when the person accompanying Maulana,

8 Fawaid ul Fuad, vol.3, majlis no. 9, pp. 178-181, see also, Muhammad Habib, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya: Hayat aur Ta’alimat,, Nizam Urdu Lecture Series, Department of Urdu, University of Delhi, 1970, pp- 24-8 . (hereafter Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya ) 9 Maksud Ahmad Khan, ‘Surur-us Sudur wa Nur ul-Budur’, PIHC , 54 th Session, 1993, Mysore, pp. 231-40. 10 Muhammad Habib and K.A. Nizami, (ed.) A Comprehensive History of Indian, V, 1970, pp- 140-1; Mumtaz Ali Khan, op. cit.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 reminded him of his promise of lecture on the theme of tasawwuf , his response was quite instructive as he told him, ‘ tasawwuf cannot be taught by words ( baqal nist ); it is learned in action ( bahal ast )’, you must imitate me in my actions’.11 The intellectual and philosophical basis of all religious studies in Islam is undoubtedly Quran . For this purpose, the textual study of the book was very crucial. This branch attained a high degree of sophistication following the compilation of the basic text on classical Arabic grammar, Al-Mufassal by Imam Jarullah Zamikhshari (d. AD 1144). He wrote the Quranic commentary from an allegedly mu’tazalite point of view, the famous Tafsir-e Kashshaf . Theologians severely criticized him for his heretical views. In India, these works of Zamikhshari became immensely popular among scholars of higher learning. But the orthodox ash’arite sentiments always led to his being denounced for his beliefs. Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya expressed his reservations about him in the following words, ‘despite the fact that he was extremely knowledgeable, he held false belief (‘aqida-e batila) ’ and added, ‘there is unbelief (kufr), there is innovation (bid’at), there is sin (m’asiyat). Innovation is worse than sin, and unbelief is still worse, innovation and unbelief are closer to each other’. 12 In addition to these harsh comments, he has cited two anecdotes quite approvingly which describe the hostility and extreme hatred of the Indian Sufis towards Zamikhshari for his ‘heretical’ views. 13 Even al Mufassal invited such harsh censors. It might look ironical that in spite of such hostility towards the works of Zamikhshari, both his works, namely Tafsir-i Kashshaf and the classical Arabic grammar, al Mufassal continued to be taught throughout the Islamic World as the most standard and authentic text in a discipline. 14 The works of Zamakhshari continued to be the part of theological curriculum throughout the subcontinent in the subsequent centuries, and it was believed that nobody can master the Arabic grammar ( nahw wa sarf ) without acquiring an expertise of his work, al Mufassal. Ali Mohammad Khan writing for the suba of Gujrat tells about the Imperial order that all the teachers who teaches the students, the books beginning from ‘ al Mizan to Kashashf was entitled for wajh-e’ ulufa grants from the state treasurary.’

11 Suru s Sudur wa Nur al Budur , ff. 61-62, c.f. Maksud Ahmad Khan, op. cit . p. 235. 12 Fawaid ul Fuwad , vol. 3, majlis no. 11, pp- 186-8. 13 Ibid. 14 Ali Mohammad Khan, Mirat-i Ahmadi, vol.1, Ali & Charles N. Seldon (eds.), Baroda Oriental Institute, p. 258.

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As far as Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya (d.AD.1325) is concern, we have detailed information about his early education the academic milieu at Badaon, which he recalls quite nostalgically after he has settled at Ghayaspur in Delhi and the way he acquired knowledge and the way knowledge was transmitted during his lifetime. He has provided detailed information about three scholars of Badaon namely Maulana Raziuddin Hasan Saghani, Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi, both of them have predeceased him, and Maulana Alauddin Usuli, who was his own teacher. The way he describes these three persons and takes notice of few others, help us to understand the then system of education and the manner in which it was transmitted. When Shaikh completed his early education with Maulana Alauddin Usuli, and finished with a text Quduri, he was asked by his teacher for the ceremony of dastaarbandi. Graphic details are provided by the author of Siyar ul Auliya about the manner in which the preparation of the ceremony by the mother of the Shaikh. The final ceremony of dastaarbandi was performed by the special invitee one ‘Ali Maula Buzurg, who was not his teacher. 15 When he arrived at Delhi he had already become a sort of celebrity and was nick named as Nizamuddin bahath and mahfil shikan and his friends considered him intellectually and academically superior. He was taught the famous collection of hadith, namely Mashariq ul Anwar of Raziuddin Hasan Saghani by Maulana Kamaluddin Zahid, who issued him certificate for the same on 23 rd July 1280. He was also permitted to carry on the teaching of this book. 16 However, when he reached at the jam’at khana of Baba Farid at Pakpatan, he was taught by his pir few more texts especially Tamhid-ul Muhtadi of Abu Shakur Salemi. The important thing to notice here, he was also taught ‘five parts of Quran again’. Perhaps, one can argue that, it was meant to give particular insight into the different interpretation, which was not a part of the regular curricula in the orthodox system of the transmission. Baba Farid also issued him a certificate and permitted him to continue giving instruction of this book to his students. The relevant portion of the said certificate reads: I now permit him to teach this book to students, provided he avoids mistake in teaching, writing and explaining it and utilizes his energy and knowledge in discussion, correcting the manuscripts and

15 Amir Khurd Kirman, Siyar ul Auliya, Delhi, 1885, pp. 95-96, see also, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya, pp. 47-8. 16 The text of this certificate is preserved by Amir Khurd in Siyar ul Auliya , pp 104-5; also compare K.A. Nizami, Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya , Delhi, 1991, pp 189-90.

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purification of the language……I also permit Nizam- ul Millat wad Din to narrate things which he has learnt from me and has collected and preserved…..May God be kind to them who show respect and honor to Nizam-ud din, whom I honor and for whom I have great regard. 17 The jam’at khana of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya became a center for the transmission of advance knowledge in the fields of theology, ethics, and tasawwuf . Ziauddin Barani, the historian pays glowing tribute to the efforts of the Shaikh in furtherance of these studies and says: Most of the scholars and learned men, who frequented the Shaikh’s company, applied themselves to books on devotion and mysticism. The books like Qut ul Qulub , Ihya ul Ulum and its translation, ‘ Awarif ul M’aarif, Kashf ul Mahjub; Sharh-i Ta’arruf, Risala-i Qoshairi, Mirshad ul ‘Ibad, Maktub ‘ Ain ul Quzzat and the Lawaih and Lawama of Qazi Hamiduddin Naguri found many purchasers, as also did the Fawaid ul Fuad of Amir Hasan owing to the sayings of the Shaikh which it contains. People asked the book sellers about books of devotion…’ 18 In the jam’at khana of the Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya there was great insistence on acquiring knowledge as a prerequisite for being initiated into the higher stages of mystic life. Therefore, when it was suggested to Shaikh that a senior disciple Shaikh Sirajuddin Usman (known as Akhi Siraj ) be given khilafat nama by the Shaikh, he observed ‘education is the first stage in the field of Sufism, and he has not received any education ’ thereupon, Maulana Fakhruddin Zarradi, another senior inmate in the jam’at khana of the Shaikh, offered him to educate him within six months in the required fields. Only after this formal session of education was complete, he was bestowed with the khilafat Nama of the Shaikh. 19 Amir Khurd mentions that Maulana Sirajuddin was able to acquire the required knowledge within six months in spite of his advanced age, his teacher Fakhruddin Zarradi specially prepared a text for him and named it as ‘ Usmani. After the conferment of the khilafat nama, while going back to Lukhnauti, Maulana Siraj took

17 Ibid. pp. 187-88. 18 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh –I Firuz shahi , (ed.) Shaikh Abdul Rashid, Aligarh, Vol. II pp. 346- 347. 19 Siyar ul Auliya, pp.288-9;

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 some books from the kutub khana of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya for study and teaching. 20 Hence, it is perhaps most appropriate to describe tasawwuf as the ‘post graduate’ creed of Islam. Muslim tradition of acquiring expertise in the Semitic religions is quite old. The study of Old and New Testament as well the Talmudic literature was an established tradition. During the early Abbasid times, the tradition of religious debates ( munazira ) was a recognized field of study. This tradition was carried forward by Muslim sectarian debates, among the religious and philosophical sect. In the Indian sub-continent this tradition continued, with the further addition of acquiring expertise in the non-Semitic religions as well. Hence, it was expected that the inmates of the khanqah /sufi jama’at khana , in addition to their acquiring knowledge in the tenets of theology and higher discipline of ‘Islamic Sciences’, also acquired the knowledge of other religions/scriptures of the other religions and had some interest in the natural sciences as well. It is said that the founder of Madariya order Shaikh Badruddin Madar has memorized Taurah and Ingil (Old and New Testament) and has also learned kimiya, simiya , himiya and rimiya (chemistry and other natural science?). In fact, it was said of him that he was the only person expert in so many branches of knowledge in his times. 21 This tradition of acquiring expertise in the religious scripture of other Semitic religion survived in the Mughal times later on. Khafi Khan tells same thing about Saiyid Sa’sadullah (d. A.H. 1138/A.D.1725) of Salon, the grandson of Shaikh Pir Muhammad (d.1687), the founder of a Khanqah belonging to the Chishti –Nizami order of the Sufi at Salon(Rae Bareli, UP), was his earliest teacher as Azad Bilgrami (d.1761) says that: He acquired knowledge, while he was very young and in a very short time became an expert in the various disciplines, in his youth he started teaching and he could compare very well with the senior scholars who have spent years in teaching and worthy authors of scholarly works” Azad further adds that, he acquired expertise in the orthodox and spiritual sciences, Logic, Philosophy, simiya, himiya wa kimiya were the sciences in which nobody could match him. He also acquired expertise in matters related to Ingil and Taurah as much that even [Christian] monks took lectures from him. Khafi Khan, Muntakhab ut Twarikh, vol. 2, p. 559; see also, Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami, Mathir ul

20 Ibid 21 . Maksud Ahmad Khan, ‘Chroniclising The Miraculous: Hagiology in the Mirat-i Madari’ in PIHC , (55 th , Session ), Aligarh, 1994,p 304.

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Kiram, pp. 217-18. The Saiyid Sa’adullah also established his madrasa at Surat in a haveli assigned to him by Emperor Aurangzeb and maintained the madrasa with the madad-i ma’ash with rupees nine thousand per annum. He was held in the high esteem by the emperor, but after some times he migrated to the holy city of Madina and established his seminary there as well. By the latter contemporaries he is described as one of the most ‘erudite scholars from the East’. 22 Migration, Settlement and the Dissemination of Knowledge The magnitude of the devastation and havoc caused by the Mongol conquest can be understood better by highlighting some data of the contemporary accounts of important towns of Khurasan region. For example, the famous city of , which was one of the most important cities of the area, was thoroughly and systematically destroyed by the Mongols during their second campaign. It is vividly described by Minhaj us Siraj Juzjani in the following manner: “Nishapur, which after much fighting, he {Tuli, the youngest son of Changez Khan} captured and in order to take vengeance because the son-in-law of the Changez Khan have been slain at that place, he martyred every person in Nishapur, desolated it, raised the walls of the city and having a pair of oxen, yoked (to a plough), he had them driven over {the area on which} the city {stood} in such wise that not a wastage of buildings of remain having finished with them {the inhabitants} and the city and territory, Tuli advanced towards Herat, and pitched his camp before the gate of that city, and the attack began and catapults were placed in position in every direction’ 23

22 . Shaikh Bahadur, Haqiqat e Surat/Guldasta Sulha e Surat, transl. in Urdu by Mahbub Husain Ahmad Husain Abbasi, Gandhinagar, 2005, pp.83-86.

23 . Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i Nasiri, vol.II, (Eng.trans. by H.G. Raverty) pp. 1028-1037. A contemporary couplet captures the event in the following manner: “In three months, the world-seizing Tuli Captured these all to the gate of Sistan He razed and he slew, and he swept, and he clutched; Not a person remained, neither great nor small.” It is necessary to remember that the second attack on Nishapur was led by the daughter of Chengiz Khan, who was the wife of the deceased general killed during the first attack, a year earlier. This

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Similar was the fate of other famous towns of Khurasan and Central Asia under the command of the Mongol generals. The city of Delhi became a natural place of asylum for the refugees, fleeing from the cities devastated by the Mongols, during the reign of Sultan Shams ud-din Iltutamish (1210-36). The same historian, Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani, who also served as the chief Qazi during the reign of Illtutmish’s son Muizuddin Bahram Shah (1240-42), very specifically says: ‘The kingdom of Hindustan, by the grace of Almighty God, and the favor of fortune under the shadow of the guardianship of the Shamsi race, and the shade of the protection of Illtutmishs’ dynasty became the focus of the people of Islam, and the orbit of the possessors of religion’ 24 While Isami, writing in the mid 14 th century, in his Futuh us Salatin says, that the has become a ‘miniature’ of the Islamic east, a place of refuge for the scholars, theologians, craft persons and everybody who was anybody in the region, prior to the Mongol devastation. He says: ‘Many genuine Saiyids have arrived from Arabia, the traders of Khurasan, many learned men from Bukhara and numbers of Sufis and ascetics from every town and every race have gathered here. Scholars well versed in the Unani system (of medicine) have also arrived from Rum. These people have gathered in the city of Delhi like the moths gather around the candle.’ 25 These people arriving from the various Central Asian cities and towns have brought the elements of ‘Islamic Culture’ with them. Due to their presence in the city of Delhi and various parts of the Indian sub-continent, a number of maktab and madrasa were established in these towns and other centers to cater the need of emerging Muslim

attack was to take the revenge of the first attack, when the Mongol forces under the command of Chengiz’s own son-in-law, Nuh-yan/ Nurka were killed as a result of the massive resistance offered by the people of Nishapur under the leadership of Majir-ul Mulk, the Kafi, ‘Umr-i-Raji, and Ziya-ul-Mulk, and the Zauzani. Therefore, one can very well imagine the ferocity and savagery which was now unleashed on the people and city of Nishapur. In this context, the traditional accounts say that ‘no living being including cats and dogs were left alive in the city’. Therefore, whoever could flee from the site of massacre, tried to find asylum, wherever they could reach with safety. 24 Mihaj-us Siraj Juzjani Tabaqat-i- Nasiri , ed. Abdul Haiy Habibi, Lahore, 1954, vol. II, p.642 25 Isami, Futuh us Salatin, ed . M. Usha,Madras,1948, pp.114-115

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 population. Shaikh Rizqullah Mushtaqi, while writing about the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi, very specifically says that: “In each town and region, where the forces of Islam have gained an upper hand and have become popular, masajid, jam’at khana and khanqah were established and the capable people were appointed in the maktabs and the madrasa as the mu’allim and muddarris . In these institutions, the umra’ and their sons and the sons of the soldiers acquired knowledge and busied themselves in the prayer and meditations. Those who could afford discharged their duties in the way of God . The institution so established trained the inmates for the emerging needs of the administration and the bureaucracy, the Qazis (judicial officers), the expert accountants, scribes and other state functionaries were the products of these institutions”.26 The strong intellectual and academic tradition of the region became quite proverbial and people nostalgically recalled it even after its heydays were over. Ghulam ‘Ali Azad Bilgrami (d. 1761), while paying glowing tribute to the cultural life in the Upper Gangetic Valley, has said that “this region since the olden days ( qadim-ul ayyam ) has been the cradle of knowledge and center for the scholars ( ma‘adan-e ‘Ilm wa maskan-e ‘Ulema )”. According to him the Mughal suba of Awadh and Allahabad enjoyed special status as compared to other provinces of the empire in the sphere of intellectual activities. There were innumerable intellectual centers and numerous scholars, that these two suba had ‘a major settlement of Muslim intellectual elite (shurufa wa najaba) at every 5 to 10 kroh’. They had been well-provided by the earlier salatin with cash and madad e maash grants. This had facilitated the establishment of mosques, madrasas, and khanaqahs all over the province, where the teachers of all disciplines were busy in the dissemination of knowledge. The students trained at these institutions went to other parts of the country and established and strengthened this intellectual tradition further. It is important to note that Azad Bilgrami specifically says that the well- provided a section of the society took

26 Waq’iat Mushtaqi, Add.11633, f.18.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 extra care of the requirements of these scholars and considered serving them an act of great benefit ( sa ‘adat-e ‘uzma ) for themselves. 27 Often these grants are described as charitable grants. However, the official documents and the chronicles have never used the words/expressions, especially meant to describe/convey the sense for charity or for the charitable uses, while making these grants. The terms which are used to describe the charity in the Islamic literature, like sadqah, khairat , fitrah , or zakat have never been employed either in the Chronicles or in the Archival papers to describe the madad-i mash grants. Thus, to place madad-i mash under the category of ‘charity’ is inappropriate. Instead, common neutral terms like Suyurghal , a’imma and madad-i mash or inam and in the later period ma’afi is invariably used to describe these grants in the official papers of Mughal and Nawabi periods. Such nomenclature is used invariably irrespective of the religious affiliation of the recipient unlike our modern Indian State which makes a distinction not only on the basis religious affiliation but also on the basis of sectarian affiliations. 28 It becomes clear that the diffusion of the Medieval Persianate culture owes much to the migration of the numerous families from Central Asia and Khurasan. This is not to say that the region has not witnessed migration prior to the rise of Chengiz Khan, but the fact that the mass migration of the families of the notables and scholars has taken place after this great catastrophe. There are numerous local histories (compiled only in 18 th and 19 th centuries) and the historical documents available in the Colonial records tracing the ‘saga of migration’ of the families of the scholars and Sufis in every part of Northwestern India and even in Deccan, that invariably links their arrival in the regions of their settlement from this period only. A deeper understanding of the process/es of migration from the Persianate cultural worked to the Indian subcontinent might open up a window to trace the fortunes of the numerous families from this region. Undoubtedly, they have made use of the local dialects and the pre-existing rituals and traditions of the region in the most imaginative manner, so much so that some of these rituals were incorporated as a part of

27 Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgram, Mathirul Kiram , ed. by Shaikh Shams ul Haq , Maktab’Ihyaul ulum e Sharqiya , Lahore, 1971, pp. 213-14. 28 . See Shireen Moosvi, ‘Charity, Objectives and Mechanism in Mughal India (16 th and 17 th Centuries)’, PIHC (73 rd Session), Mumbai, 2012, Pp. 335-346

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 the Sufi rituals, especially of the Chishtis, who were considered as one of the ‘most Indianised Sufi orders’. Linguistic Adaptations and adjustment with pre-existing rituals and practices on part of Sufis of After the establishment of the Turkish rule in parts of the Indian subcontinent, certain vital changes took place in the cultural life of the people. Some dialects were now spoken from Multan in the north to the Gujarat in the west, down to the Deccan. These dialects were the major vehicle for the transmission of ideas, but they were yet to become full- fledged literary languages, as they had no formal recognized system of script/s. The Sufi intervention contributed in the development of these dialects into literary language, especially during the 13 th century, when Baba Farid (d. 1265), the famous Chishti Sufi, started writing poetry in Multani/Saraiki (which was later incorporated in the Adi Granth compiled by the fifth Sikh Guru namely Guru Arjan Dev). Similarly, (d. 1325) is also said to have written some compositions in the Awadhi dialect. A number of Chishti-Nizami Sufi centers were established in various parts of the Indian Subcontinent; the Sufi masters at these centers were adopting local dialects and using Persian scripts to compile their writings and poetry. A major exercise was undertaken by the Chishti Sufis in the area where Awadhi dialect was predominant. The genre of premakhyan in line with the Persian Mathnavi tradition was practiced and developed by these Sufi poets in the Awadhi dialect, mainly by those who were associated with the Chishti-Nizami tradition of Sufis in Awadh. The characters they have used in their poetic narrations are mainly those who were popular in the countryside and were remembered as the ‘the heroes of certain caste groups’. This new genre was used to propagate the Islamic-Sufic ideology in the local dialects. Perhaps, it is too obvious to point out that such tradition became extremely popular in the localities like Dalmau, where Mulla Daud (d.1370?) composed Chandayan, using Lorik and Chanda as the main characters of the story, while Malik Mohammad (d.1540) wrote Padmavat at Jais using Padmavati and Ratansen as the main protagonists of his narration. This tradition continued through out, with poets like Shah Qasim (d.1731) composed Hans Jawahir at Dariyabad, while Hafiz Najaf Ali Shah wrote Prem Chingari at Rewa in around 1860 AD.

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The use of local dialects for the propagation of the Sufi ideas, as well as singing of these compositions at the sama’ gatherings, were often disapproved by non-Chishti Sufis and the Orthodoxy. An incident, attributed by Mulla Nizamuddin (d.1748), the founder of the house of Firangi Mahal to Shaikh Muhammadi (d.1696) confirms this opposition and plurality of views existing within the Sufi orders. Shaikh Muhammadi was a well-known wujudi scholar of his time and was ideologically associated with the famous Shaikh Muhibullah of Allahabad (d.1648). 29 Mulla Nizamuddin reports the matter as it was said to have been reported to Saiyid Abdul Razzaq of Bansa (d. 1724), the famous Qadiri Shaikh: Once in the khanaqah of Shaikh Pir Muhammad of Salon (d.1687), Sama was in progress and compositions in Hindvi [Awadhi?] were being sung. Those present were in the state of ecstasy [hal ]. Sheikh Muhammadi also reached there. When the raqs and the wajd of the Sufis was over, he stood up and recited a few Quranic verses in the best of accent, but it had no impact on any of those present; neither raqs nor wajd overcame them. [Observing this] Shaikh Muhammadi said; ‘It is strange that on listening to the Quran none became excited while the compositions in Hindvi, which contradict Quranic themes (emphasis mine), get you excited’. Upon hearing this, Saiyid Abdul Razzaq expressed his pleasure and approval of the conduct of Shaikh Muhammadi.30 While the original narrator of the story remains unnamed, it is highly unlikely for Shaikh Muhammadi, who himself was a wujudi , to have made such an incomparable comparison between the recitation of Quranic verses and Sufi Awadhi poetry when sung with instruments, for both were supposed to have a different impact on the audience. Hence, the reported incident per se becomes secondary. However, it is quite clear that a section

29 Shaikh Mohammadi’s fame is attributed to his courage in defending, in front of Emperor Aurangzeb, the allegedly controversial points from the famous book Al-Taswiya, authored by his Pir Shaikh Muhibullah of Allahabad. 30 Mulla Nizamuddin Ansari, Manaqib-i Razzaqia, Lucknow, 1313 AH, pp. 14-15; see also Muhammad Raza Ansari, Tazkira Hazrat Saiyid Saheb Banswi, Lucknow, 1986, pp.70-71.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 of the literary elite was definitely against the use of Hindavi by the Chishti Sufis even for their own specific rituals. 31 The adoption of particular customs, rituals and other prevalent practices by the Sufi institutions can be described as an ongoing process, especially at places where large landed properties were attached by the way of waqf or madad-i mash , more particularly in matters of succession and inheritance 32 . Moreover, in the adoption of rituals and ceremonies observed during public gatherings and other solemn occasions, an eclectic attitude was generally displayed, for it was ‘this sphere’ that brought about a sense of belonging among the participants of such events. Such ‘innovative flexibilities’ were aimed at capturing the imagination of the masses and ensured sustained participation for a longer duration as well. The elaborate details of these rituals lent a ‘sanctified halo’ to them, while somehow, a punctual religiosity in their observance created an ‘aura’ around these ceremonies. Apart from the ceremony of gagar 33 , another ‘Indianized’ ceremony which was very popular at the Chishti centers in northern Indian is the practice of sandal . It involves the pouring of sandalwood paste over the grave of the Shaikh whose death anniversary was being celebrated. Sandalwood is an important substance used by the Indian yogis and s adhus in their religious rituals and practices and its paste is believed to be a cooling agent. It is also used to relieve irritations and for other medicinal purposes.

31 What is more relevant is the way in which it is used by Mulla Nizamuddin, the biographer of Saiyid Abdul Razzaq, and later commentators on this namely Mulla Qiyamuddin Abdul Bari (d.1926) and Mufti Raza Ansari (d.1990). Irrespective of the fact that they themselves were initiated into the principle of Qadiri and orders respectively, they have compared the wajd and raqs of Sufis to tazwir (simple lies) and makr wa hila (hypocrisy). Also See my, ‘Religious Plurality in the Chishti Tradition: A Case Study of the Khanqah at Salon in Awadh’ in Jamal Malik and Helmut Reifeld, Religious Pluralism in and Europe, OUP, 2005, pp. 219-244. For the specific reference, see, pp. 233-234. 32 Rawaj-i a’am of pargana Parshadepur, Tehsil Salon, District Pratapgarh, included in the Jild-i band wa bast-i awwal (First volume of the Revenue Settlements) of 1860, recording among other things, the Kayfiyyat-i abadi wa husul-i milkiyyat (the details of the Settlement and the Acquisition of the Superior Land Rights). 33 Literary a small earthen pot, but when used technically, it involves going in to a procession from the Khanqah of a Sufi Shaikh to some nearby pond/river accompanied by the musicians and disciples. The participants carrying the empty gagars on their head and reciting the fatiah on water filled their gagars with the water. For further discussion on this practice and the way the orthodoxy had dubbed it as a bid’at (an innovation in the religion), see my, “Religious Plurality in Chishti Tradition”, pp234-6.

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Such a practice was generally adopted by those khanaqahs which were situated in the midst of overwhelming Hindu population. 34 It should not be assumed that such ‘innovative flexibilities’ met the approval of the ‘ulema, whose disapproval ranged from mild criticism to an all-out denouncement, often bracketing them with bid’at (innovations in religion). But the orthodoxy never or seldom targeted the intrusion of local customs in matters of inheritance or succession of the landed properties, confining their attack to the ‘external displays’ popular among the masses. This was mainly because the class of ‘ulema too were appealing to popular sentiments in order to win over the same constituency from the hold of the Sufi institutions. Their opposition to certain practices and rituals may not have been without some merit, but it is to the credit of the Sufi institutions that they could withstand such persistent onslaught from many quarters. The Sufi institutions neither thought of abandoning their allegedly ‘un-Islamic’ practices under the pressure of the orthodoxy nor retaining that part of their constituency which was certainly going over to the ‘other side’. Here lies the crux of the matter: the Sufi institutions firmly believed that the rituals and rites at the elaborate ceremonial details adopted by them were representatives of their ideological commitment to the philosophy of Wahdat-ul wujud , rather than just expediency or catering to popular demand or sentiments. Sama’ had been one of the major issues of contention between the Sufis and the orthodoxy in India, ever since the days of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya (d.1325). Neither had the orthodoxy reconciled itself to the very idea of sama’ nor did the Chishti Sufis ever give up this practice. They have been using the compositions in the local dialects quite freely even Vishnupads were recited at the khanaqah of Shaikh Noor e Alam (d.1415), an important Chishti-Nizami sufi at Pandua in Bengal. This he carried on in spite of the objections of the orthodoxy, to which the Shaikh reportedly observed that when the ‘ Quran has verses having a description of Nimrud and Fir’aun (Pharaoh) and they are recited with equal reverence, why anybody should object to the singing of the Vishnupads in my khanaqah?35 It was in the Pandua tradition of Chishti branch that another notable from Manikpur, Shaikh Husamuddin wal Haq (d.1470), the chief Khalifa of Shaikh Nur Qutb-e Alam

34 For a discussion on this ritual see Claudia Lebeskiend, Piety on its Knees: Three Sufi Traditions in South Asia in Modern Times , OUP 1998, pp. 152-153 35 See, Shaikh Mohammad Ikram, Rud-i kauthar, (1991 reprint, Delhi), p. 498.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 emphatically argued that the earliest Sufi was Prophet Shish and Sufism as a creed existed since the time of the creation i.e. from the time of Hazrat Adam. 36 This way he has predated the to that of Islam. Hence, by implication, he was trying to incorporate all the pre-existing traditions and idioms of the Indian sub-continent as legitimate expressions and the forms of worship. Therefore, the Sufis whose creed predates the Islamic creed could become the inheritors and upholders of the earlier traditions of the Indian subcontinent as well without any condition. Thus, we find that Chishti Nizami branch in the Upper Gangetic valley, from Pandua (in modern West Bengal) to Awadh, has adopted most of these traditions as a part of the rituals and irrespective of the criticism by their contemporaries, they have carried with these traditions. 37 The study of the Indian scriptures and the literary works in Sanskrit was also undertaken at the Sufi centers, although we have no direct reference to this. Still, the interaction with the yogis and other holy men was a known established fact. We have clear evidence that at the jam’at khana of famous Chishti Sufis namely Shaikh Baba Farid (d.1265) the yogis were very much present and they used to interact with no less a person than Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya himself. It is quite likely that the text on Indian yogic tradition were also consulted by the Sufis, especially of the order of the Shattaris , established by Shaikh Ghaus of Gwalior, who has appropriated many yogic practices in his teachings. As is apparent from his Jawahir- i Khamsa, a text which describes the yogic practices in Persian and the manner in which the Sufis were supposed to practice them. Similarly, Shaikh Abdul Quddus of Gangoh’s (d.1537) Rushd Nama and Mir Abdul Wahid Bilgrami’s (d.1608) Hakayat-I Hindi were the early attempts to present Indian classics in Sanskrit to the Persian knowing audience. Akbar must have laid the foundations of these translations projects by sultans to an example through this translation bureau. For Akbar, Mahabharata was quite central;

36 Shaikh Husam-al Haque wa Din, in Anis-ul‘Ashiqin’ has discussed this question in four sections. Section one begins with such diverse issues as the origins of the creed of tasawwuf ; the earliest Sufi with whom the concept of khirqa is associated; on the notion of ‘ ishq (love) and the definition of ‘ ashiq . Here, while taking a note of the different sayings, he shows a clear preference for the opinion that Prophet Shish happens to be the earliest Sufi. Anis- ul‘Ashiqin , Ms. ff 2a-4a, Subhan Ullah Collection, , Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. 37 For an initial understanding of this argument see my ‘Sufi Tradition and Popular literature: Chishti ideology, Awadhi dialect and local practices’, in ‘ Popular literature in pre- Modern Societies in South Asia’, ed. Surinder Singh and Ishwar Dayal Gaur, Pearson, Delhi 2008 pp.271-280 (for this reference see p.272)

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 hence it is quite likely that the Vaishnavite face of Hinduism was more prominent at Akbar’s court than the Shaivaite . Similarly, the Upanishads and the works of Shankaracharya were not represented at all. It was left to Dara Shikoh to add the Upanishads to the translated-Brahminical literature, through his Persian translation, Sirre Akbar. 38 The inmates of the khanaqah /Sufi jama’at khana , in addition to their acquiring knowledge in the tenets of theology and higher discipline of ‘Islamic Sciences’, also acquired the knowledge of other religions/scriptures of the other religions and had some interest in the natural sciences as well. It is said that the founder of Madariya order Shaikh Badruddin Madar has memorized Taurah and Ingil (Old and New Testament) and has also learned kimiya, simiya , himiya and rimiya (Chemistry and other Natural Science?). In fact, it was said of him that he was the only person expert in so many branches of knowledge in his times. 39 However, it needs to be admitted that often the pre-colonial system of knowledge transmission was not as systematic and institutionalized as the Greco- Arab tradition. It was based more on the individuals than on institutions, yet, it produced over the centuries, intellectuals and ideologues of the caliber of people like, the famous muhaddis Raziuddin Hasan Saghani (d. 1252), the celebrated Sufi Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya (d. A.D. 1325) and his disciples like the multifaceted genius Amir Khusro (d. A.D.1325), the poet Amir Hasan Sijzi (d. 1330s) and Zia ud din Barni (d.1360’s).It must be admitted that the sufi khanqahs acted as the center’s for the transmission of ideas, knowledge and new literary forms, especially Premakhyan tradition and in Deccan the tradition of the Chakkinamhs. The study related to the Quranic studies and the teaching of hadith was especially promoted in these khanqah throughout. Conclusion Then there were those who represented the tradition of rational and natural sciences like Shaikh Fatehullah Shirazi (d. 1589) 40 , who is praised by no less a person than the ruthless critic Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni, for ‘his scholarships in the fields of ilahiyat, riyaziat,

38 M. Athar Ali, ‘Translations of Sanskrit Works at Akbar’s Court’, in Iqtidar Alam Khan (ed.) Akbar and His Age, ICHR Monograph Series, New Delhi, 1999, p.78 39 Maksud Ahmad Khan, ‘Chroniclising the Miraculous: Hagiology in the Mirat-i Madari’ in PIHC , (55 th Session), Aligarh, 1994, p 304. 40 See, vol. 2, p. 315-16.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 tabiyat and all other fields of m’aqulat and manqulat’. He further adds that, ‘he was such an erudite scholar that nobody could match him,’ and he was even invited by the Emperor Akbar in AD 1582 to the Mughal court from the court of Adil Shah at Deccan. The famous ideologue of the Mughal Empire, Abul Fazl ‘Allami (d.1602), the astronomer Mirza Raja Jai Singh (d.1667), the socio-religious reformer Raja Ram Mohan Roy (d.1833), the famous poet Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib (d.1869), Sir , (d.1898), the educationist and reformer, are only some of the names which have left a lasting impact on the socio-cultural landscape of the Indian subcontinent. It is pertinent to point out that they were all trained and taught in a system which owed its origin to India’s medieval past. One can very well argue that education was not that neglected a field that the colonial administrators, and even some modern apologists, would have us believe. It needs to be highlighted further that the migrant elite from the Persian speaking regions in the Indian Subcontinent had been at the forefront of the dissemination of knowledge. The have understood and analyzed the local norms, cultural traditions, linguistic heritage, and religious sensibilities in a better way. They have evolved the new literary genre, cultural practices in such a way as to subsume/ incorporate the local traditions. Thus, the Indo-Islamic culture became a dominant norm in the large geographical area of the Indian subcontinent. Hence, the medieval culture evolved as the composite culture which was invoked quite often by our nationalist leaders during our struggle for the liberation from the clutches of colonial dominance. Needless to say, that it was possible through the efforts of the people coming from outside. These efforts were well appreciated by the people from the Indian subcontinent as well. Thus, the efforts of Bhakti Saints like Kabir, Baba Nanak and other poets writing in the Prem Akhyan tradition has to be located into that broad spectrum. Perhaps, this needs to be appreciated and explored further, for it will be a venture worth exploring

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Sufis and Communal Harmony ‘A Case Study of Indian Sufis’

Prof. S.M. Azizuddin Husain Former Head, Dept. of History , New Delhi

The dictionary of Islam defines Sufiyah , as a man of the people who professes the mystic principles of Tasawwuf . Such men in popular parlance were known as the Sufis . The origin of the word Sufi can be traced to various roots, for example to the Arabic Suf which means wool, this was on account of the woolen dress worn by the Eastern ascetics or from Arabic Safu , meaning purity, with reference to the effort to attain metaphysical purity or according to the Ghiyasul lughat it is derived from the Sufah , the name of a tribe of Arabs who in the time of ignorance separated themselves from the world and engaged themelves exclusively in the service of the Makkah Temple.1 It would not have been very easy to engraft mysticism over the Quranic lessons. However it is generally admitted by the Sufis that one of the great founders of their system, as found in Islam, was the son- in-law of the Prophet and the fourth Caliph, Ali-ibn-Abu-Talib. All the Sufi silsilahs with the exception of Naqshbandiya start with Ali because he never discriminated between the Arabs and Non-Arabs and behaved truly impartially towards them. He was also very sympathetic towards the downtrodden in the society and he lived an exemplary simple life. It was for this reason Hzt.Ali became the attracting point for the Sufis who traced their source of inspiration in him. Ali shifted the capital of Islamic state from Arab dominated town of Madina to Kufa. Kufa was a military cantonment and also the most planned urban center and was thus confluence of people belonging to different religious and social groups. More than fifty percent of population was of non-Arab origin who were mostly slaves or liberated slaves. Most Sufis accept that their ideology had always existed in the world, even prior, to the rise of Islam. Indeed mysticism as a way of religious emotionalism and simple spirituality can be traced in other religions as well, like the bhakti stream of Hinduism or the writings of the old academics of Greece such as

1 Thomas Patrick Hughes, Dictionary of Islam , Pub. Rupa & co., New Delhi, 1993, pp.608-609.

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Plato. 2 Rise of Sufism in Arabia was prompted by its own socio-cultural nuances. However among reasons of political hue, one issue was that Islam believed in democracy and democratic functioning of the state which continued upto Ali, the fourth Caliph, but in 661 AD, Muawiyah converted Caliphate into mulukiyat (absolute monarchy). After the assassination of Ali, Muawiyah laid the foundation of Umaiyad rule. Yazid, the son and successor of Muawiyah openly violated the tenets of Islam. In 681, Imam Husain (A.S) protested against this and he along with his family members and companions was killed. In 682 Madina and were attacked and plundered and the result was rape and massacre of innocent people. . 3 Abdullah bin Zubair was executed. 4 Kufa and Basra were the main targets of the barbarity and tyranny since 661. It is likely that Sufi movement originated in these very towns as a fallout of challenging political-socio and cultural circumstances. It is obvious that diverse inter and intra religious systems have their own powerful mechanisms for confirming a particular belief. Often the confirmation comes from the past experiences of the community or communities in question. In such cases the present starts manipulating the past; this could happen through a systematic way of selection, reduction or enhancement of evidences and facts. There might be overplay or underlay of incidents that may come in handy in justifying a current demand or situation. Development of consciousness and identity are not casual things and their evolution cannot be studied with simplistic ease. Exactly why and how religious philosophers feel and think in a certain way, at a certain point in time may remain unclear, but what sometimes is comparatively clear and probably more important is the positive impact of their thought process. The cognitive science of religion is a new approach to the scientific study of religion. Cognitive science is the set of disciplines that investigate the mind-brain process involved in human thought and behavior. Scholars in the cognitive science of religion explain features of religious thought and behavior that recur across cultures and eras in terms of mental processes involved in their production and transmission. Religion along with other forms of culture like music, art, literature is understood by cognitive scientists as a natural by-product of the way our mind-brain

2 ibid 3. Jurji Zaydan-History of Islamic Civilization P. 139. Tarikh-i-Ibn Khalladun pp.139-140.

4 . ibid. Vol. II. 184-194.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 functions. Cognitive scientists of religion are primarily interested in explaining religion, which they distinguish from theology. Religion for them is a set of actual religious concepts people have in their heads and behaviors they perform. Theology is the set of creeds that clergy instruct people to believe in. Islamic Sufism is an interesting mix of this ‘religion’ and ‘theology’. The early sufis of Arabia were probably designing, consciously or unconsciously, an emotional revolt against exploitation of religious systems for perpetuating imperialism, separatism and corruption. Their mission was to establish peace and harmony in society. Sufi scholars like Shaikh Ali Hajweri (b.1072 AD) the author of Kashful Mahjub , Shaikh Muhiuddin Ibn-i-Arabi (b.1248AD) author of Futuhat-i-Makkiya and Fususul Hikam , Shaikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi (b.1234 AD) and Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi (b.1273 AD) created a treasure of philosophy of religious emotionalism. The Sufis divided the universe into their vilayats (spiritual territories) and India was one of those. They played a significant and positive role in the Indian society. The famous doctrine of Mohiuddin Ibn-i-Arabi’s Wahdatul Wujud (Unity of Being) was quite a revolutionary doctrine as far as harmony between the followers of different religions was concerned. This doctrine implied that entire mankind is one and it reflects the glory of God. It meant that essential the Being is the one and we all are manifestation of this Being. When put to practical and emotional use, the doctrine of Wahdatul Wujud inculcates a sense of unity among all human beings. It also induces respect for nature and other objects in the universe as everything in the universe is a reflection of Divine glory. Ibn-i-Arabi’s verses have always fascinated the students of his thought “Within my heart, all forms may find a place, the cloister of the monk, the idol’s frame, a pasture of gazelles, the Sacred Home of God, to which all Muslims turn face: The Table of the Jewish Law, the world of God revealed unto His Prophet. Love is the faith I hold, and wheresoever His camels turn, the one true faith is there.” Thus the doctrine of Wahdatul wujud was instrumental in promoting communal harmony by eliminating all formal differences of faiths, this attitude was of great importance in the context of the Indian subcontinent because of the heterogeneous religious milieu of the place. Shaikh Ahmed Sirhindi refuted the doctrine of Wahdatul wujud and instead propounded Wahdatush Shuhud (Unity of witnessing). What was implied was that though we witness such unity but in fact it does not exist. Existence does not emanate from God since He is divinely distant and transcendent. However, it was the all-embracing and all-inclusive

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Wahdatul wujud which was the accepted popular notion in India and Wahdatush Shuhud could never compete successfully with it. Although Shah Waliullah tried to work out a synthesis of the two divergent philosophies but even the synthesis did not find many takers. It remained confined to a small section of scholars. Akbar’s policy of Sulh-i-kul (Peace with all) was also based on Wahdatul wujud . Abul Fazl and Faizi’s religious outlook was also based on Wahdatul wujud , this implies that the popularity of this notion had cut across class structures; the commoners as well as the most brilliant scholars of the age were touched by it. Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi sums up the substance of the story in his own characteristic way. “The religion of love is apart from all religions. The lovers of God have no religion but God alone.” Hafiz Shirazi echoes it in his own superb way: “The good of this world and that can be summed up in a few words: that is kindness towards friends and hospitality towards enemies.” The noted Persian and Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib (b.1797) highlighting the doctrine of unity of Being and one creed is “to renounce all formalities (of faith) the (different) communities, when oblitered, became ingredients of (my) faith.” Mir Anis (1805-1874) a famous Marsiya poet sums up the essence of Wahdatul wujud in his ‘Rubai’ on which shia’s mujtahids of Lucknow who were usulis asked Mir Anis to give an explanation of his religion because Maulana Dildar Ali (b. 1752) a shia’s alim had declared sufis as kafirs in his work Shihab-i-Saqib because Sufis believed in Wahdatul wujud . Mir Anis was also a descendent of a famous Sufi Saiyid Muhammed Gaisu Daraz of Deccan. That is why, Anis says – Har Rang Main Jalwa Hai teri Qudrat Ka Jis Phool Ko Soughta Hou Bu Teri Hai Each colour bears the splendor of your Essence Whichever flower I smell, the fragrance is yours. So sufis never hesitated to assimilate the spiritual insights from other faiths. They were more akin to the Quranic verse “for everyone there is direction to which one turns, so

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 view with each other in good deeds.” Once Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia went for a morning walk in Ghiyaspura along the river Yamuna where he saw some Hindu women worshipping the rising Sun. He, on seeing these women in the act of worship, told his poet disciple Khusrau. ‘For every people there is religion and direction to which they turn to pray.’ These words were literal translation of the Quranic verse deeply reflecting Nizamuddin Auliya’s approach towards other religions. Nizamuddin Auliya used to recite very often.

(He who is not my friend – may God be his friend! And he who bears ill – will against me, may his joys increase. He who puts thorns in my way on account of enmity, may every flower that blossoms in the garden of his life, be without thorns). Sufis adopted an attitude of sympathy and understanding towards all creeds. They said : “O you who sneer at the idolatry of the Hindu, learn also from him how worship is done.” Sufis believed in universal brotherhood and never made any individual distinction between the people of different creeds, races, communities and sects. The concept of God, people and existence of the universe is very clear and lucid in the Quran, enlightened and influenced the sufis and they put it into use through preaching and practice. As Jami has explained: “Jami you have become the slave of love, so you just forbade pride in genealogy because in the path of love, you are the son of such and such is meaning less.” The fundamentals of Sufi ideology rest on the relationship of Love that exists between God and man. They helped in developing a more humanitarian approach in religious life with stress on service to mankind and a belief that love of God was not possible without the love of mankind. Sufis, unlike the ulema , did not keep themselves aloof from Indian masses. They knew Arabic and Persian but they adopted local idiom and preached the message of love and universal brotherhood in local languages. They also adopted local customs and traditions and thus drew Indian masses near Islam. Thus, they played much greater role in spreading universal values of Islam than the doctrinaire ulema . As Ibn Hujveri had rightly commented:

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“You will not find God in the books on jurisprudence; see the mirror of your heart, because no book is better than this.” Islam as practiced by the sufis was somehow more influential than the Islam of the ambitious Turkish conquerors. Sufis believed in equality and fraternity of mankind. They abjured narrowness of mind and opposed communal, sectarian and caste barriers, which cause conflict and destroy social harmony. The outstanding sufis who played a revolutionary role in the social, cultural and religious life of India were Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti of Rajasthan, Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i- Shakar of Punjab, Shaikh Bahaduddin Zakariya of Punjab, Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia of Delhi, Mir Saiyid Ali Hamedani of Kashmir, Saiyid Muhammed Gaisu Daraz of Deccan, Shaikh Latif, Shaikh Jalal Thanesri and others. These sufis had divided the whole north India and some parts of south upto Deccan into their vilayats (spiritual territories). Sufis worked in Kashmir, Sindh, Punjab, Bihar, Bengal, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Awadh and Deccan. They through their unparalleled moral standards and sweet spiritual voice propagated Islam in India and opened a new epoch in Islamic history for a better understanding of other religions, cultures. Human values and good inter-religious relations were stressed upon. Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar established his khanqah at Ajodhan, a town of Punjab. He was the first Indian Sufi who had cordial relations with the Hindu thinkers. He wrote excellent poetry in Arabic, Persian, Punjabi and local Hindavi dialect. His Shloks and Shabads have been incorporated in the Guru Granth Saheb by the fifth Guru, Arjun Singh. Baba Farid adopted Punjabi and vice versa Sikhs adopted Persian. Baba Farid’s poetry was a means of creating congenial moral atmosphere in Punjab. His Shloks and Shabads won the hearts of Punjabi people. His Punjabi and Hindavi poetry became immortal and even today his verses are being sung in Punjab. Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) born of an Indian mother and the Turkish father, personified the diffusion of two cultures, imbibing the best of both. Extremely proud of being an Indian, intensely devoted to Hindavi; he occupies a prominent position among the spiritual benefactors of mankind by his love towards the common people of India. Khusrau endeared to transform the common speech of the people into a literary language ‘Hindavi’ which he regarded as not being second to either Arabic or Persian. Khusrau also brought about a synthesis of Indian and Iranian music.

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In the socio-religious life of Deccan , Saiyid Zainuddin Daood, Shaikh Ainuddin Bijapuri, Saiyid Muhammed Gaisu Daraz and Shaikh Sirajuddin Junaidi played a significant role. One of the most celebrated figures in the early history of sufism in Deccan was Saiyid Muhammed Gaisu Daraz, who played a very conspicuous role in the Deccan. Hindus also frequently visited him and stayed in his khanqah without any inhibition. 5 He also read Sanskrit books to know the mythology of Hindus. 6 Saiyid Muhammed Gaisu Daraz’s father Saiyid Yusuf composed ‘ Manan Suhagan Nama ’ in Dakkani Gaisu Daraz also wrote Mairajul Ashiqin in Dakkani , which is a symbol of composite culture and social integration. The liberal attitude of sufis, created pleasant atmosphere and their khanqahs became the centers of cultural synthesis and communal harmony. That is why a new language known as Dakkani originated in the khanqahs of the sufis of the Deccan . Shaikh Muhammed Baba of Shirgonda of Ahmednagar district gave his message in Marathi. With Marathi, the sufis established a dialogue with and within the entire Marathi knowing community of Maharashtra. Shivaji’s grand father Maluji’s wife was barren and he went to a Sufi, Shah Sharif and sought his blessings for children and subsequently two sons were born to her which he named after the sufi as Shahji and Shivaji. 7 The 19 th century reformer M.G. Ranade holds opinion, “Some Mohammedan have been ranked with the Hindu saints in general veneration and there are some saints who are venerated by both communities alike. These features of tolerance and moderation have been developed in the course of centuries and they constitute some of the most stable elements and national character.” 8

5 Syed Shah Khusrau Husaini – Saiyid Muhammed Gaisu Daraz – Delhi, 1983. P. 7

6 M. Sulaiman Siddiqi – Origni and development of Chishti order in the Deccan. Islamic Culture Vol. I. L1. No. 3, July 1977. P. 218.

7 P.V. Rauade: Binocular Glossary of Vedanta and Tasawwuf of Shaikh Muhammed . P. 74.

8 B. Namade – Tukaram , New Delhi, 1980. P. 8

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Sufism had a deep impact on Sindhi life and literature, with its humanist outlook and harmonious approach especially through the liberal poetry of our sufi poets like Qazi Qadan, Abdul Karim, Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sarmast, Sami, Bedil, Bekas, Dalpat and others of mid 16 th to mid 19 th century. All these poets had condemned communal hatred and religious bigotry and preached communal harmony and social integration. Shah Latif (1690-1750) and Sachal (1739-1829) were very influential and are household names for both Sindhi Muslims and Hindus till today. Sachal was a multilingual poet of Sindhi, Persian and Urdu, has used Persian prosody also along with indigenous forms. He boldly spoke in favor of a classless and peaceful society, which would form a base for for communal harmony. He warned the people against the rising British power as well. He had said – ‘Hindus and Muslims unite in bond of love. Before it is too late and the Sun sets in the west’. And indeed Sachal’s fears proved true because we did suffer many losses due to the ‘policy of divide and rule’ which the British administrators followed in the Indian subcontinent. Through Padmavat , Jaisi tried to open the eyes of all those who advocated separation between followers of different religions. He said that ‘ Viyog’ of Ratna Sen for Padmavati was the same as that of Alauddin for her. The text evokes emotions and feelings for the different characters irrespective of their caste, color or religion. Jaisi asserts that all humans emote in the same way, the basic human responses to situations do not have much to do with formal religions. During the course of humanitarian interaction, bonds of religion, caste, sect and nationality break down automatically and there emerges a perfect being whose heart is tender, liberal, permissive and powerful. Jaisi wrote thousands of verses in Avadhi but in Persian script. His description of events smoothly goes on without any modification at the cultural and social level. Jaisi followed the tradition of Khusrau’s in Chaudayan. Shaikh Qutban of Jaunpur, wrote a book Mirgawati’ (1503) an epic of love and romance. Shaikh Qutban has properly utilized Hindu mythology, astrology and many a religious symbols to weave a wonderful tale which culminated to preach oneness and the unity of God. In retrospect we can see that just as the basic ideas and attitudes of sufism were translated from Arabic to Persian, so were they expressed in Hindavi, Rajasthani, Punjabi, Maharashti, Sindhi and Dakkani.

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The sufis promoted communal harmony with their devoted activities and attracted the caste – ridden and oppressed lower sections to their organizational fold. Titus rightly said, “It was through Sufism that Islam really found a point of contact with Hinduism and effective entrance to Hindu heart.” 9 R.K. Megh holds opinion, “We can thus conclude that whenever there is a crisis of cultural identity, or the romantic sprit is resurrected, the sufi heritage would speak with a thousand tongues to us all.” 10 We see that immediately following the death of Muhammed Ghori, the Ghorid empire broke up. His favourite slave, Yalduz, succeeded him at , while another slave, Qubacha seized control of Multan and Uchh. Qutubuddin Aibak became the Sultan of Delhi in 1206 and India was divided. But the dream of united India was seen by a Sufi Shaikh Bahauddin Zakaria of Suhrawardi order. After the death of Aibak, Iltutmish became the Sultan of Delhi in 1210, Shaikh who had his Khanqah in Multan invited Iltutmish to attack Multan. Iltutmish followed the direction given by the sufi and Qubecha was defeated and the whole of Punjab came under the direct rule of Delhi. 11 So we see that Sufis played an important role in uniting India and Punjab during 13 th century. Some poets joined the romantic band of liberal poets of love and beauty. Such a manifestation of the eternal feminine is radical departure from the feudal cultural system. They believed that love is not realized without beauty and one must sacrifice oneself, in the fire of love. Yet they were clearly against lust; they transformed their ‘ Ishq-i- Majazi ’ into ‘ Ishq-i-Haqiqi ’ and elevated the woman of pleasure and dance into a spiritual symbol.. Among such romantic rebels of the 18 th and 19 th centuries prominent ones were Bodha (18 th century) Thakur (18 th century) and Ghananand (19 th century). Almost all of them were under the deep influence of the sufis. Ishq Nama by Bodha and Ishq Lata by Ghananand are the glowing examples. It appears that the sufi influence had

9. Titus: Islam in India and Pakistan . P. 36. 10 . R.K. Megh: The influence of sufism in the growth of Hindi poetry . P. 208. 11 . M.M. Khizr: Sufism and Social Integration . P.119 P.D. Jassal: The life and message of Guru Ravidas . P. 169.

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 become a strong archetype in our cultural pattern. Rubaiyat-i-Umar Khaiyam are popularly tinted with sufi thought and they have been variously translated by Hindi poets of different schools and period. Bhagwati Charan Verma and Jaya Shankar Prasad have intimately drawn from sufi idioms. They refrained from hollow argumentation and lived a life of poverty, piety, trust, patience, resignation and love. They practiced and preached these values and thereby created a peaceful and progressive society. They shared the life of the downtrodden. The sufis has never been sectarian because they never identified with any particular sect. All the sufi poets had condemned communal hatred and religious bigotry and preached communal harmony and social integration. Sufis stood for cultural co-existence– Sufi idea of cultural co-existence became the norm of mutual relations during medieval period in India. This is the great legacy which sufis have left for the succeeding generations in India. Respect for cultural diversity is perhaps the greatest contribution of sufis to Indian civilization. Today when we are facing a great challenge from the communal and divisive forces bent upon promoting conflict in the name of creed, sect, caste, it is necessary to revive the spirit of sufis and the Bhakti saints. Real spiritualists can always play a vital role in the spiritual evolution of a pluralistic society which will promote peace, harmony and humanitarianism. We need them again.

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Sufi Mysticism and Indian Religions

Prof. K.T.S. Sarao Former Head, Dept. of Buddhist Studies University of Delhi

The spread of Islam in India took place as an indirect consequence of the peaceful activities of the Sufis as well as acculturation and assimilation spread over several generations. Sufi mysticism and Buddhism have several commonalities in terms of metaphysical doctrines as well as practical training. Thomas Cleary has identified some of them. According to him, both Buddhism and Sufi mysticism lay emphasis on the usefulness of meditation for spiritual growth and meditation themes common to both include the powerlessness and nothingness of the self, the inevitability of death, the impermanence of all phenomena, and the inconceivability of truth. In addition to silent meditation, recitation and incantation of sacred writ, invocations and litanies, and mnemonic formulae also form common grounds between the two. 1 The role of the Sufis in proselytization was rather indirect, in the sense that such commonalities and the work as well as life-style of the Sufis went a long way in gaining Indian people's sympathy towards Islam. Otherwise, the Sufis were much happier when they helped one who was already a Muslim to become a better Muslim than when they saw a non- Muslim become a Muslim. 2 The most important contribution made by the Sufis was that they furnished Islam's philosophical point of contact with religions of Indic origin. 3 It was through such contacts, fostered by the simplicity and broad humanism of the Sufis that Islam obtained its largest number of free converts and it is in this sense that they may be considered missionaries. 4 In India, as pointed out by Trimingham, Islam seems to have been “a holy- man Islam” where the Sufis acquired an aura of holiness. It was this aura of holiness which attracted Indians to the Sufis, rather than formal Islam. 5 Well-documented research has suggested that a great majority of the Indian Muslims are descendants of converts in whose conversion coercion played no role. 6 Conversion to Islam in India can be put into three different categories: individual conversion, group conversion, and assimilation and acculturation. The first category consisted of those individuals - including pious Buddhist and Brahmanical ascetics - who embraced Islam voluntarily as a matter of conviction, for personal benefits, or under the influence and moral persuasions of the Sufis It has been correctly pointed out that Islam was no champion of egalitarianism, or for that matter, of the cause of so-called

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 suppressed people of India. It is manifestly incorrect to say that the people belonging to lower ranks of the caste- hierarchy in Brahmanical-Hinduism embraced Islam for the sake of social justice. It is also patently wrong to say that Buddhists were attracted towards Islam because they saw Islamic egalitarianism as being compatible with the Buddha's views on caste system and other forms of inequality. There is neither any evidence of a direct assault either from the state or the Muslims upon the caste system nor is there any evidence of a revolt from within. 7As pointed out by Irfan Habib, there is no sign of commitment to any such equality in the writings of Islamic theologians and scholars of the period. While Brahmanical-Hindus were often denounced as ‘infidels,’ polytheists, and image-worshippers, there is in the entire range of medieval Islamic literature, no word of criticism of the caste system, the theory of pollution, and the oppression of untouchables that characterized medieval Brahmanical-Hinduism. "Indeed, the sanction for full- fledged slavery in Islamic law should strongly modify any attribution of equality to historical lslam” 8 R.M. Eaton has also rejected the ‘religion of social liberation’ theory on the ground that not only the Muslim intellectuals had not stressed the Islamic ideal of social equality as opposed to Brahmanical-Hindu caste but also because the converted Brahmanical-Hindu communities had failed to improve their status in the social hierarchy and that, on the contrary, “they singly carried over into Muslim society the same practice of birth-ascribed rank that they had in Hindu society.” 9 But nevertheless the lower castes did not have much to lose by switching over to Islam, if nothing else than simply for various opportunities that this label of being a Muslim may have offered to them, especially the opportunities that were particularly getting diminished within the Brahmanical-Hindu environment. The pursuit of patronage is one of the most cited incentives to religio-cultural conversion. A person directly dependent on the state for a living might see it beneficial to join the cultural group. Thus, converting to Islam enhanced one's chances of advancement in the job. Muslim control of commercial activity also created favourable conditions for Islamization. A businessman could feel that being a Muslim would not only lead to better contacts and cooperation with other Muslim businessmen both within the country and overseas, but he would also enjoy the benefits of Islamic laws that regulated commerce and also the amiable conditions extended by Muslim officials is to their co-religionists. In the second category may be included those people or groups of people who embraced Islam nominally in the light of their leaders' conversion. Such a commitment to Islam may also have been made possible by economic and political considerations. The third category consisted of a large majority of commoners who experienced the gradual impact of Islamic acculturation on their social life through their contact with Muslim settlers or

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 the Sufis. Syncretism appears as a crucial stage rather than as the culmination of the proccss vis-a-vis Islam. 10 Islamization took place most profoundly (and irrevocably) in the succeeding generation, since the convert’s children in principle were raised within the father's new community, instead of his original one. 11 The most crucial hurdle in conversion from lndic religions to religions based in Judeo- Christian tradition appears to be social rather than spiritual - the opposition of the prospective converts brethren and the hesitation in giving up kinship ties and caste-based affiliations. 12 Moreover, most of the converts were initially at least, ill-grounded in Islamic religious precepts, practices, and traditions, and remained attached to and rooted in their pre-existing non-Muslim traditions. The change from one religious tradition to the other was a slow and prolonged one taking many bypaths and extending over several generations. 13 Such a gradual process of acculturation and gravitation began as a loosening of old religious and social ties rather than for saking these ties right away by adopting the new religious tradition. 14 Thus, as far as Islam was concerned, the process of Islamization at the social level was a process of Islamic acculturation in which individuals and groups gradually broke ties with their traditional beliefs following a road that eventually ended with their adherence to the Shari'ah-bound structure of Islam. Such a hypothesis is supported by R.M. Eaton, 15 who has argued that the singing of Sufi folk songs by women at their household tasks suffused non-Muslim family life with Sufi values. By taking human psychology into account, the Sufis established their khankhas (hospices) and dargahs (shrines) at places which had acquired a reputation for sanctity prior to the arrival of Islam in India. 16 Another interesting feature about the spread of Islam was that those region of eastern India where Islam gained heavily were considerably free of Brahmanical influence. In fact, the case of early medieval Bengal appears to be exceptional within the Indian subcontinent. This region presented itself as a world of shifting beliefs and social allegiances, religious questing, and social and geographical mobility, making it a domain of bonafide syncretism of belief and conduct which was more multifaceted than any other part of the Indian subcontinent. 17 In a material milieu such as this the reverence towards pirs extended far beyond the reach of saints and holy men and as a matter of fact, there existed a complete pantheon consisting of apotheosized wairriors, pioneering settlers on reclaimed wastelands, metamorphosed Brahmanicals- Hindu and Buddhist deities, and anthropomorphized animistic spirits and belief. 18 East Bengal (roughly the territory represented by the present day Muslim country of Bangladesh) located far from centers of Islamic power, came to have the highest concentration of Muslim population in the Indian subcontinent. The credit for this goes to

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 the success of Sufi missions. 19 After the Mongol invasions of Islamic lands across Central Asia, many Sufis moved into eastern India where their previous familiarity with converting Buddhists had far reaching consequences. The activities of these Sufis, Brahmanical-Hinduism's revival movements such as Advaita, and the rise of the syncretic Sakti movement, contributed significantly to the realignment of beliefs. In such an environment Brahmanical-Hinduism to a smaller extent and Turkish tribes to a greater extent drew not only the indigenous masses to swell their ranks 20 but also prospered at the cost of Buddhism which had totally fallen to pieces by this time. Islam essentially had an urban character till it reached Bengal where it moved into the countryside. This may also explain its spread among the tribal people and rural communities in Bengal. But at the same time, one must not ignore "the temper of Hinduism, which finds it easier than Islam to bring new sects and doctrines within its spiritual hegemony.” 21 Upper caste Hindus due to conceited pride in the purity and hence superiority of their religion were more likely to resist conversion to a religion based in the Judo-Christian tradition in sharp contrast to low caste Brahmanical-Hindus, Buddhists, and tribal people who were less likely to put any mechanism in place against the winds of Islamic acculturation. In fact, it has been suggested that some elements among these segments of the Bengali society looked rather agreeably towards the successes of the Turks in Bengal. For instance, giving an account of conversion to Islam in Bengal, I.H. Qureshi has pointed out that the Sunya Purana, a sacred book of the Dharma cult of Mahayana Buddhism, has interpolations, inserted after the conquests by Turkish tribes in Bengal, suggesting that Buddhists in Bengal regarded Muslims as their well-wishers vis-a-vis Brahmanical-Hindus. According to him, the Dharma gajan rituals include "sentiments of respect and admiration for Islam and a faith in its ultimate destiny…. Such sentiments themselves constitute almost a halfway house towards the acceptance of Islam. 22 The pantheistic mysticism of the Upanisads and the devotional mysticism of the Bhakti and Sahajiya movements based in Vaisnavism presented Sufism with a golden opportunity for rapid growth and dissemination in India. 23 Moreover, after its transformation in India, "Sufism took on the role of a bridge- builder between Arabic and Turkic notions of polity, culture and religion on the one side and their lndic counterparts on the other. Such an attitude must have further helped Sufi ideas to gain wide popularity by capturing the attention of both the masses, and elites. Such ideas, thus introduced, got soon assimilated with the prevalent Sahajiya ideas and the result of this amalgamation was the Bauls of Bengal. Murshida-songs of the Bauls are a good example of the commingling of the Indian spirit with the spirit of Sufism. The heterodox spirit of the Bauls, Sahajiyana, and Sufism was another meeting point between them. The religious

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 contents of Sufism were in no way foreign to the mass-mind of India; it is for this reason that Sufism became easily acceptable to the masses. Indian ascetics travelling in pairs and staying not more than three days at one place were directly known to the Muslim adepts, who took from them their fourfold vows of cleanliness, purity, truth, poverty and Sufi features such as the monastic strain, use of rosaries, the attainment of or mujjza (miraculous powers), suluk or - tariqah (spiritual path), muraqabah/maraqabah (meditation), the doctrine of fana (Nirvana) and the system of maqamat (stages) on road to being an al-insanul-kamil (perfect man) indicate influence of Buddhism. 24 In the long run, the dargahs and khanaqahs played an important role in proselytization as their appeal went far beyond the divisive walls of caste and creed. They acted as an effective syncretic force integrating the non-Muslims into the Islamic community in a land that was characterized by multifariousness in terms of religion, belief and custom. 25 Besides, as pointed out by E.A. Mann, the dargahs owned, and their administration controlled, considerable economic resources in the forms of property, land and cash income. They became a symbol of power both spiritual and secular-spiritual in the sense of association with God and fulfillment of earthly desires through acceptance of prayer (du'a) secular in the sense that economic wealth and social status could be transmitted to the individuals concerned with their administration. 26 Khanaqah was the humble rest house where wandering Sufis could lead a devotional life under the tutelage of some master. The village khanaqahs, howsoever bumble they might have been, offered lodgings and refreshments to travellers and helped the more religious villagers to sharpen their spiritual awareness through zikr (invocation of God through recitation, singing, instrumental music, dance, costumes, incense, meditation, ecstasy, and trance). The khanaqahs also provided both Muslim and non-Muslim villagers with amulets, talismans, and charms designed to prevent sickness, disease, misfortune, 'damage to crops by natural calamities and other catastrophes. The mutual interpenetration of Sufi ethics and the non-Muslim way of life took place more intensely in the khanaqahs of villages and small towns than in large urban centres, where Muslim and non-Muslim communal groups led a more self- centred and exclusive life, coming into contact with each other mainly because of their mutual economic and political needs. Sufis, who within the framework of Islam attempted to achieve direct communion with God, were the natural religious guides of the people whom men and women from cross- sections of the society solicited for spiritual guidance and worldly advice. Their miraculous powers and social values attracted non Muslims towards them. Interestingly, social interaction between the Sufis and the local population worked towards slow and steady conversion to Islam in the framework of different Sufi orders as this kind of

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 interaction intended to break down social and communal barriers. Many of the Suf saints and poets for their poetical compositions derived and acquired images and similes from daily life. Their ample and appropriate use made it further convenient even for the unlettered people to understand their content and grasp their meanings easily. Emphasizing equality of the Muslims and non-Muslims and refuting the concepts of kufar so far as it applied to dealing with people of other faiths became a common theme tor many Sufi poets. The Sufi mystics played an extremely important role in reaching past the inhibitions and prejudices and building bridges of communication and understanding between conflicting faiths. The anti-particularist, anti-clerical, and anti-ritualistic thrust of the teachings of the Sufi poets laid the foundations of bringing non-Muslims into the Islamic fold. The rate of conversion was indeed very low in those places of northern India which were the strongholds of Muslim power. In the south too it was minimal. But in Bengal especially in its inaccessible eastern parts, it was very high. Some forced conversions did happen, but census data prove that most of these converts must have lapsed. The most famous examples of reconversion were the brothers Harihara and Bukka, founders of the great Hindu empire Vijayanagara (1336-1565), who were forced to convert to Islam by Muhammad Tughlaq in 1327. The most striking example of mass reconversion happened in Kamataka where Tipu Sultan (1750-1799) required that all his citizens convert to Islam. The ineffectiveness of royal proselytism may be measured by the fact that today only five percent of the population in the region ruled by Tipu is Muslim, while the adjoining Malabar Coast has thirty percent Muslims, 27 primarily because they settled in this area as peaceful traders in the eighth century. With regard to voluntary conversion, one would expect a direct correlation between areas controlled by the Delhi Sultans and the Mughal emperors and highest Muslim population. But census data does not support this. Thus, voluntary conversions and conversions as a result of royal proselytism seem to have been only insignificant contributory factors. Moreover, the Muslims, who settled on the western borders or on the Malabar Coast from the eighth century onwards, came in small communities and did not produce any large disturbance in the settled populations. The fluid mass of thought and religion had therefore time to settled. When Xuanzung visited Kashmir in the seventh century, Buddhism had passed its prime and Vaisnava and Saiva sects had been gaining ground at its coast. However, there is evidence of its survival in Kashmir till at least the twelfth century during which period it continued to enjoy the patronage of some nobles and rulers. But, by the time of Marco Polo's travels in the thirteenth century, the valley of Kashmir appears to have become almost entirely Brahmanical-Hindu. At this time Buddhism survived only in small

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 pockets and there was a small number of Muslim converts. 28 Thereafter, Kashmir's transition to Islam took place gradually over a period of nearly five centuries. During this period, Brahmanical-Hindu population and the last vestiges of Buddhism adopted Islam through a gradual process of acculturation, at the centre of which were the Sufis and Rsis. Thus, as far as Buddhism was concerned, it may be said with certainty that the decline of Buddhism had begun long before king Rinchana, the son of a Buddhist Ladakhi chief, laid the foundations of first Muslim dynasty in Kashmir in 1320 CE After having moved into the valley, Rinchana, a soldier of fortune, captured the throne of Kashmir and embraced Islam. His establishment of a khanqah, the first of its kind in Srinagar, may be seen as an indicator of his keen interest in the diffusion of Islamic culture in Kashmir. The Buddhist followers of Rinchana who had accompanied him from to Kashmir also appear to have adopted Islam after Rinchana's assumption of political power and subsequent conversion. 29 It has been suggested that Rinchana's conversion to Islam was neither an isolated case nor was it merely a matter of political expediency. 30 In fact, this event is seen as an indicator of the fact that though Buddhism may have still remained in monasteries, it was no longer available as a power- base, possibly not even as the religion of any significant number of households, whereas a sizeable converted Muslims nucleus had already appeared in the urban centre of Kashmir. 31 Moreover, Rinchana may have taken into consideration the possible political and economic benefits of being a Muslim king at a time when kings with Islamic affiliations were ruling in the plains of northern India. Though Kashmir had been the abode of Rsis long before the advent of Islam, Nuruddin, the son of a Hindu convert, gave a special direction to the role of Rsis in the Kashrniri society. He was able to accomplish this through his social behaviour which was more in consonance with local practices than those of scholars, jurists or Sufi missionaries. Nuruddin, who is known as the founding father of an indigenous order of Muslim mystics (Rsi Silsilahs) is credited with making the Rsi movement socially significant in Kashmir. It may be pointed out that some scholars consider the Rsi movement as only "marginally Muslim" and equate it with the Bhakti Movement 32 said to have been founded in Kashmir by Lal Dcd, the Saivite mystic of the fourteenth century. 33 The thinking of these Rsis was nurtured in their Hindu and Buddhist environment which appears to have played an important role in helping the main configuration of pre-existing Kashmiri popular religion to adapt itself to the wider Islamic framework. Even during Nuruddin's time and long after his death when the Rsi movement was strong, Brahmanical ascetics had a large following among the illiterate masses of Kashmir. Such people were drawn into the fold of Nuruddin and other Muslim Rsis since they did not see much difference between the

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 goals espoused by the Muslim Rsis and their own. Thus the Rsi movement, apart from being largely characterized by elements of social protest, became a haven for the surviving vestiges of Brahmanical ascetic tradition to exist in Islam. It is interesting to note that asceticism of the Brahrnauical saints converted to Islam was particularly suited to provide a framework for the survival of such residues and the assimilation and reinterpretation of elements as were not totally incompatible with the esoteric dimension of 1slam. 34 Nuruddin and his followers shared with the Hindu-Buddhist ascetics such traits as wandering in the forests, not taking meat. avoidance of onions and green vegetables, fasting sexual abstinence, austerities, celibacy, self-deprecation, relative seclusion, altruism, deep meditative exercises, supererogatory prayers and above all, non- injury even to plants, birds, animals, insects etc. Such practices of the Rsis "must have weakened the contrast in the common mind between Islam and Hinduism or Buddhism thereby paving the way for the acceptance of the values of an alien system” 35 The Rsi concept of peace with all was borrowed from Mahayana Buddhism which nourished in the Kashmir valley. While the role of the Rsis and immigrant Sufis from Central Asia and Persia cannot be denied in conversions, it would be wrong to attribute the so- called 'dramatic mass conversions' of Kashmir to their miraculous exploits. Their activities leading to certain individual conversions might have been followed by group conversions in a social milieu characterized by the powerful belief in the spirituality of saints. As elsewhere in India, many people appear to have accepted Islam in Kashmir nominally in the wake of their leader's conversion or due to political and economic motives. Initially this process generally consisted of the converts' passive adherence to Islam, but in the end progressed into harmony with the Shari 'ah. Such a process is also visible in the religious career of Nuruddin, whose efforts to bring about reconciliation between Muslim and Brahmanical- Hindu/Buddhist practices opened the doors to the gradual acculturation of the Kashmiri masses into Islamic identity. The survival of pre-Islamic names among the Rsis and continued existence of the pre Islamic customs and beliefs is also a clear indication of Kashmiri's experiencing a gradual cultural and religious shift. Like in East Bengal, as a result of this prolonged and gradual acculturation, extending over a period of at least five centuries, a considerable part of the Kashmiri population either became Muslim or was understood to be so. On the whole, the role of the Sufis in the conversion of Brahmanical- Hindus and tribal communities to Islam in India was, though quite important, largely an indirect one. Prolonged and slow acculturation and assimilation spread over a long period of time must be seen as the force behind these conversions. The Sufis basically contributed towards

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 doing away with the distances between the Muslims and the non-Muslims. As far as Buddhism was concerned, except for parts of eastern India, the Sufis did not play any significant role. The simple reason for this was that Buddhism had become a spent force in India by the time the Sufis began their work. Thus only remnants of Buddhism were assimilated into Islam as an indirect result of their activities. In eastern India, Islam was able to get a large number of converts through Sufi-assisted assimilation and acculturation from a population which followed different kinds of strange cults and practices emanating out of Buddhism, Saivism and Tantrism.

References: 1. Thomas Cleary, “Buddhism and Islam,” Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan No. 27, 1982:37. 2. S.M. Ikram, Ab-i-Kausar, Lahore, 1946: 189-190. Quoted at Peter Hardy “Modern European and Muslim Explanations of Conversion to : A Preliminary Survey of the Literature. “JRAS, 1977: 195. 3. Particularly interesting is the comment of al-Shahrastani (c.1076-1153) that the Buddha’s teachings “can be very near to the teachings of the Sufis.” (See D. Gimaret, “ Bouddha et les Bouddhist dans la tradition Musulmane,” Journal Asiatique, 267, 1969: 277-278), 4. A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Lahor: Sh. M.Ashraf, 1945: 282: Peter Hardy, Op. Cit.,90. 5. J.S.Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, Oxford: Claredon Press, 1971:22. 6. Thomas W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam: A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith, London: Constable, 1896: 154-93. 7. Irfan Habib “Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate- An Essay in Interpretation,” The Indian Historical Review,” January 1978, vol. 4, no. 2: 297. 8. Irfan Habib, “Medieval Popular Monotheism and its Humanism: The Historical Setting, Social Scientist,” Vol. 21, Nos. 3-4, March-April 1996:80.

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9. R.M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1706, Berkely: University of California Press, 1993: 117-118. See aslo Imtiaz Ahmad, Caste and Social Startification among the Muslims, Delhi: Manohar Book Service, 1973. 10. Mohammad Ishaq Khan, “Islam, State and Society in Medieval Kashmir: A Revaluation of ’s Historical Role,” in Aparna Rao(ed.), The Valley of Kashmir. The Making and Unmaking of a Composite Culture, Delhi: Manohar 2008: 154 fn 15. See Richard Bulliet, “conversion to Islam and the Emergence of a Muslim Society in Iran,” “in Nehemia Levtzion (ed.), Conversion to Islam, New York: Holmes and Meier, 1979:30-51. 11. See Peter Hardy, “Modern European and Muslim Explanations of Conversion to Islam in South Asia: A Preliminary Survey of the Literature,” JRAS, 1977:195-196. 12. A quintessential example of such a phenomenon is the present day case of the Mehrat, Kathat, and Cheeta communities of central Rajasthan. These ‘in-between’ adobted the three Islamic practices of dafan, khatna and zabihah(burial, circumcision and eating halal) towards the end of the fourteenth century. However, the rest of the lifestyle of many members of these communities- names, marriage rituals, dressing styles- still continues to be that of the Hindus (Namita Kohli, “Muslims, and Hindus as well”, The Hindustan Times, Delhi edition, 28 June 2009: 13 Jyotsna Singh, “Islam and Hinduism’s Blurred Lines,” BBC website. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7473019.stm(accessed 30 June 2009). 13. See I.H.Qureshi, The Muslim Community of the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (610- 1947), S-Gravenhage: Mouton &Co, 1962: 75-78. 14. R.M. Eaton, “Sufi folk literature and the expansion of Indian Islam,” History of Religions XIV, 2 November 1974: 117-127. 15. I.H. Qureshi, Op. Cit 74. 16. M.R. Tarafdar, Hussain Shahi Bengal, 1494-1538 AD: A Socio- Political Study, Dacca: Asiatic Society of PAKISTAN. 1965: 18-19. 17. See A. Roy, “The Pir Tradition: A Case Study in Islamic Syncrestism in Tradional Bengal,” in Fred W. Clothy (ed), Images of Man: Religious and Historical Process in South Asia, Madras: New Era Publications, 1982: 112-141. 18. Nicholas F. Gier, “From Mongols to Mughals: Religious Violence in India (9 th -18 th Centuries),” paper presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting of the American Academy of Religion Gonzaga University, May 2006:2.

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19. N.N.Bhattacharyya, History of the Sakta Religion, 2 nd rev. ed., New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1996: 137. 20. S.M. Ikram Muslim Civilization in India, New York: Columbia University Press. 1964: 127. 21. I.H.Qureshi, Op. Cit. 74. 22. See Shashibhusan Dasgupta, Obscure Religious Sects, second rev. ed., Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay. 1962: 163. 23. See H.C. Ray, The Dynastic History of Northern India (Early Medieval Period), Calcutta: Calcutta University Press, 1931: 24; Tara Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, Allahabad: The Indian Press. 1976:53. 24. Davis Gilmartin. “ Shrines, Succession, and Sources of Authority.” In Barbara D. Metcaff (ed.), Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam, Callifornia: University of California Press, 1984: 221-240; R.M. Eaton, “The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Baba Farid in Pakpattan. Punjab” in Barbara D. Metcalf, Op. Cit. 333-356; R.M. Eaton. The Sufis of Bijapur, 1300- 1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978: Peter Hardy, Muslims of British India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1972. 25. E.A. Mann, “Religion, Money, and Status: Competition for Resources at the Shrine of Shah Jamal Aligarh,” in Christian W.Troll (ed.) Muslim Shrines in India Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989: 169-170. 26. S.M.Ikram, Muslim Civilizaiton in India. Op. Cit., 1964: 123-124. 27. Marco Polo. 175-177. 28. M.I.Khan, Kashmir’s Transition to Islam: The Role of Muslim Rishis, Fifteenth to Eighteenth Century, Manohar Publishers and Distributors: Delhi, 1994: 63. REvanacandra, RinchEna’s brother-in-law, for instance, accepted Islam immediately after the King’s conversion (Ibid). 29. Ibid.63 A.Q. Rafiqi, Sufism in Kashmir: from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth Century, Varanasi: Bharatiya Publishing House, 1972: 9-10; S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, vol. I., New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978:290. 30. Aziz Ahmad, “Conversions to Islam in the Valley of Kashmir,” Central Asiatic Journal, vol. XXLLL, 1-2, 1979:6.

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31. Bruce Lawrence, “Lectures on Sufism,” Studies in Islam, Vol. XVII-XVIII, nos 3-4, July to October 1981: 139 32. For a detailed analysis of Lal Ded’s Historical role, see M.I.Khan, “The Impact of Islam on Kashmir’s in the Sultanate Period, 1320-1586,” The Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. XXIII, no. 2, April- June 1986: 187-205. 33. M.I.Khan, Kashmir’s Transistion to Islam…Op. Cit.38. 34. Ibid.179. 35. M.I.Khan, “The Mystical Career and Poetry of Nuruddin Rishi Kashmiri: Socio- Historical Dimensions,”Studies in Islam, Vol. XIC, nos. 1-2, January-April, 1982: 113-117.

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Understanding Spirituality in Indian Context

Prof. S.R. Bhatt Former Chairman ICPR

It has been generally maintained that the traditional Indian culture is predominantly spiritual. Some scholars have gone to the extent of saying that Indian thought is only spiritualistic and the Western thought, in contrast, is materialistic, implying as if Indian thought is not materialistic and Western thought is not spiritualistic. Without evaluating these extreme views it can certainly be said that there can be no denying of the fact that Indian sages and saints have always emphasized the spiritual dimension and character of our life and existence. Though we have a large amount of expository literature, both in the vernaculars and in the European languages, highlighting this point, there seems to be little clarity as to what is exactly meant by the term "spiritual": A distinction is usually drawn between spiritual and material using these terms in their Western connotations as mutually exclusive, but there is a good deal of confusion as to the meaning and the nature of relation between the two when they are used in Indian context. The confusion becomes more confounded when some other terms like moral and religious are introduced in the analysis. The situation becomes worst when terms like mystical and idealistic are brought in or when spiritualism, or spirituality, is misunderstood as spiritism, occultism, etc. The root cause of the trouble is that the Sanskrit word adhyatma (adhi +atma), which is intended here, is represented by the English word spiritual without clarifying the subtle nuances associated with the original Sanskrit word. That is why whenever the word spiritual is used, most of us claim to understand, or at least pretend to understand, what is meant but when it comes to conceptual clarity and precision, difficulties crop up. The confusion with regard to the meaning of the word spiritual cannot be cleared up so long as either we do not use the original word adhyatma or do not disabuse ourselves from the nuances associated with it in the Western usage. There is nothing wrong or infelicitous either in retaining the original as a technical term or in using its English translation but when its English translation is used, there is a need to clarify and specify its exact meaning and it should not be left as vague, ambiguous or amorphous.

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Here it may not be out of place to point out that disregard of the dynamics of language and overlooking of the nuances, subtleties and complexities of key culture- specific words of individual languages often result in serious aberrations, distortions and mutilations in conveyance of thought. A great deal of confusion and misunderstanding has been advertently or inadvertently perpetuated by faulty translations of some key Sanskrit words into English and other European languages. English rendering of Sanskrit word dharma as a religion is a well-known and glaring example of faulty linguistic operation, destroying its richness, complexity, depth and comprehension. It is high time for us to realize that no culture can grow and thrive if its key concepts get fossilized, twisted or distorted, and its intellectuals lose the capacity of rectification or creative interpretation to suit the new and changing requirements. In this write up an attempt has been made to rectify the prevailing misunderstanding and to offer a creative interpretation of the word adhyatma and its equivalent English word "spiritual" keeping the Indian context in view. In Indian culture the term adhyatma stands for a particular view and a way of life and a particular thought that there is one unitary principle which pervades and animates the entire universe and provides its source and sustenance. There are innumerable expressions of this belief such as etadatmyamidam sarvam (verily all these are atman only). The variegated world of multiple animate beings and inanimate things, the vast, varied and unending cosmic process, all that was, all that is and all that shall be, is enlivened by this Supreme Principle of Consciousness and Bliss, and it underlies them all. There is one atman permeating all whatever be their material confinements or embodied status. Of course, in philosophical literature we have varied accounts of this belief and sometimes even a jarring and discordant note, but the dominant trend is that one and the same homogeneous principle finds its expression in heterogeneity (Kathopanisad II.9ff). All entities may have individual multiple forms (anekarupata or rupabahulya) but they have the same essence (ekatmata). Oneness of the entire reality is the basic presupposition and guiding principle of spiritualistic approach and therefore realization of that oneness has been postulated as the summum bonum of all existence. Beginning with the Vedic vision of the unity of the entire cosmos as depicted in the Purusa Sukta and coming through the Upanisadic realization of its divinity as expressed in passages like

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 isavasyamidam sarvam of Isa (all these are permeated by the Divine), this spiritualistic approach has found its highest manifestation in the Bhagavadgita VI.29 when it reiterates: sarvabhutasthamatmanam sarvabhutani catmani iksate yogayuktatma sarvatra samadarsanah The yogic or enlightened self-experiences oneself as situated in all beings and all beings as situated in oneself and experiences self sameness everywhere. There are many passages in the Upanisads and the Gita to this effect. The same is echoed in the epics, Puranas and other literature. The Indian spiritualistic vision has enjoined the self in all beings and all beings in the self. It has exhorted us to get engaged in the welfare of all beings, hating none, with malice for none and with friendliness and compassion for all. The Yajurveda 36.18 prays: mitrasya ma caksusa; sarvani bhutani samiksantam mitrasya aham caksusa sarvani bhutani samikse mitrasya caksusa samiksamahe May all look at me with friendly eye. May I look at all with friendly eye. May all look at one another with friendly eye. This has been the quintessence of the Buddhist, Jaina and Sikh traditions also and this has been the perennial message of all the saints and sages at all periods of time throughout the country. In modern times, Swami Vivekananda, Mahatma Gandhi, Pt. Deendayal Upadhyaya and many others highlighted this truth. Only a heightened spirituality of Indian seers could make them project the lofty ideal of vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the entire world is one family) and the pious longing of sarve bhavantu sukhinah (let everyone be happy). Could there be a better expression of spirituality than the Vedic prayers of the Rgveda: Sam gacchadhvam sam vadadhvam sam vo manamsi janatam, samani va akutih. samana hrdayani vah samanamastu vo mano yatha vah. susahasati We may march together and speak in harmony. Our minds be in unison. Like sages of yore experiencing oneness with all we may cherish mutual care and share prosperity. We may have commonality in thought and peaceful corporate existence. Our minds and intellect may move with one accord. We may be inspired by one common goal and strive

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 for that. We may have common resolve with one accord and unison of hearts. Our thoughts be in harmony so that we may live together in happiness and hilarity. - X.190.2,4 Could there be a more enlightening message to humanity to emulate? The same is reiterated in the invocation in the Kathopanisad: aum saha navavatu saha nau bhunaktu saha viryam karavavahai tejasvinavadhitamastu ma vidvisavahai Let us live together well protected, let us be nourished together in cooperation, let us work together, let our intellect be sharp to know the truth and let us not have mutual jealousy. What a sublime message of peaceful coexistence and cooperation with mutual caring and sharing! Could there be any better vision of universal peace and plenitude than the famous santipatha of Yajurveda Samhiia (36.17): aum dyauh santirantariksam santih prthivi santirapah santirausadhayahsantih vanaspatayah santirvisve devah santirbrahma santih sarva gum santih santireva santihsa ma santiredhi May there be peace and prosperity in the outer space and inner space, on earth, in the waters, in the life- giving vegetable kingdom, in plants and trees, in the entire cosmos, in the entire Reality, everywhere and at all times. May there be peace and prosperity, peace and prosperity alone (never otherwise). May everyone attain and experience peace and prosperity. These expressions of spiritual unity and universal peace and prosperity are not mere lofty ideals of utopian dream or empty talk. There have been examples of great souls who have practised this way of life. If some persons could practice it why others cannot do so? Even if it is a view of life, it is at the same time undoubtedly a desirable way of life. It may be difficult to practice it but it is not impossible to do so. It is unfortunate that it has by and large remained a vision only but this in no way diminishes its viability or desirability. Hypocrisy, deceit and contradictions are inherent in human nature but they are not incurable. Through proper education, it is

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 possible to bridge the gulf between the theory and its practice. In order to properly understand and appreciate the spiritual approach to life and Reality one has to adopt an organismic viewpoint which can have several forms like Sarvatmavada, Anatmavada and Anekantavada which are all alternative formulations of the same vision (dristi). Various traditions, thinkers and scholars have used different expressions to verbalize this unique perception. This is spiritual vision (adhyatmika dristi). This is not available to the materialistic worldly beings like us who are conditioned by a divisive mentality of "I" and "thou". It requires a specific frame of mind, a bodhicitta (an enlightened consciousness) which can be cultivated by a proper training of body, will and intellect. Different spiritualistic traditions have prescribed different schemes of sadhana (spiritual practice) for this. All mean to say the same thing but diversity of language and interest has created conflicts among them. The spiritualistic view can best be explained in terms of three-fold approaches to Reality, i.e. adhyatmika (spiritual), adhidaivika (mental) and adhibhautika (physical) which have existential but no valuational hierarchy. They have distinct status and role to play but each succeeding one is enveloped and accommodated in the preceding one. Here there is no incompatibility or conflict. There is gradual widening of the latter in the former. The adhyatmika is the most comprehensive. The Vedas have referred to it as tadekam. The Upanisads have named it as Brahman/ Atman. The Jainas have called it as anantadharmatmakam sat. The Buddhists have called it as paramartha or sunya. In the ultimate analysis all mean the same. In a spiritual framework the material and the mental have an important place and function. In spirituality there is no denial of matter and material prosperity. Matter is the base and very precondition of all existence. As the Taittirya Upanisad Ill.2 says, annam brahmeti vyajanat (know matter to be Brahman). But matter is not the sole reality or the apex reality. Further, matter needs to be refined and transformed into that which is compatible with the spiritual. This is because matter is exclusive, divisive and competitive, whereas the spiritual is unitive, shareable and cooperative. Matter is confinement in space and time but spirit is expansion beyond space and time. The same existence can be material or spiritual, or more material or more spiritual. Narrowing of the self is material and widening of the self is spiritual. To be spiritual is not to renounce the body; it is only to renounce the sense of "I" and "mine". It is self-opening, paratmasamata (self-sameness with all). This is what should be meant

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 by culture and civilization. The point is that denial of matter is lopsided and harmful but equally lopsided and harmful is denial of spirit. But one wonders how far this would be acceptable to our vision blinded by the dazzling light of materiality and scientism. In this context, it may not be irrelevant to point out that the modern model of development has originated in the background of materialistic and competitive, rather mutually conflicting conception of human beings and the universe. In the mechanistic, reductionist paradigm, not only is the spiritual dimension of human and cosmic existence discarded, it has also been wrongly assumed that the goal of human endeavor should be to have mastery, victory, domination and control over Nature. In zeal to conquer and subjugate Nature there have been abuse, exploitation and defilement of Nature. The arrogant human being thinks that Nature must be bent to the will, benefit and use of human kind. Nature is of great value to us. It is kind and benevolent. It is grand and gracious. It is rich and bountiful. It delights in serving us and does so dispassionately. But Nature is also very tender and delicate. It feels shy of exploitation and reacts. When it reacts it does so to make us rectify the wrongs we do to it. What Nature wants us is judicious use of its resources for progress and prosperity and not its uncared exploitation and destruction. It will provide us nourishment and peace only if we live in peace with it. Worship of Nature is the keynote of spiritual way of life. The materialistic-consumerist outlook has resulted in loss of harmony between human beings and Nature, disturbance of balance between human needs and natural resources, lack of coordination between the material and the spiritual dimensions of development, and finally in the overall deterioration in quality of life. It has given rise to disparity and deprivation, imbalance and inequalities. There is no denying of the fact that due to science and technology there has been tremendous material progress but the fruits of all this progress have not only been inequitably distributed, and they have also been counterproductive. In the context of material development, spiritual perspective is positive and helpful. It embraces the vital concerns of life, i.e. kama (psycho-physical wellness) and the means to secure them i.e. artha. It is abhyudaya, i.e., all- round development which sustains and which is sustainable, because it is regulated by dharma through which there is proper management of all assets. available to us both in terms of human resources and material resources. Acquisition of material resources (artha) and their

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 enjoyment (kama) always require proper management through dharma. This is because, as we said earlier, matter is exclusive, non-divisible and non- shareable. So it stands in need of regulation by dharma for its balanced shareability. Indian culture has always denunciated pursuit of artha and kama without being regulated by dharma. This may be spoken as dharmocracy. The Indian response to Carvaka ideology and its total rejection is a glaring example of this fact. The present-day consumerism is an unabashed revival of the discarded Carvaka ideology which has been doing immense damage to human psyche. There is a widespread misconception that spiritual experience is realizable only through scriptural statements (Sruti) or divine revelations or miracles, or that it is anti- reason and cannot be expressed in human language, etc. Let it be made clear that almost all schools of thought in India have pointed out that Sruti is only informative and not revelatory. Only through proper experience one has to realize spiritual unity. Sruti may provide the ground for its realization but cannot be of avail in the ultimate analysis. Spiritual experience is not realizable through discursive reason also. It is supra-rational but this should not mean that it is anti-reason. How can any talk about unity of existence be anti-reason? Reason functions through analysis whereas spiritual experience is integral but why should analysis and synthesis be regarded as antagonistic or working at cross purposes? Of course, discursive reason can have no role in spiritual experience but this does not mean that we have to decry or deny the role of reason altogether. In the classical literature there are statements in support of or against reason; but they are to be understood in their proper context. Notwithstanding what is stated above, it must be stated that spiritual experience is extra- empirical in origin though it is very much applicable to the empirical realm. It is available to enlightened and realized souls only. In this sense it can be it can be regarded as arsa- jnana or pratibhatibha- janana. In this sense again it can be regarded as apauruseya meaning thereby that it is extra-empirical and not amendable to human senses and reason. Empirical knowledge is description of facts and this description can be true or false or doubtful. Its veracity is contingent upon empirical verification. Spiritual experience, on the other hand, is prescriptive. It is an enlightenment about and realization of values. It cannot be evaluated in terms of empirical categories of true, false or doubtful as it does not describe facts. It can only be evaluated in terms of its desirability or otherwise in terms of what ought to be practised. It is not purusa tantra (dependent on human sense cognitivity).But its realization is dependent upon human

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Cultural Dialogue Vol. 2, November 20 – January 2021 will and endeavour, i.e. purusartha. Spiritual experience is a value not in the empirical sense. It is a value par excellence. All other values are comprehended under it but they do not exhaust it. One may acquire all other values but absence of spiritual value makes one feel imperfect. This is what Yajnavalkya meant when he averred: atmanah; kamaya sarvam privarm bhavati (Brhadaran;yaka Upanisad II.4). This is the philosophy of universal love rooted in the premise of essential non-difference of all existences. It alone provides the stable and solid foundation to all other values. It alone is the intrinsic value, the summum bonum; all other values are only instrumental. It alone is universalizable as it is an end-value, an absolute value, which can be prescribed unconditionally without exception.

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