G. A. Cohen and Marxism∗
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On Althusser on Science, Ideology, and the New, Or Why We Should Continue to Read Reading Capital Geoff Pfeifer
C Abstract: C R R I It is no secret that much of the criticism of Althusser’s work during the- I S period within which Reading Capital was written centers on his alleged S I I On Althusser S ‘theoreticism’, or the view that revolutionary practice needs theory (or S theoretical practice) if it is to be truly revolutionary and thus theory is pri- & & mary and autonomous whereas other forms of practice are secondary and C C R must be tied to theory insofar as it is only theory that can liberate practice R I from its entrapment in ideology (this is of course, in a very general sense, I on Science, T T I the foundation of the science/ideology split in Althusser’s work from this I Q period). As Jacques Rancière has put this criticism in his assessment of Q U U E Reading Capital, “this reading of Marx via Althusser and Lacan does little E more than give a new sheen to the thesis Kautsky had already defended: Ideology, and the / / science belongs to the intellectuals and it is up to them to bring it to Volume 2 / 1 Volume 2 / Issue 2 producers necessarily cut off from knowledge” Criticisms such as Ran- Issue 2 cière’s are what, in part, led Althusser himself to work to clarify his posi- tion during what we know as his ‘critical period’ wherein he argues that New, or Why We theory itself is a form a political intervention. This essay returns to these debates in order to point to the relevance of the central thesis of Reading Capital for our time arguing that ultimately, Althusser’s project is not one in which theory trumps other forms of practice, but rather one in which Should Continue Marxist theory (or science in the parlance of Reading Capital) is what can help us make sense of those moments in other forms of revolutionary practice that are distinct from the ideological field in which we find our- selves, and hence can aid us in marking the border between ideology and to Read Reading the new, the non-ideological, and the revolutionary. -
Conversations with Stalin on Questions of Political Economy”
WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, Conversations with Stalin on Christian Ostermann, Director Director Questions of Political Economy BOARD OF TRUSTEES: ADVISORY COMMITTEE: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., by Chairman William Taubman Steven Alan Bennett, Ethan Pollock (Amherst College) Vice Chairman Chairman Working Paper No. 33 PUBLIC MEMBERS Michael Beschloss The Secretary of State (Historian, Author) Colin Powell; The Librarian of Congress James H. Billington James H. Billington; (Librarian of Congress) The Archivist of the United States John W. Carlin; Warren I. Cohen The Chairman of the (University of Maryland- National Endowment Baltimore) for the Humanities Bruce Cole; The Secretary of the John Lewis Gaddis Smithsonian Institution (Yale University) Lawrence M. Small; The Secretary of Education James Hershberg Roderick R. Paige; (The George Washington The Secretary of Health University) & Human Services Tommy G. Thompson; Washington, D.C. Samuel F. Wells, Jr. PRIVATE MEMBERS (Woodrow Wilson Center) Carol Cartwright, July 2001 John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Sharon Wolchik Daniel L. Lamaute, (The George Washington Doris O. Mausui, University) Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. -
Marxist Philosophy and the Problem of Value
Soviet Studies in Philosophy ISSN: 0038-5883 (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mrsp19 Marxist Philosophy and the Problem of Value O. G. Drobnitskii To cite this article: O. G. Drobnitskii (1967) Marxist Philosophy and the Problem of Value, Soviet Studies in Philosophy, 5:4, 14-24 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/RSP1061-1967050414 Published online: 20 Dec 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1 View related articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=mrsp19 Download by: [North Carolina State University], [Professor Marina Bykova] Date: 09 February 2017, At: 14:43 Theory of Value Voprosy filosofii, 1966, No. 7 0, G. Drobnitskii MARXIST PHILOSOPHY AND THE PROBLEM OF -*’VXLUr;* * In recent years, the question has been posed fact that things and phenomena in the world con- of the attitude of Marxist philosophy to what is stituting man’s environment have been endowed termed the problem of value. The point is not with such characteristics as worth, good and only that bourgeois axiology, which has been de- evil, beauty and ugliness, justice and injustice. veloping for three-quarters of a century, has to Doubtless, the phenomena of social consciousness be critically analyzed. Central to the question act in some aspect as “spiritual values,” i.e., is whether a Marxist axiology is possible. In they partake of the character of valuation norms. that connection the following is instructive. Finally, all these phenomena may be combined Authors who, with envious consistency, ignore under the single common notion of value. -
The Embattled Political Aesthetics of José Carlos Mariátegui and Amauta
A Realist Indigenism: The Embattled Political Aesthetics of José Carlos Mariátegui and Amauta BY ERIN MARIA MADARIETA B.A., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 THESIS Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Chicago, 2019 Chicago, Illinois Defense Committee: Blake Stimson, Art History, Advisor and Chair Andrew Finegold, Art History Nicholas Brown, English Margarita Saona, Hispanic and Italian Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………...1 BEYOND THE “SECTARIAN DIVIDE”: MARIÁTEGUI’S EXPANSIVE REALISM………..9 TOWARD A REALIST INDIGENISM: PARSING MARXISM, INDIGENISM, AND POPULISM………………………………………………………………………………………33 “THE PROBLEM OF RACE IN LATIN AMERICA”: MARIÁTEGUI AND INTERNATIONAL COMMUNISTS…………………………………………………………...53 “PAINTING THE PEOPLE” OR DEMYSTIFYING PERUVIAN REALITY?: AMAUTA’S VISUAL CONTENT…………………………………………………………………………….65 CONCLUSION…………………………….…………………………………………………….88 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………………..92 ii SUMMARY This thesis focuses on José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), a Peruvian critic and Marxist political activist who founded the Peruvian Socialist Party. Mariátegui also edited the journal Amauta, which featured literature, visual art, and theoretical and political texts from 1926 to 1930. This project aims to contribute an original understanding of the thought and editorial practice of this historically significant figure by recuperating his endorsement of realist -
The Hungarian Historical Review “Continuities and Discontinuities
The Hungarian Historical Review New Series of Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Volume 5 No. 1 2016 “Continuities and Discontinuities: Political Thought in the Habsburg Empire in the Long Nineteenth Century” Ferenc Hörcher and Kálmán Pócza Special Editors of the Thematic Issue Contents Articles MARTYN RADY Nonnisi in sensu legum? Decree and Rendelet in Hungary (1790–1914) 5 FERENC HÖRCHER Enlightened Reform or National Reform? The Continuity Debate about the Hu ngarian Reform Era and the Example of the Two Széchenyis (1790–1848) 22 ÁRON KOVÁCS Continuity and Discontinuity in Transylvanian Romanian Thought: An Analysis of Four Bishopric Pleas from the Period between 1791 and 1842 46 VLASTA ŠVOGER Political Rights and Freedoms in the Croatian National Revival and the Croatian Political Movement of 1848–1849: Reestablishing Continuity 73 SARA LAGI Georg Jellinek, a Liberal Political Thinker against Despotic Rule (1885–1898) 105 ANDRÁS CIEGER National Identity and Constitutional Patriotism in the Context of Modern Hungarian History: An Overview 123 http://www.hunghist.org HHHR_2016_1.indbHR_2016_1.indb 1 22016.06.03.016.06.03. 112:39:582:39:58 Contents Book Reviews Das Preßburger Protocollum Testamentorum 1410 (1427)–1529, Vol. 1. 1410–1487. Edited by Judit Majorossy and Katalin Szende. Das Preßburger Protocollum Testamentorum 1410 (1427)–1529, Vol. 2. 1487–1529. Edited by Judit Majorossy und Katalin Szende. Reviewed by Elisabeth Gruber 151 Sopron. Edited by Ferenc Jankó, József Kücsán, and Katalin Szende with contributions by Dávid Ferenc, Károly Goda, and Melinda Kiss. Sátoraljaújhely. Edited by István Tringli. Szeged. Edited by László Blazovich et al. Reviewed by Anngret Simms 154 Egy székely két élete: Kövendi Székely Jakab pályafutása [Two lives of a Székely: The career of Jakab Székely of Kövend]. -
Me, Myself & Mine: the Scope of Ownership
ME, MYSELF & MINE The Scope of Ownership _________________________________ PETER MARTIN JAWORSKI _________________________________ May, 2012 Committee: Fred Miller (Chair) David Shoemaker, Steven Wall, Daniel Jacobson, Neil Englehart ii ABSTRACT This dissertation is an attempt to defend the following thesis: The scope of legitimate ownership claims is much more narrow than what Lockean liberals have traditionally thought. Firstly, it is more narrow with respect to the particular claims that are justified by Locke’s labour- mixing argument. It is more difficult to come to own things in the first place. Secondly, it is more narrow with respect to the kinds of things that are open to the ownership relation. Some things, like persons and, maybe, cultural artifacts, are not open to the ownership relation but are, rather, fit objects for the guardianship, in the case of the former, and stewardship, in the case of the latter, relationship. To own, rather than merely have a property in, some object requires the liberty to smash, sell, or let spoil the object owned. Finally, the scope of ownership claims appear to be restricted over time. We can lose our claims in virtue of a change in us, a change that makes it the case that we are no longer responsible for some past action, like the morally interesting action required for justifying ownership claims. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Much of this work has benefited from too many people to list. However, a few warrant special mention. My committee, of course, deserves recognition. I’m grateful to Fred Miller for his many, many hours of pouring over my various manuscripts and rough drafts. -
Political Science 270 Mechanisms of International Relations
Political Science 270 Mechanisms of International Relations Hein Goemans Course Information: Harkness 337 Spring 2016 Office Hours: Wed. 2 { 3 PM 16:50{19:30 Wednesday [email protected] Meliora 203 The last fifteen years or so saw a major revolution in the social sciences. Instead of trying to discover and test grand \covering laws" that have universal validity and tremendous scope| think Newton's gravity or Einstein's relativity|the social sciences are in the process of switch- ing to more narrow and middle-range theories and explanations, often referred to as causal mechanisms. Recently, however, a new so-called \behavioral" approach { often but not always complementary { is currently sweeping the field. Since mechanisms remain the core theoretical building blocks in our field, we will continue to focus on them. In the bulk of this course students will be introduced to a range of such causal mechanisms with applications in international relations. Although these causal mechanisms can loosely be described in prose, explicit formalization { e.g., math { allows for a much deeper and richer understanding of the phenomena of study. In other words, formalization enables simplification and thus a better understanding of what is \really" going on. To set us on that path, we begin with some very basic rational choice fundamentals to introduce you to formal models in a rigorous way to show the power and potential of this approach. In other words, there will be some *gasp* Algebra. For much of the very brief but essential introduction to game theory we will use William Spaniel's Channel (http://gametheory101.com/courses/game-theory-101/, also on YouTube), as well as his cheap but very highly rated introductory book Game Theory 101: The Complete Textbook available at Amazon (http://www.amazon.com). -
Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia
5/2012-13 Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia Grégory BUSQUET, UMR LAVUE (Mosaïques), Université Paris Ouest Nanterre The ideas of philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991) are currently experiencing a revival in urban studies in France, while his theories on the city and urban society have been discussed and modified for many years in Anglophone social science literature. This new interest, which moreover extends to Europe, demonstrates however various uses of his philosophy: while some attempt to draw practical applications and to identify the influences of his theories on the practices of The Production of Space and on the usual uses of The Right to the City (Stanek, 2011), some philosophical or biographical exegeses ignore the concrete purpose of his reflections, namely, the socio-spatial processes of alienation, and occasionally at the same time turn up their noses at the setting in which they are expressed (social, political, urbanistic, etc.) and the conditions of their development. While some depoliticize his philosophy, giving it the currently popular slant (post-marxist) and emptying it of its subversive content and emancipating aim, as well as all references to conflict and the class struggle, others, conversely, especially abroad in the work of the supporters of Anglo-Saxon “radical geography”, take their inspiration from Lefebvre and do not allow their thoughts on space to be disassociated from an analysis of class or an analysis in terms of politics1. This article would be in alignment with the latter perspective, resituating Lefebvre’s thought on space and all its criticism, theoretical and practical alike, at the heart of that which in our opinion makes it unique, namely, it’s relationship with the political. -
Anti-Duhring
Friedrich Engels Herr Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science Written: September 1876 - June 1878; Published: in Vorwärts, Jan 3 1877-July 7 1878; Published: as a book, Leipzig 1878; Translated: by Emile Burns from 1894 edition; Source: Frederick Engels, Anti-Dühring. Herr Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science, Progress Publishers, 1947; Transcribed: [email protected], August 1996; Proofed and corrected: Mark Harris 2010. Formerly known as Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science, Engels’ Anti-Dühring is a popular and enduring work which, as Engels wrote to Marx, was an attempt “to produce an encyclopaedic survey of our conception of the philosophical, natural-science and historical problems.” Marx and Engels first became aware of Professor Dühring with his December 1867 review of Capital, published in Ergänzungsblätter. They exchanged a series of letters about him from January-March 1868. He was largely forgotten until the mid-1870s, at which time Dühring entered Germany's political foreground. German Social-Democrats were influenced by both his Kritische Geschichte der Nationalökonomie und des Sozialismus and Cursus der Philosophie als streng wissenschaftlicher Weltanschauung und Lebensgestaltung. Among his readers were included Johann Most, Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche, Eduard Bernstein – and even August Bebel for a brief period. In March 1874, the Social-Democratic Workers’ Party paper Volksstaat ran an anonymous article (actually penned by Bebel) favorably reviewing one of Dühring's books. On both February 1 and April 21, 1875, Liebknecht encouraged Engels to take Dühring head-on in the pages of the Volksstaat. In February 1876, Engels fired an opening salvo with his Volksstaat article “Prussian Vodka in the German Reichstag”. -
The End of Middle Class Politics?
The End of Middle Class Politics? The End of Middle Class Politics? By Sotiris Rizas The End of Middle Class Politics? By Sotiris Rizas This book first published 2018 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2018 by Sotiris Rizas All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-0654-1 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-0654-1 CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 What makes the middle classes? ............................................................ 8 The middle classes in mass politics: the lower middle classes as a bone of contention ................................................................... 10 Chapter One ............................................................................................... 23 Emergence of the Middle Classes and Middle Class Politics in America and Europe, 1890–1914 The middle classes and the Progressive Movement in America, 1900–14 .......................................................................................... 28 The public policies of Progressivism ................................................... 29 Middle-class -
June 2017 Draft “A Theory of Cooperation with an Application To
June 2017 draft “A theory of cooperation with an application to market socialism” by John E. Roemer Yale University [email protected] 1 1. Man, the cooperative great ape It has become commonplace to observe that, among the five species of great ape, homo sapiens is by far the most cooperative. Fascinating experiments with infant humans and chimpanzees, by Michael Tomasello and others, give credence to the claim that a cooperative protocol is wired into to the human brain, and not to the chimpanzee brain. Tomasello’s work, summarized in two recent books with similar titles (2014, 2016), grounds the explanation of humans’ ability to cooperate with each other in their capacity to engage in joint intentionality, which is based upon a common knowledge of purpose and trust. There are fascinating evolutionary indications of early cooperative behavior among humans. I mention two: pointing and miming, and the sclera of the eye. Pointing and miming are pre-linguistic forms of communicating, probably having evolved due to their usefulness in cooperative pursuit of prey. If you and I were only competitors, I would have no interest in indicating the appearance of an animal that we, together, could catch and share. Similarly, the sclera (whites of the eyes) allow you to see what I am gazing it: if we cooperate in hunting, it is useful for me that you can see the animal I have spotted, for then we can trap it together and share it. Other great apes do not point and mime, nor do they possess sclera. Biologists have also argued that language would likely not have evolved in a non- cooperative species (Dunbar[2009] ). -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added).