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Supporting Information Butzer 10.1073/pnas.1114845109 Environmental Determinism and the Akkadian Collapse II/III period, whereas those of the subsequent Ur III-Isin-Larsa In 1911, Ellsworth Huntington (1) launched the hypothesis that phase more than doubled (ref. 17, figure 27). Archaeological degradation of the Mediterranean world and the decline of survey would therefore imply an increase, rather than decrease, Classical civilization were a result of desiccation (i.e., climatic of available water in the Euphrates basin from approximately aridification). This had led to nomadic expansion, attendant 2300 to 1600 BCE. It is implausible that the Akkadian heartland deforestation, and soil loss. Huntington (2) also claimed that collapsed because of a megadrought. periodic nomadic outbursts from central Asia were a result of Some science literature on the Tell Leilan event identifies a climatic fluctuations. Recourse to such “pulsations”—as pur- quasi-global paleoclimatic signal approximately 2100 BCE, claimed ported evidence for climatic cycles—has enjoyed great longevity. to be the most incisive of the Holocene record (8). However, Climatic change had become a major determinant in “decline.” whatever arid anomalies there were during the 600-y period after Determinism eventually fell into disfavor, but Harvey Weiss approximately 2500 BCE, they were of insufficient duration or and others (3) claimed that, after 2200 before common era intensity to leave a record in good-resolution pollen profiles of the (BCE), a mysterious “volcanic winter” of eolian ash triggered Near East (18, 19). Similarly, many hundred prime, global multi- a widespread environmental disaster lasting three centuries, proxy records fail to support this contention. What the most re- forcing abandonment of the early Bronze Age city of Tell Leilan cent research in the Mediterranean area and Near East does show in northeastern Syria and “collapse in the Aegean, Egypt, Pal- is that the Holocene record was marked by (i) a wet early Holo- estine, and the Indus” (4). This invocation of climate as a prime cene, with very rainy winters (11,000–7500 BP in calibrated years); mover was applauded by some hard scientists in favor of (ii) a drier, transitional mid-Holocene, with reduced seasonality a “Leilan Event” (in Upper Mesopotamia) and an Akkadian and bioclimatic oscillations, until 4000 BP; and (iii)atrendto collapse in the Euphrates floodplain (Lower Mesopotamia) as aridification and more contemporary conditions (11, 19). How- a consequence of abrupt climatic change. Bold correlations were ever, in central Asia and Anatolia, the early Holocene was arid, posited between peaks in deep-sea cores of the Arabian Sea, the mid-Holocene wet (16, 20). The observed isotopic shifts and wiggles in the stable isotopes of an Italian cave flowstone, or events fit comfortably into such a framework, without recourse to microstratigraphic identification of eolian activity in Nebraska, extreme anomalies or climatic change. as a global case for climatic forcing as a major agent of social fi change in distant Mesopotamia or Egypt (5–10). These papers Other Explanations. In short, the scienti c evidence does not show a nontrivial spread of 400 y for the beginning date, and support the hypothesis of a catastrophic megadrought as a prime suggest that hemispheric teleconnections remain premature. mover for collapse of either the Akkadian empire or a synergistic group of Near Eastern civilizations. What then does explain the Problems with Paleoclimatic Evidence. For one, the local environ- abandonment of Leilan? In the semiarid agricultural belt of mental evidence from Leilan (2) is unsatisfactory, and the au- eastern Syria, settlement patterns were dynamic, with urban thors have fundamentally changed their explanations several growth or settlement-cluster expansion in some areas, and times. Initially a volcanic winter was posited, but not supported ruralization or local abandonment in others, with no case for mass by a corresponding acid peak in Greenland ice cores (11). Traces migrations (21). In western Syria, a good number of cities were of volcanic glass in sediments at Leilan (4) are modest and destroyed, presumably by Akkadian military campaigns (ref. 22, limited to a very few profiles and levels. The authors sub- table 1). The desertion of Leilan coincided with this imperial sequently downplayed the pyroclastics, to opt for a megadrought unrest, which ended with disintegration of an internetworked caused by “massive smoke injection” from unverified “extensive world-economy, once extending from the Aegean to the Indus wildfires” that modified land/sea temperature gradients—a spe- Valley (ref. 22, pp. 280–287; and ref. 23). The triggering mech- cious explanation. More recently, the soils specialist of the anism was not a competition between farmers and pastoralists project abandoned the megadrought theory, arguing instead for (ref. 21, chap. 7; and ref. 24), but a relentless expansion of Akkad dust raised by the impact of an extraterrestrial body (12), a no- under Sargon or his grandson Naram-Sin that destroyed the tion that has found little support. The peculiar mineral grains entrepot role of Syria at the nexus of this economic system. The cited at nearby Tell Brak were found in a thin sediment lens checkerboard of destroyed cities suggests unbridled warfare, and below a structure built by the Akkadian ruler Naram-Sin much accumulated “capital” would have been lost, leaving the (∼2291–2255 BCE) (13). ability of the system to rebuild that capital severely impaired. Local, high-resolution isotope records, such as speleothems of Whether less destructive environmental stressors may have been Soreq Cave (Israel), have been invoked to argue for the mega- a coagency in regional transformation toward the end of the drought, but they suggest only minimal change after 2400 early Bronze age remains to be demonstrated by more careful BCE, whereas some earlier, wide divergences of the 18O and 13C sociohistorical and paleoclimatic analyses. isotope curves are difficult to explain for a complex cave envi- ronment (14). Instead, 13C isotopes from barley grains, a homo- Environmental Degradation and Human Impact geneous medium and from good archaeological contexts in Syria The links between deforestation and soil erosion were already (15), give consistently low negative values (i.e., drier climate) understood by Plato (∼370 BCE) (25), and the agronomist after approximately 2500 BCE and exhibit nothing extraordinary. Columella [∼65 common era (CE)] (26), who recommended The discharge of the Euphrates should be a key criterion for terracing of freshly cleared hillsides to avoid erosion. A modern such a regional megadrought. The isotopic and salinity records of development of these themes awaited George Perkins Marsh Lake Van, near its headwaters, do not support such an event (ref. (27) in 1864. Marsh was a leading conservationist who had ex- 16; despite lingering problems with a floating varve chronology). perienced clear-cutting in Michigan and later spent 20 y as Neither do settlement numbers and canal extensions in lower a traveler and diplomat in Italy and the Provence. He discussed Mesopotamia: the number of sites mapped for the Akkadian soil erosion and disastrous alluvial events, lamenting the impacts period increased 30% vs. that of the preceding early dynastic of what he regarded as slovenly Papist land use in the Mediter- Butzer www.pnas.org/cgi/content/short/1114845109 1of6 ranean basin. Unlike Huntington, who blamed climatic change, velop and disseminate their analytical insights for realistic Marsh saw an impending destruction of the Mediterranean en- planning and practice at individual, state, and national scales vironment as anthropogenic. (42). An overall increase in forest cover is also supported by Although Marsh was influential for environmental conserva- historical evidence that woodlands in New South Wales today tion in the United States, a related thesis championed by Colonial are much the same as those reported by the earliest European officers of Britain and France gained preeminence in the Med- travelers, who had already encountered prehistoric gullies (43). iterranean orbit. As argued by Sarah Harris (28, 29), landscape The informal narrative of Collapse (39) revolves more around ecology was reduced to an agricultural–pastoral dialectic, or one an author’s opinions or advocacy than it does his stellar primary that cast “backward,” indigenous practices as implicit resistance research. The book can also be criticized for the offhand treat- to Colonial imposition of a more rational husbandry. In whatever ment of societal issues, which has been faulted in a book-length structural form, unsustainable resource management favors bi- counterpoint by leading anthropologists (44). otic degradation, soil loss, slope failure, and gullying or accel- erated alluviation. At more sophisticated diagnostic levels, it Further Considerations of Collapse introduces matters of scale, biotic mosaics, habitat complexity, The two analytical sketches appended here examine other Near and local cultural perceptions of resource impairment, pro- Eastern collapse scenarios to highlight the fundamental impor- ductivity, and stress (30). tance of social factors and the protracted rather than “abrupt” Unlike the climatic change model, the anthropogenic degra- time frames for collapse. dation counterpart has continued to evolve. It reemerged as “desertification,” to attract support from international agencies, Greco-Roman Fayum