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1 Maccabees: Emotions of Life and Death in Narrative and Lament Michael W. Duggan 1 Maccabees: Emotions of Life and Death in Narrative and Lament The author of 1 Maccabees was primarily a historian and secondarily a theolo- gian. His extensive quotations of Israel’s diplomatic correspondence with Rome, Sparta, and the Seleucid monarchs contrast with his few citations of biblical texts. His preoccupation with events supersedes his attention to interpersonal relationships. His narrative consists of action-oriented episodes with a para- mount focus on the uniqueness of each setting in time and place as well as the elaboration of military and diplomatic strategies, movements of armies and peoples, decisions of leaders, and final outcomes. He mentions God sporadical- ly and he references Scripture mostly by allusions. Given the author’s propensity to focus on the external world, his notations of emotions afford rare glimpses of his perceptions into the interior lives of hu- man beings. Moreover, in a sweeping global narrative that surveys the panora- ma of Israel’s landscape and scans the international horizon from Jerusalem to Rome, his references to feelings redirect the reader’s attention to the unique experiences of individuals. Furthermore, his affective language usually exhibits a subtle theological texture. An examination of emotions in 1 Maccabees affords insight into the unique way this historian – who was a Jewish nationalist and Hasmonean advocate – profiles the dispositions of friend and foe at the turn of the first century BCE. I investigate the emotional dynamics of 1 Maccabees by attending to the genres of narrative and lament. I begin with comments on the date, authorship, intention and design of the book as a whole. I then survey the affective contours of the complete narrative by concentrating on the feelings that distinguish the Jewish protagonists from their Jewish and Gentile adversaries. Against this background, I focus on the five laments that punctuate the narrative prior to the opening battle when Judas Maccabeus engages the Seleucid forces at Emmaus (1:24b–28, 36–40; 2:7–13; 3:45, 50b–53; cf. 4:1–25). 1 Authorship, message and design of 1 Maccabees Internal evidence suggests that 1 Maccabees was composed at the beginning of the first century BCE, certainly before Pompey’s siege of Jerusalem in 63 BCE, and DOI 10.1515/9783110369083-007, © 2018 Michael W. Duggan, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License. 96 | Michael W. Duggan probably very early in the reign of Alexander Jannaeus as high priest (103–76 BCE).1 The author was a historian (and possibly a diplomat) who wrote 1 Macca- bees to describe the transformation of Israel from a territory under foreign occu- pation into an autonomous nation ruled by Jews.2 He profiles this emerging Jewish state as a legitimate participant in international affairs, both in partner- ships with Rome and Sparta abroad and also in on-going struggles with Syria and Egypt closer to home. He argues that political and cultural nationalism is the heritage the Hasmoneans bequeathed to the Jewish people. The original text in Hebrew was the author’s contribution to the culture of Jewish nationalism. In analogous fashion, the Greek translation fitted nicely into the literary repertoire of Hellenistic Judaism in so far as it reflected the dignity of the Septuagint. This version – which may have been produced under the author’s direction – com- municated to Jewish and Gentile audiences across the Hellenistic world the message that Israel was a player in global politics.3 The author presents the case that Israel’s emergence onto the world stage was due to the courage and acumen of Judas, Jonathan and Simon, who were inspired by their father, Mattathias, to forge an independent Jewish state. In the process, they inaugurated the Hasmonean dynasty.4 The story of this family is the story of Jewish nationalism. The narrative consists of two halves (1:1–9:22; 9:23–16:24), each of which ends with a note on the bravery of a deceased Hasmonean, Judas early on and John Hyrcanus in the end (9:22; 16:23–24).5 The || 1 The thoroughly favourable profile of Roman authorities in 1 Maccabees rules out a date close to Pompey’s invasion of Jerusalem in 63 BCE (cf. 1 Macc 8:1–16, 17–32; 12:1–4; 14:16–19, 40; 15:16). First Maccabees ends with a reference to the posthumous annals of the high priest John Hyrcanus (135–104 BCE), the father of Alexander Jannaeus (1 Macc 16:23–24). On the actual relationship between the Hasmoneans and Rome, see Mandell, Maccabees, 211–220. 2 Judas, his followers, and Simon speak of “our nation” (τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν 3:59; 9:29; 16:3). In official correspondence with Jonathan and Simon, Seleucid kings refer to “your nation” (τὸ ἔθνος σου 10:20; 15:9) and “the nation of the Jews” (τῷ ἔθνει τῶν Ιουδαίων 11:33). The author may have written 1 Maccabees as a polemical defence of the Jewish nation in response to por- trayals of Israel as xenophobic and superstitious by contemporary Greek authors. For example, Posidonius of Apamea and Diodorus Siculus, who were contemporaries of Alexander Jannaeus, lauded Antiochus IV Epiphanes for Hellenizing Jerusalem and Judah. See Barbu, Sacking, 40–42. 3 On the textual issues about the Hebrew original and the Greek translation, see Bartlett, 1 Maccabees, 16–9; deSilva, Massage, 246–247, and Harrington, Invitation, 123. 4 Schwartz (Note, 305–309) suggests that the Hasmoneans were originally powerful landowners in Modein. Goldstein (1 Maccabees, 69–78) views 1 Maccabees as “propaganda” in support of the Hasmonean claims to the high priesthood and regency in Judah. For the priestly heritage of the Hasmoneans according to 1 Maccabees, see Schofield/VanderKam, Hasmoneans, 74–87. 5 Cf. Williams, Structure, 128–137. 1 Maccabees: Emotions of Life and Death in Narrative and Lament | 97 first half unfolds in three parts: (1) a brief overview of the world that Alexander the Great bequeathed to his generals (1:1–9); (2) Mattathias’s revolt against Antiochus IV Epiphanes (1:10–2:70); and (3) the campaigns of Judas Maccabeus (3:1–9:22). The second half also consists of three parts: (1) Jonathan’s regency as high priest (9:23–12:53); (2) Simon’s accomplishments as high priest (13:1– 16:17); and (3) a brief account of John Hyrcanus’s succession to the high priest- hood (16:18–24). Judas is the outstanding protagonist in the first half, whereas Jonathan and Simon share the spotlight in the second half.6 The following ana- lysis will indicate that the language of feelings is more concentrated in the first half than in the second half of the narrative. 2 Emotions in narrative: Jews and their adversaries The author is at pains to distinguish Jews from Gentiles. He identifies “Jews” (οἱ Ιουδαῖοι) as the indigenous residents of Judea and Jerusalem who observe Torah and are loyal to Mattathias and his sons. Their adversaries comprise a variety of groups including (a) Antiochus IV Epiphanes and other Seleucid monarchs, their governors and commanders, and their armies in so far as they are inimical to the Hasmoneans; (b) the surrounding nations that make war on Judas and his brothers (5:24–44; 12:53; cf. 13:6); (c) the Gentiles who inhabit the citadel (ἄκρα); (d) the priest Alcimus and his allies (7:5–25);7 and (e) Jews who are loyal to the Seleucids.8 The author reserves the term “Gentiles” (τὰ ἔθνη) for the non- Jewish adversaries of the Hasmoneans.9 He does not deem all non-Jews as || 6 In summary, the family narrative (1 Macc 2:1–16:22) spans some 33 years from the rebellion of Mattathias (167 BCE) to the campaigns of Judas Maccabeus (166–160 BCE), and subsequently the governance of Judah by his brothers Jonathan (160–142 BCE) and Simon (142–134 BCE), with a final note on the accession of John Hyrcanus to the high priesthood (134 BCE). 7 The author apparently concedes that Alcimus had a licit pedigree for his office (1 Macc 7:14). However, he portrays Alcimus and his followers as “ungodly” since they became allies of the Seleucid governor, Bacchides, against Judas (ἀσεβής 7:5, 9; cf. 7:4–25; 9:1, 54–57). 8 The author variously describes these Jews as “lawless” (παράνομοι 1:11, 34; 10:61; 11:21), “sinners” (ἁμαρτωλοί 1:34; 2:44, 48, 62), and “ungodly Israelites” (ἀσεβῶν ἐξ Ισραηλ 6:21; 7:5, 9; 9:25, 73). For a discussion of Jewish identity in 1 Maccabees, see Scolnic, Mattathias, 476– 483. Bickerman (God, 90–91) views the Maccabean conflict as principally a civil war between observant and unorthodox Jews. 9 The first seven chapters of 1 Maccabees contain 40 of the 42 occurrences, which the NRSV translates τὰ ἔθνη as “Gentiles” (1:11, 13, 14, 15, 42; 2:12, 18, 40, 44, 48, 68; 3:10, 25, 26, 45, 48, 98 | Michael W. Duggan enemies. He speaks favourably about the leaders and populaces of Rome, Spar- ta and other Mediterranean military powers that negotiate pacts of mutual un- derstanding with the Hasmoneans. He never refers to these Hasmonean allies as “Gentiles.” Jews differ from Gentiles in disposition and feeling. 1 Maccabees is the story of the Jews achieving honour to replace their former shame. The author intro- duces this theme in the first three laments (1:24b–28, 36–40; 2:7–13).10 The aim of the Maccabean campaigns is to win honour for God and country. Mattathias establishes adherence to Torah (ὁ νόμος) as the resource that energizes the Jews to attain honour (δοξασθήναι 2:64; cf.
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