U.S. Optimism on Namibia Losing Credibility
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International Organizations
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS EUROPEAN SPACE AGENCY (E.S.A.) Headquarters: 8–10 Rue Mario Nikis, 75738 Paris Cedex 15, France phone 011–33–1–5369–7654, fax 011–33–1–5369–7560 Director General.—Johann-Dietrich Woerner. Member Countries: Austria Hungary Romania Belgium Ireland Spain Denmark Italy Sweden Estonia Luxembourg Switzerland Finland Netherlands United Kingdom France Norway Germany Poland Czech Republic Greece Portugal Associate Member Countries.—Slovenia. Cooperative Agreement.—Canada. European Space Operations Center (ESOC), Robert-Bosch-Str. 5, D–64293 Darmstadt, Germany, phone 011–49–6151–900, fax 011–49–6151–90495. European Space Research and Technology Center (ESTEC), Keplerlaan 1, NL–2201, AZ Noordwijk, ZH, The Netherlands, phone 011–31–71–565–6565, Telex: 844–39098, fax 011–31–71–565–6040. European Space Research Institute (ESRIN), Via Galileo Galilei, Casella Postale 64, 00044 Frascati, Italy, phone 011–39–6–94–18–01, fax 011–39–6–9418–0280. European Space Astronomy Centre (ESAC), P.O. Box, E–28691 Villanueva de la Can˜ada, Madrid, Spain, phone 011–34 91 813 11 00, fax: 011–34 91 813 11 39. European Astronaut Centre (EAC), Linder Hoehe, 51147 Cologne, Germany, phone 011– 49–220360–010, fax 011–49–2203–60–1103. European Centre for Space Applications and Telecommunications (ECSAT), Atlas Building, Harwell Science & Innovation Campus, Didcot, Oxfordshire, OX11 0QX, United Kingdom, phone 011–44 1235 567900. European Space Agency Washington Office (EWO), 1201 F Street, NW., Suite 470, Wash- ington, DC 20004. Head of Office.—Micheline Tabache (202) 488–4158, [email protected]. INTER-AMERICAN DEFENSE BOARD 2600 16th Street, NW., 20441, phone (202) 939–6041, fax 319–2791 Chairman.—General de Brigada DEM Luis Rodrı´guez Bucio, Me´xico. -
EY's Attractiveness Survey
EY’s attractiveness survey Africa 2015 Making choices 7 EY’s attractiveness surveys EY’s attractiveness surveys are widely recognized by our clients, the media and major public stakeholders as a key source of insight on foreign direct investment (FDI). Examining the attractiveness of a particular region or country as an investment destination, the surveys are designed to help businesses to make investment decisions, and governments to remove barriers to future growth. A two-step methodology analyzes both the reality and perception of FDI in the respective country or region. Findings are based on the views of representative panels of international and local opinion leaders and decision-makers. Emerging Markets Center The Emerging Markets Center is an EY Center of Excellence that quickly and effectively connects you to the world’s fastest-growing economies. Our continuous investment in them allows us to share the breadth of our knowledge through a wide range of initiatives, tools and applications, thus offering businesses in both mature and emerging markets an in-depth and cross-border approach, supported by our leading and highly integrated global structure. For more information, please visit: • emergingmarkets.ey.com Follow us on Twitter: • @EY_EmergingMkts Contents Cover: Moses Mabhida Stadium, Durban, South Africa Downtown Lagos, Nigeria 7 Africa Union Conference Center and Office Complex (AUCC), Addis Ababa, Ethiopia 38 Nairobi Skyscraper, Kenya 24 2 4–5 Foreword Executive summary 7–23 24–37 38–55 Reality Perception Future FDI in Africa -
Living Philanthropic Values: Maintaining a “Listening Ear”
2015 Global Philanthropy Forum Conference This book includes transcripts from the plenary sessions and keynote conversations of the 2015 Global Philanthropy Forum Conference. The statements made and views expressed are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of GPF, its participants, the World Affairs Council of Northern California or any of its funders. Prior to publication, the authors were given the opportunity to review their remarks. Some have made minor adjustments. In general, we have sought to preserve the tone of these panels to give the reader a sense of the Conference. The Conference would not have been possible without the support of our partners and members listed below, as well as the dedication of the wonderful team at the World Affairs Council. Special thanks go to the GPF team — Suzy Antounian, Britt-Marie Alm, Pearl Darko, Brett Dobbs, Sylvia Hacaj, Ashlee Rea, Sawako Sonoyama, and Nicole Wood — for their work and dedication to the GPF, its community and its mission. FOUNDATION PARTNERS NoVo Foundation Margaret A. Cargill Foundation The David & Lucile Packard Horace W. Goldsmith Foundation Foundation Skoll Foundation SUPPORTING MEMBERS Skoll Global Threats Fund Citi Foundation International Finance Corporation Dangote Foundation The World Bank Ford Foundation The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley MEMBERS Charitable Trust AbbVie Conrad N. Hilton Foundation Anonymous Humanity United The Aspen Institute Inter-American Development Bank Mr. & Mrs. William H. Draper III Maja Kristin Omidyar Network John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Salesforce.com Foundation Foundation Sall Family Foundation Charles Stewart Mott Foundation Waggener Edstrom Communications Newman’s Own Foundation The Global Philanthropy Forum is a project of the World Affairs Council of Northern California. -
Namibia Since Geneva
NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andr6 du Pisani OCCASIONAL PAPER GELEEIUTHEIDSPUBUKASIE >-'''' •%?'"' DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONAIE AANGEIEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Mr. Andre du Pisani is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Africa. He is an acknowledged authority on SWA/Namibia, with numerous publications to his credit. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andre du Pisani Contents Introduction Page 1 Premises of the West f. 1 Geneva: Backfrop and Contextual Features ,,.... 2 The Reagan Initiative - Outline of a position ........... 6 Rome - a New Equation Emerges T... 7 May - Pik Botha visits Washington ,.. tT,. f 7 South Africa's Bedrock Bargaining Position on Namibia ... 8 Clark Visit 8 Unresolved issues and preconditions t.. 8 Nairobi - OAU Meeting , 9 Mudge and Kalangula.Visit the US 9 Ottawa Summit '. , 10 Crocker meets SWAPO t 10 The Contact Group meets in Paris , , 10 Operation Protea T T 12 Constructive Engagement. - Further Clarifications 13 Confidence-building - The Crocker Bush Safari , 15 Prospects ,, 16 ISBN: 0 - 909239 - 95 - 9 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa November 1981 Introduction The purpose of this paper is to reflect on diplomatic efforts by the Western powers to reach a negotiated settlement of the Namibian saga. Understandably one can only reflect on the major features of what has become a lengthy diplomatic soap opera with many actors on the stage. -
Politics in Southern Africa: State and Society in Transition
EXCERPTED FROM Politics in Southern Africa: State and Society in Transition Gretchen Bauer and Scott D. Taylor Copyright © 2005 ISBNs: 1-58826-332-0 hc 1-58826-308-8 pb 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com i Contents Acknowledgments ix Map of Southern Africa xi 1 Introduction: Southern Africa as Region 1 Southern Africa as a Region 3 Theory and Southern Africa 8 Country Case Studies 11 Organization of the Book 15 2 Malawi: Institutionalizing Multipartyism 19 Historical Origins of the Malawian State 21 Society and Development: Regional and Ethnic Cleavages and the Politics of Pluralism 25 Organization of the State 30 Representation and Participation 34 Fundamentals of the Political Economy 40 Challenges for the Twenty-First Century 43 3 Zambia: Civil Society Resurgent 45 Historical Origins of the Zambian State 48 Society and Development: Zambia’s Ethnic and Racial Cleavages 51 Organization of the State 53 v vi Contents Representation and Participation 59 Fundamentals of the Political Economy 68 Challenges for the Twenty-First Century 75 4 Botswana: Dominant Party Democracy 81 Historical Origins of the Botswana State 83 Organization of the State 87 Representation and Participation 93 Fundamentals of the Political Economy 101 Challenges for the Twenty-First Century 104 5 Mozambique: Reconstruction and Democratization 109 Historical Origins of the Mozambican State 113 Society and Development: Enduring Cleavages -
Frontline States of Southern Africa: the Case for Closer Co-Operation', Atlantic Quarterly (1984), II, 67-87
Zambezia (1984/5), XII. THE FRONT-LINE STATES, SOUTH AFRICA AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN SECURITY: MILITARY PROSPECTS AND PERSPECTIVES* M. EVANS Department of History, University of Zimbabwe SINCE 1980 THE central strategic feature of Southern Africa has been the existence of two diametrically opposed political, economic and security groupings in the subcontinent. On one hand, there is South Africa and its Homeland satellite system which Pretoria has hoped, and continues to hope, will be the foundation stone for the much publicized, but as yet unfulfilled, Constellation of Southern African States (CONSAS) - first outlined in 1979 and subsequently reaffirmed by the South African Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, in November 1983.1 On the other hand, there is the diplomatic coalition of independent Southern African Front-line States consisting of Angola, Botswana, Mozambi- que, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This grouping, originally containing the first five states mentioned, emerged in 1976 in order to crisis-manage the Rhodesia- Zimbabwe war, and it was considerably strengthened when the resolution of the conflict resulted in an independent Zimbabwe becoming the sixth Front-line State in 1980.2 Subsequently, the coalition of Front-line States was the driving force behind the creation of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) and was primarily responsible for blunting South Africa's CONSAS strategy in 1979-80. The momentous rolling back of Pretoria's CONSAS scheme can, in retrospect, be seen as the opening phase in an ongoing struggle between the Front-line States and South Africa for diplomatic supremacy in Southern Africa in the 1980s. Increasingly, this struggle has become ominously militarized for the Front Line; therefore, it is pertinent to begin this assessment by attempting to define the regional conflictuai framework which evolved from the initial confrontation of 1979-80 between the Front-line States and South Africa. -
Frican O Fere Ce Veo Me
WASHINGTON OFFICE ON AFRICA EDUCATIONAL FUN D 110 Maryland Avenue, NE. Washington, DC 20002. 202/546-7961 --~--cc: frican veo me o fere ce hat is DCC? The Southern African Development Coordination Con ference (SADCC) (pronounc~d "saddick") is an associ ation of nlne major y-r led a e of outhern Afrlca. Through reglonal cooperation SADCC work to ac celerate economic growt ,improve the living condi tions of the people of outhern Africa, and reduce the dependence of member ate on South Afrlc8. SADCC is primarily an economic grouping of states with a variety of ideologies, and which have contacts with countries from ail blocs. It seeks cooperation and support from the interna tional community as a whole: Who i SA CC? The Member States of SADCC are: Angola* Bot wana* Le otho Malawi Mozambique* .Swaziland • The forging of links between member states in order to regiona~ Tanzania*' create genuine and equitable integration; Zambia* • The mobilization of resources to promote the imple Zimbabwe* mentation of national, interstate and regional policies; The liberation movements of southern Africa recognized by • Concerted action to secure international cooperation the Organization of African Unity (the African National within the framework of SADCC's strategy of economic Congress, the Pan African Congress and the South West Iiberation. Africa People's Organization) are invited to SADCC Summit meeting's as obsérvers. At the inaugural meeting of SADCC, President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia said: What Are the Objective of SADCC? Let us now face the economic challenge. Let us form a powerful front against poverty and ail of its off • The reduction of economic dependence, particularly on shoots of hunger, ignorance, disease, crime and the Republic of South Africa; exploitation of man by man. -
Namibia and the Southern African Development Community Kaire M Mbuende*
Namibia and the Southern African Development Community Kaire M Mbuende* Introduction The relationship between Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) can be understood on the basis of the history and trajectories of the community on the one hand, and Namibia’s developmental objectives – of which its foreign policy is an instrument – on the other. This paper aims to shed light on SADC’s integration agenda and Namibia’s participation in it. At the same time, the discussion intends to contribute to an understanding of Namibia’s foreign policy as exemplified by its participation in the SADC regional integration scheme. SADC is a product of the unique historical circumstances of southern Africa. The countries1 of the region cemented their cooperation in pursuing the political agenda of liberating themselves from the yoke of colonialism through the Frontline States (FLS). In 1980, an economic dimension was added to the political cooperation through a different entity, the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC),2 with broader membership than the FLS. The agenda for economic cooperation and development aimed at complementing the political strategy. SADCC’s primary objective was to reduce the region’s economic dependency on apartheid South Africa, and to enable them to effectively support the struggle for the independence of Namibia and the democratisation of South Africa. With the independence of Namibia and the imminent demise of apartheid in South Africa, SADCC was reconstituted as SADC3 in 1992. The new body aimed at attaining a higher level of cooperation that –4 … would enable the countries of the region to address problems of national development, and cope with the challenges posed by a changing, and increasingly complex, regional and global environment more effectively. -
World Economic Forum on Africa
World Economic Forum on Africa List of Participants As of 7 April 2014 Cape Town, South Africa, 8-10 May 2013 Jon Aarons Senior Managing Director FTI Consulting United Kingdom Muhammad Programme Manager Center for Democracy and Egypt Abdelrehem Social Peace Studies Khalid Abdulla Chief Executive Officer Sekunjalo Investments Ltd South Africa Asanga Executive Director Lakshman Kadirgamar Sri Lanka Abeyagoonasekera Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies Mahmoud Aboud Capacity Development Coordinator, Frontline Maternal and Child Health Empowerment Project, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Sudan Fatima Haram Acyl Commissioner for Trade and Industry, African Union, Addis Ababa Jean-Paul Adam Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Seychelles Tawia Esi Director, Ghana Legal Affairs Newmont Ghana Gold Ltd Ghana Addo-Ashong Adekeye Adebajo Executive Director The Centre for Conflict South Africa Resolution Akinwumi Ayodeji Minister of Agriculture and Rural Adesina Development of Nigeria Tosin Adewuyi Managing Director and Senior Country JPMorgan Nigeria Officer, Nigeria Olufemi Adeyemo Group Chief Financial Officer Oando Plc Nigeria Olusegun Aganga Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment of Nigeria Vikram Agarwal Vice-President, Procurement Unilever Singapore Anant Agarwal President edX USA Pascal K. Agboyibor Managing Partner Orrick Herrington & Sutcliffe France Aigboje Managing Director Access Bank Plc Nigeria Aig-Imoukhuede Wadia Ait Hamza Manager, Public Affairs Rabat School of Governance Morocco & Economics -
Southern Africa Under Threat*
SOUTHERN AFRICA UNDER THREAT* The nine IIIAjority-ruled states of southern Africa--1\ngola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zi.JIIbabwe--entered 1982 facing two threats: a threat of economic crisis, and a threat of destabilisation fraa the Republic of South Africa. Both problema have roots in the his torical develop~~ent of a reqional econaay dominated by SOUth Africa. The countries to its north rely on trade for their prosperity, and are ill- prepared for the shocks of world reces sion. They are to varying degrees vulnerable to SOUth Africa' s recent escalation of economic pressure and military attack. The first reaction of the IIIAjority-ruled states has been to seek a united position, through the foriiiAtion of the Southern African Development co-ordination COnference (SADCC) to co ordinate efforts for economic development and to reduce economic dependence on South Africa. The reaction of the West has been to offer support to SADCC, but at the same time to adopt a policy of conciliation towards South Africa. This conciliation has not restrained South Africa and appears to have encouraged even more aggressive actions against its neighbours. Firm pressure is needed if the majority-ruled states are to prosper. The alter native is poverty, disorder, and the opportunity for foreign intervention. The Individual States The nine countries have a combined population of almost sixty million people. They vary in population from swaziland's half-million people to eighteen million in Tanzania, and in area from Lesotho--about the size of Wales--to 1\ngola, over twice the size of France. -
America Needs a New South Africa Policy
AMERICA NEEDS A NEW SOUTH AFRICA POLICY JESSE L. JACKSON For many years now, while serving in the trenches of the Civil Rights Movement, and through the days of my involvement in the new movements of electoral politics, public policy, and economic development, I have carried with me an abiding concern with the future of Africa and of South Africa in particular. In these various endeavors, I have been keenly aware of the fact that the national goals of most groups in America have seldom been realized within a domestic context alone. It was the distinguished scholar, Dr. W.E.B. DuBois, who long ago said: "One ever feels his two-ness - an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder." In the continuing attempt to reconcile the heritage of Africa with that of America, generations of African and African-American leaders such as Paul Robeson, Roy Wilkins, Kwame Nkrumah, Martin Luther King, Jr., Julius Nyerere, and others have asserted the right and the obligation to become involved in the shaping of policy in their respective countries toward this end. These leaders allowed the blood and heritage of two continents to enable them to reconcile separate but related strivings and to help bridge the gap to make way for the lasting converging of interests of America and Africa. I stand firmly in the tradition of this legacy, as I discuss with you an African-American view of U.S. foreign policy toward the region of Southern Africa. -
Transformation
IFC AnnualIFC Report 2020 Transformation Transformation Annual Report 2020 CONTENTS Letter from the IFC Board 2 Letter from David Malpass, World Bank Group President 4 Letter from Philippe Le Houérou, IFC Chief Executive Officer 8 Our Management Team 13 STRATEGY IN ACTION 14 IFC Year in Review 38 FY20 Financial Highlights 40 FY20 Operational Highlights 41 World Bank Group 2020 Summary Results 44 COUNTRY STORIES 48 Creating Markets 50 Supporting Growth 60 Driving Sustainability 70 ABOUT US 78 Our Purpose 79 Measuring Up 89 Our People & Practices 97 Additional information is available on IFC’s Annual Report 2020 website: www.ifc.org/AnnualReport. Cover: The COVID-19 crisis transformed the world as we know it, exacting a massive toll on everyone, but especially the world’s poorest and most vulnerable. Over the last four years, IFC has also undergone a transformation. As a result of these changes, we are now far better equipped to help lay the seeds of a more resilient, inclusive, and sustainable recovery. For developing countries, such an outcome could be truly transformative. IFC — a member of the World Bank Group — is the largest global development institution focused on the private sector in emerging markets. We work in more than 100 countries, using our capital, expertise, and influence to create markets and opportunities in developing countries. In fiscal year 2020, we invested $22 billion in private companies and financial institutions in developing countries, leveraging the power of the private sector to end extreme poverty and boost shared prosperity. For more information, visit www.ifc.org. IFC ANNUAL REPORT 2020 1 LETTER FROM THE IFC BOARD IFC BOARD We are facing one of the most challenging times address the drivers and impacts of FCV and in for development since the creation of the World strengthening resilience, with a focus on the most Bank in 1944.