Southern Africa a Teaching & Study Guide to Accompany the Africa Record and Video

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Southern Africa a Teaching & Study Guide to Accompany the Africa Record and Video ".IF.II.I.I:.". FRONTLINE: SOUTHERN AFRICA A TEACHING & STUDY GUIDE TO ACCOMPANY THE A.F.R.I. C.A. RECORD AND VIDEO "A.F.R.I.C.A. ": A LYRIC FOR LIBERATION (G. Bolton, A. Hamilton) LEARN THE WORDS- LEARN WHAT'S BEHIND THE WORDS CHORUS: ...I A-F-R-I-C-A, ANGOLA, SOWETO*, ZIMBABWE, TANZANIA, ZAMBIA, MOZAMBIQUE AND BOTSWANA SO LET US SPEAK! ABOUT THE MOTHERLAND! I know this girl whose name is Lola Apartheid, it's nothing less than conspicuous She lives in a country called Angola Anti-black and pro-ridiculous Her president's name is Dos Santos Feel it in ya' heart 'cause it's so for real And a man named Savimbi playin' him too close But in the mind it develops and becomes the deal She says "Hey, brothers, my country's in a war, we are As the struggle survives South Africans rely Fightin' rebels backed by Pretoria" On us and U-N-1-T-Y Upon bearin' this I was pretty upset, you know what? Thinkin' back as a slave, bonded in those chains continues I went and told the STET and the STET said The thoughts of being free was never the same Some committed suicide 'cause times were harsh Yo ... is Lola's last name Falana? And the ones who survived they got brainwashed No! Well my cousin lives in Botswana. From lightning and thunder hails the storm Aie they in war too? We can never forget 'cause the struggle lives on Is a heel on a shoe? My man, they know apartheid like I Release the chains or history will burst know you! Mandela, Mugabe, he's first, freedom's power The president is Masire, the capital Gaborone This is Africa's hour the unforgotten people in our... Where the fight for freedom is a universal tone. So are you with it? I'm in beyond a shadow of doubt. CHORUS Well let's spell it on, spell it on, spell it on out! South Africa no free neither are we CHORUS Those are our brothers and sisters across the sea I'm speaking for the STET and we make a plea I've seen the 1V report and I watched it all week To fight apartheid, everybody That Samora Machel of Mozambique To fight against de wicked and help Mugabe Was killed in a crash that couldn't be explained To fight apartheid and assist Nyerere Yo, D. I wanna break! Yo, brother, refrain! Support the MK and the ANC Kenneth Kaunda's in Zambia, I'm in America We wanna see Nelson and Winnie free SWAPO's in Namibia, Nyerere's in Tanzania You don't know, you need to study Mugabe's in Harare, Jesse just came back And when you do we're sure you'll agree From the homeland, the green and the black! So let's They need help but so do we spell it out! Them with their government Us with mentality CHORUS CHORUS *SOWETO is a black township in South Africa. It is not a © 1987, Tee Girl Music (BMI) Frontline State. It is referred to in this song because it is a All rights reserved. center of resistance to apartheid. Lyrics reprinted by permission. This study guide is designed to accompany the anti-Apartheid "A.F.R.I.C.A." rap record and video produced by Tommy Boy Music, 1747 First Avenue, New York City 10128. Buy the record in your local record store, or order the record, video and teaching guide from The Africa Fund, 198 Broadway, New York, NY 10038, (212) 962-1210. The A.F.R.I.C.A. Study Guide 1 •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• A MESSAGE FROM THE STET Before we wrote the songA.F.R.I.C.A., some of us thoughtMrica was one big country. We never learned about the many countries on the continent. For most of us, Africa was far away. Another world. It was someone else's problem. When we started to check it out, we found out that the people there have names, families, and dreams -just like us. We realized that most of our group's families came from Africa - originally. Not because they wanted to, but because they were slaves. There are other connections between them and us. For one thing, we all want freedom. We all want justice, to feed ourselves, to have decent houses .. The whole deal! The system of slavery they call apartheid makes some people rich, and keeps a lot of folks poor. The Black people get the worst treatment. Big companies from our country are over there making money off the racist system. Also, our government seems to want to go along and get along with Apartheid. A.F.R.I.C.A. expresses how we feel about the situation. We hope that people who hear our words - and feel the beat - will learn more about the countries, leaders, movements and problems of "our brothers and sisters across the sea." It's not enough to know what you are against. You also have to know who you are for- and why. This study guide is filled with information. If you're a teacher, please educate your students about apartheid. If you're a student, encourage your teacher to share it with your class. We don't care who you are. There are facts in here that everyone needs to know. 2 The A.F.R.I.C.A. Study Guide •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• HERE'S A MAP OF SOUTHERN AFRICA: CAN YOU FILL IN THE NAMES OF THE COUNTRIES? ANGOLA BOTSWANA MOZAMBIQUE NAMIBIA SOUTH AFRICA TANZANIA ZAMBIA ZIMBABWE £\ ~.~ .. Maseru , Lla..Q_urban \LESOTHO"· .. ~::-..· .' · INDIAN OCEAN km 200 400 600 . ... mls 200 400 Southern Mrica credit: Joseph Hanlon. Apartheid's Second Front (Penguin Books. 1986). The A.F.R.I.C.A. Study Guide 3 •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• "YOU DON'T KNOW, YOU NEED TO STUDY" -From Stetsasonic's rap A.F.R.I.C.A. WHERE IS APARTHEID? If your answer is South Africa you're only half right. Apartheid- pronounced apart-hate- is a product of South Africa. It is a system oflegalized racism that keeps all political power in the hands ofSouthAfrica's 4.5 million whites. South Africa's 25 million blacks have no rights. They are not allowed to vote, run for government office, or live where they want to. Housing, education, and health care are separate and unequal. And so are jobs and wages. • In South Africa, 87 percent of the land is reserved for whites. while the black majority is being pushed into overcrowded and barren rural areas that cover just 13 percent of the country. • In some black areas, half the children die before they reach age five. • Since 1984, thousands ofblacks have been killed by the South African army and police. Tens of thousands more have been arrested and tortured because of their opposition to apartheid. Almost half of the victims have been children. If you were in South Africa you could be arrested just for having this teaching guide. But you probably don't know how apartheid affects the lives of the 70 million people who live in southern Africa - in the countries near South Africa. You might not have heard that apartheid kills a black child in southern Africa every four minutes. You might not have known that South Africa has been waging war on its neighbors for over a decade. You might not know that 100,000 South African troops occupy another country and that millions of people in southern Africa are starving because of apartheid's war. This study guide is designed to help teachers and students use the A.F.R.I.C.A. song and video to learn how apartheid affects the whole region. To understand the "rap behind the rap," aL.d get involved to help end the hate that is apartheid. 4 The A.F.R.I.C.A. Study Guide •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• "A young child dies every four minutes as a result of South Africa's destablization." -"Children on the Frontline" A United Nations Report THE WAR IN SOUTHERN AFRICA We have all heard about the violence inside South Africa. South Mrica's government, desperate to maintain white minority rule, faces a growing threat from the peoples' demand for an end to apartheid. South Mrica's black majority is fighting back. This is the war in South Mrica. But there is a war in southern Africa as well. The war in southern Africa directly involves seven countries - Angola, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland - and the territory of Namibia, which is illegally occupied and ruled by South Africa. The term "Frontline States" refers to the five largest of these countries near South Africa -Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe - and Tanzania, which is farther north. These independent countries are called Frontline States because they actively support the struggle for freedom inside South Africa. Apartheid South Mrica is also threatened by the very existence of countries that are governed by their black majority. If these countries succeed in creating societies free of racism and exploitation, then they demonstrate the moral bankruptcy of apartheid. Some of these The A.F.R.I.C.A. Study Guide 5 •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• countries have enormous economic potential because of their wealth of natural resources. They offer a powerful example to the black majority in South Africa. So, apartheid South Africa is striking out militarily and economically, trying to destroy them. It's not a fair fight. South Africa is much strange~ militarily and economically The Frontline States are very poor. Many have recently won their independence from the countries that exploited them as colonies.
Recommended publications
  • U.S. Optimism on Namibia Losing Credibility
    Vol. 2, No. 4 Summer 1982 The Black American Lobby for Africa and the Caribbean military build-up inside Namibia ... new airports and military bases are be~ ing constructed and aggression against COMOROS the people of Angola continues daily.'' Mo~o~ While the military activities of South Africa tend to contradict the US state­ ments on Pretoria's intentions, the M(JADAGASfAR stated achievements in the talks them­ ananvo selves have recently come under ques­ tion. Phase I of the negotiations, which addresses the issues of Constitutional Principles to guarantee white minority rights and the electoral system, is still unfinished. Though the Contact Group had the Security Council circulate a document said to represent the agreed upon Con­ Southern A/rica stitutional Principles, it does not accu­ rately reflect the final agreements .._....... reached earlier this year. The docu­ ment omits 3 important provisions re­ SWAPO President Sam Nujoma: ''The occupation forces are still expanding'' lating to the relationship between the three branches of government (which was to be defined by the Constituent U.S. OPTIMISM ON NAMIBIA Assembly); the restructuring of the LOSING CREDIBILITY Public, Police and Defense services; and, the establishment of local councils The State Department continues to write the new nation's constitution. or regional administration only by an speak optimistically about prospects What has held up Namibia's transition act of parliament. for a Namibia settlement despite the to statehood is South Africa's refusal The electoral issue was said to be passage of a mid-August target date to begin the implementation of near resolution when South Africa for concluding an agreement in the 4 UNSCR435.
    [Show full text]
  • Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
    CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920).
    [Show full text]
  • The Sir Ketumile Masire Factor in the Making of Botswana As an ‘African Miracle’
    Botswana Notes and Records, Volume 50, 2018 The Sir Ketumile Masire Factor in the Making of Botswana as an ‘African Miracle’ Emmanuel Botlhale∗ Abstract Economic growth and development are associated with or caused by many variables one of which is leadership. The functional approach of leadership holds that leadership is not about an individual and his/her attributes. Rather, it is about a group and its attributes. However, it is unwieldy to focus on the role of the entire leadership in impacting macro-economic outcomes such as economic growth and development. Therefore, this paper discusses Sir Ketumile Masire’s role in shaping Botswana’s economic and development trajectory as founding Deputy Prime Minister, founding Vice President and Finance Minister and, latterly, President. It concludes that he provided leadership which very favourably circumstanced Botswana to become a relative economic and developmental success. In the process, the country earned accolades such as the ‘African Miracle’. However, serious macro-economic challenges such as persistent poverty and massive income inequality detract from these economic and developmental achievements. Hence, there is a need to determinedly address them to ensure prosperity for all or at least for the great majority of the country’s citizens. Introduction To establish relationships between variables (say X and Y), statistical concepts of correlation (associational relationship) and causation (cause and effect) are vital. Even though the two are related, they are also different. Furthermore, correlation does not imply causation. In this regard, a famous slogan in statistics cautions that ‘correlation does not imply causation’ (Mumford and Anjum 2013:1). Therefore, ‘even if there is a very strong association between two variables we cannot assume that one causes the other’ (McLeod 2008:1).
    [Show full text]
  • The Decline in the Role of Chieftainship in Elections Geoffrey Barei Democracy Research Project University of Botswana
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, Vol.14 No,1 (2000) The decline in the role of chieftainship in elections Geoffrey Barei Democracy Research Project University of Botswana Abstract This article focuses on three districts of Botswana, namely Central District, Ngwaketse District and Kgatleng District. It argues that as a result of the role played by the institution of chieftainship in elections, certain voting paltems that are discussed in the conceptual framework can be associated with it. The extent to which chieftainship has influenced electoral outcomes varies from one area to another. Introduction Chieftainship was the cornerstone of Botswana's political life, both before and during the colonial era, After independence in 1966 the institution underwent drastic reforms in terms of role, influence and respect Despite the introduction of a series of legislation by the post-colonial government that has curtailed and eroded the power of chiefs, it still plays a crucial role in the lives of ordinary people in rural areas, Sekgoma (1993:413) argues that the reform process that has affected chieftainship so far is irreversible, The government is not under pressure to repeal parts of the Acts that
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control? Alvin W
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Anthropology Faculty Publications Anthropology 1970 Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control? Alvin W. Wolfe [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/ant_facpub Part of the Anthropology Commons Scholar Commons Citation Wolfe, Alvin W., "Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control?" (1970). Anthropology Faculty Publications. 10. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/ant_facpub/10 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. f.~m NONALIGNED THIRD WORLD ANNUAL 1970 ';;~~: Books International ot DH-T~ %n~ernational St. Louis, Missouri, USA . \ ESCAPE ROUTE ALVINW. WOLFE* THE FIRST REQUISITE for African development is that African countries combine what little wealth and power they have toward the end of getting a greater share of the products of world industry. They may be able to get that greater share by forcing through better terms of trade or better terms in aid, but they will never get any greater share by continuing along present paths, whereby each weak and poor country "negotiates" separately with strong and rich developed countries and supranational emities such as the World Bank and major private companies. If they hope to break thos.e ne,ocolonial bonds, Africans must unite-
    [Show full text]
  • Namibia Since Geneva
    NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andr6 du Pisani OCCASIONAL PAPER GELEEIUTHEIDSPUBUKASIE >-'''' •%?'"' DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONAIE AANGEIEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Mr. Andre du Pisani is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Africa. He is an acknowledged authority on SWA/Namibia, with numerous publications to his credit. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andre du Pisani Contents Introduction Page 1 Premises of the West f. 1 Geneva: Backfrop and Contextual Features ,,.... 2 The Reagan Initiative - Outline of a position ........... 6 Rome - a New Equation Emerges T... 7 May - Pik Botha visits Washington ,.. tT,. f 7 South Africa's Bedrock Bargaining Position on Namibia ... 8 Clark Visit 8 Unresolved issues and preconditions t.. 8 Nairobi - OAU Meeting , 9 Mudge and Kalangula.Visit the US 9 Ottawa Summit '. , 10 Crocker meets SWAPO t 10 The Contact Group meets in Paris , , 10 Operation Protea T T 12 Constructive Engagement. - Further Clarifications 13 Confidence-building - The Crocker Bush Safari , 15 Prospects ,, 16 ISBN: 0 - 909239 - 95 - 9 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa November 1981 Introduction The purpose of this paper is to reflect on diplomatic efforts by the Western powers to reach a negotiated settlement of the Namibian saga. Understandably one can only reflect on the major features of what has become a lengthy diplomatic soap opera with many actors on the stage.
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Power Movement
    A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr. and Sharon Harley The Black Power Movement Part 1: Amiri Baraka from Black Arts to Black Radicalism Editorial Adviser Komozi Woodard Project Coordinator Randolph H. Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Black power movement. Part 1, Amiri Baraka from Black arts to Black radicalism [microform] / editorial adviser, Komozi Woodard; project coordinator, Randolph H. Boehm. p. cm.—(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by a printed guide, compiled by Daniel Lewis, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. ISBN 1-55655-834-1 1. Afro-Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century—Sources. 2. Black power—United States—History—Sources. 3. Black nationalism—United States— History—20th century—Sources. 4. Baraka, Imamu Amiri, 1934– —Archives. I. Woodard, Komozi. II. Boehm, Randolph. III. Lewis, Daniel, 1972– . Guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. IV. Title: Amiri Baraka from black arts to Black radicalism. V. Series. E185.615 323.1'196073'09045—dc21 00-068556 CIP Copyright © 2001 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-834-1. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Southern Africa: State and Society in Transition
    EXCERPTED FROM Politics in Southern Africa: State and Society in Transition Gretchen Bauer and Scott D. Taylor Copyright © 2005 ISBNs: 1-58826-332-0 hc 1-58826-308-8 pb 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com i Contents Acknowledgments ix Map of Southern Africa xi 1 Introduction: Southern Africa as Region 1 Southern Africa as a Region 3 Theory and Southern Africa 8 Country Case Studies 11 Organization of the Book 15 2 Malawi: Institutionalizing Multipartyism 19 Historical Origins of the Malawian State 21 Society and Development: Regional and Ethnic Cleavages and the Politics of Pluralism 25 Organization of the State 30 Representation and Participation 34 Fundamentals of the Political Economy 40 Challenges for the Twenty-First Century 43 3 Zambia: Civil Society Resurgent 45 Historical Origins of the Zambian State 48 Society and Development: Zambia’s Ethnic and Racial Cleavages 51 Organization of the State 53 v vi Contents Representation and Participation 59 Fundamentals of the Political Economy 68 Challenges for the Twenty-First Century 75 4 Botswana: Dominant Party Democracy 81 Historical Origins of the Botswana State 83 Organization of the State 87 Representation and Participation 93 Fundamentals of the Political Economy 101 Challenges for the Twenty-First Century 104 5 Mozambique: Reconstruction and Democratization 109 Historical Origins of the Mozambican State 113 Society and Development: Enduring Cleavages
    [Show full text]
  • DSE Suid-Afrikaanse INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE the SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE of INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
    DSE SUiD-AFRiKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Jan Smuts House/-Huis P.O. Box/Posbus 31596 1 Jan Smuts Avenue/Laan 1 2017 Braamfontein Braamfontein, Johannesburg South Africa/Suid-Afrika Tel: 39-2021/22/23 T.A. 'Insintaff' Johannesburg Brief Report Tfo. 40 Not for Publication BOTSWANA PKCEOT HISTORY AND CUPPENT DEVELOPMENTS Botswana,1 one of South Africa's closest neighbours, has recently been subject to some press interest. At the end of "Wl, the focus was on Botswana's military capability and the Possibility that Botswana had received arms from the Soviet Union. In May this year, it was reported that Botswana's President, Dr Ouett Masire, had declared a State of anergency in the face of widespread drought in Botswana. This Brief Report deals with recent developments in Botswana and is divided into : 1) Background Information and Statistics 2) Political Background 3) Economic Developments 4) Poreicm Policy Issues 5) An Assessment — 2 — 1. BACKGROUND BSIFOPMfiTION AMD STATISTICS Political Status % Formerly the British Protectorate of Bechuanaland and one of the three High Commission Territories, gained independence from Britain on 30 September 1966, under the .leadership of the late Sir Seretse Khama. Present Ruling Party - Within a Multi-Party system is the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). President • Dr Quett Masire, who took office on 13 -July 19£0? is an Executive President and also Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. The National Assembly % legislative newer vested in the 36-member National Assembly and 15-member Advisory Rouse of Chiefs. Life of Assembly is 5 years„ Population, s.
    [Show full text]
  • Frontline States of Southern Africa: the Case for Closer Co-Operation', Atlantic Quarterly (1984), II, 67-87
    Zambezia (1984/5), XII. THE FRONT-LINE STATES, SOUTH AFRICA AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN SECURITY: MILITARY PROSPECTS AND PERSPECTIVES* M. EVANS Department of History, University of Zimbabwe SINCE 1980 THE central strategic feature of Southern Africa has been the existence of two diametrically opposed political, economic and security groupings in the subcontinent. On one hand, there is South Africa and its Homeland satellite system which Pretoria has hoped, and continues to hope, will be the foundation stone for the much publicized, but as yet unfulfilled, Constellation of Southern African States (CONSAS) - first outlined in 1979 and subsequently reaffirmed by the South African Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, in November 1983.1 On the other hand, there is the diplomatic coalition of independent Southern African Front-line States consisting of Angola, Botswana, Mozambi- que, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This grouping, originally containing the first five states mentioned, emerged in 1976 in order to crisis-manage the Rhodesia- Zimbabwe war, and it was considerably strengthened when the resolution of the conflict resulted in an independent Zimbabwe becoming the sixth Front-line State in 1980.2 Subsequently, the coalition of Front-line States was the driving force behind the creation of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) and was primarily responsible for blunting South Africa's CONSAS strategy in 1979-80. The momentous rolling back of Pretoria's CONSAS scheme can, in retrospect, be seen as the opening phase in an ongoing struggle between the Front-line States and South Africa for diplomatic supremacy in Southern Africa in the 1980s. Increasingly, this struggle has become ominously militarized for the Front Line; therefore, it is pertinent to begin this assessment by attempting to define the regional conflictuai framework which evolved from the initial confrontation of 1979-80 between the Front-line States and South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • NKRUMAH, Kwame
    Howard University Digital Howard @ Howard University Manuscript Division Finding Aids Finding Aids 10-1-2015 NKRUMAH, Kwame MSRC Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://dh.howard.edu/finaid_manu Recommended Citation Staff, MSRC, "NKRUMAH, Kwame" (2015). Manuscript Division Finding Aids. 149. https://dh.howard.edu/finaid_manu/149 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Finding Aids at Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Manuscript Division Finding Aids by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 BIOGRAPHICAL DATA Kwame Nkrumah 1909 September 21 Born to Kobina Nkrumah and Kweku Nyaniba in Nkroful, Gold Coast 1930 Completed four year teachers' course at Achimota College, Accra 1930-1935 Taught at Catholic schools in the Gold Coast 1939 Received B.A. degree in economics and sociology from Lincoln University, Oxford, Pennsylvania. Served as President of the African Students' Association of America and Canada while enrolled 1939-1943 Taught history and African languages at Lincoln University 1942 Received S.T.B. [Bachelor of Theology degree] from Lincoln Theological Seminary 1942 Received M.S. degree in Education from the University of Pennsylvania 1943 Received A.M. degree in Philosophy from the University of Pennsylvania 1945-1947 Lived in London. Attended London School of Economics for one semester. Became active in pan-Africanist politics 1947 Returned to Gold Coast and became General Secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention 1949 Founded the Convention Peoples' Party (C.P.P.) 2 1949 Publication of What I Mean by Positive Action 1950-1951 Imprisoned on charge of sedition and of fomenting an illegal general strike 1951 February Elected Leader of Government Business of the Gold Coast 1951 Awarded Honorary LL.D.
    [Show full text]
  • 1291St GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Friday, 4 December 1964
    United Nations 1291st GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Friday, 4 December 1964,. at 3 p.m. NINETEENTH SESSION Official Records NEW YORK CONTENTS we weep for you. We do not forget you in the day of Page our triumph. We say for you in the words of the 126th psalm: 'Turn again our captivity, 0 Lord ..• Address by Mr. Kenneth]{aunda, Presidentolthe they that sow in tears shall reap in joy I• " Republic 01 Zambia. ................. 1 7. My people and I believe that we have a special President: Mr. Alex QU AlSO N-SACKE Y association with this great· Assembly. In our joy we (Ghana). are close, for you will know that we chose for the day of our independence 24 October 1964, United Nations Day. Each year, on our Independence Day, Address by Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, President of the we shall be rejoicing with all people in the birth of Republic of Zambia the United Nations. 1. The PRESIDENT: The General Assembly will now 8. In sadness too we are close; for you all know that hear an address by Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, President it was in OUT country that Dag HammarskjOld, then of the Republic of Zambia. Secretary-General. died on his way to a mission of peace and reconciliation. We honour his memory The Pfesidentol the Republic ofZambia was escorted and mourn his loss, but his spirit endures in this into the General Assembly Hall. place, and I and my people salute it. 2. The PRESIDENT: I now invite Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, 9. Our young diplomats received some oftheir train­ President of the Republic of Zambia, to address the ing this year under the auspices of the Dag Ham­ General Assembly.
    [Show full text]