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This paper looks at the emergence of the as the guiding principle of the government of , and at what implications it has for volunteering in the UK. It is argued that because the Third Way emphasises the development of civil society, this implies a central role for voluntary action. But the government’s current policies - apart, of course, from volunteer-specific initiatives - need examining to assess their impact on the development of volunteering, as some are clearly hindering it.

Volunteering for Blair: The Third Way Steven Howlett, Institute for Volunteering Research Michael Locke, Centre for Institutional Studies, University of East London

Introduction He talked of voluntary organisations, Volunteering and voluntary action are social entrepreneurs, community action assuming key roles in the policy and millions of people getting involved agenda of the Labour government. in the community. It was a speech that When the prime minister, Tony Blair, sought intellectual substance, outlining gave the keynote speech to ‘Third some of the history and philosophy of Sector, Third Way’, the annual voluntary action and relating this to conference of the National Council for government initiatives to support the Voluntary Organisations (NCVO), in rebuilding of communities. He asserted London in January 1999, he asked a that ‘government and community need ‘fundamental question’ about: each other’:

[What] kind of people we believe we That is why the Third Sector is such an are and what kind of people do we important part of the Third Way. want to become? This Third Way figures largely in the He focused attention on: prime minister’s thinking. But what is the Third Way? And how does it relate Each day, in communities across the to voluntary action? country, people act out their vision of Britain - rejecting selfishness and In this article we shall explore the embracing community . . . [On] what is debate about the Third Way and try to happening up and down this great analyse its implications for voluntary country - ordinary people making an action and the promotion of extraordinary difference. volunteering in the UK. V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 68

The hole in the middle and is hence an insidious attempt to According to the commentators who intervene socially). Others dismiss it as have assumed responsibility for ‘so much waffle’ ( outlining the intellectual foundations of 1998:13). Blairism, the Third Way is of great significance. Charles Leadbeater Standing for values (1998) believes it is the term around The key to understanding the Third which the character of Blairism will be Way is to see how the Labour Party debated - although at the same time he has been transformed under Blair’s acknowledges that the vagueness of leadership. John Sopel, in his the idea makes it easy to mock. The biography Blair the Moderniser (1995), Third Way has generated a vast describes how the Labour defeat in the amount of discussion, but so far it is 1992 general election represented a unclear how the concept will contribute critical point in Tony Blair’s vision of to policy development. what the Labour Party could do for Britain. The defeat vindicated Blair’s The Third Way is neither old-fashioned view that the party had not changed state nor statist social enough to become attractive to the , nor is it free market neo- electorate. The work of the Shadow liberalism (Giddens 1998a). But for Communications Agency and its focus authors such as Kay (1998), the groups had persuaded Labour to ditch temptation to define the concept by what a vast swathe of policies; but the it is not threatens to make a caricature of electorate still rejected the chance to it. vote in a Labour government (Anderson and Mann 1997). Blair was Some of the debate is shaping up convinced that something new was along party political lines - which is needed, that a new era needed a new disappointing, given that the Third Way government, and if that was to be a is based on the axiom that the old left- Labour government it needed to be led right divisions are irrelevant in the by a new sort of Labour Party. modern world. Those sympathetic to Blair admit that ‘with a refreshing Commentators have noted how Blair’s openness it is acknowledged that the style of governing is influenced by his precise details are still open’ (Mikosz Christian background and by the 1998:13). Those opposed to Labour ethical socialist political philosopher prefer to claim, as Michael Howard John Macmurray, who, Blair claimed, does (1998), that it is so all- was a pioneer of communitarian anti- encompassing that nobody is likely to liberalism (Anderson and Mann 1997). argue with it (he simultaneously argues The ideas of communitarianism, with that the Third Way is an its concern about the breakdown of acknowledgement of the fact that civilised modes of behaviour and the Labour cannot intervene economically decline of personal responsibility, V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 69

together with the call for values and an and active community that the ‘active society’ (Gauly 1998), have been individual thrives (Blair 1996a). absorbed into the language of New Labour. The question for Blair now was how to get his ideas about governance over to In Blair’s view, this emphasis on the public. For a while, it looked as responsible individuals did not sit though Labour was going to adopt comfortably with a party whose stakeholding as its Big Idea; after all, ideology appeared to the electorate to Blair had said as much: favour more state intervention. The There is a big idea left in politics. It restructuring of Clause Four was, for goes under a variety of names - Blair, an opportunity to make the party stakeholding, one nation, inclusion, appear more electable and to distance it community - but it is quite simple. It is from the constraints of ideology. Blair’s that no society can ever prosper Labour Party shifted its emphasis to economically or socially unless all its talking about mutual responsibility and people prosper, unless we use the common purpose, about strong talents and energies of all people communities being the basis of rather than just the few, unless we live individual freedom. up to the ambition to create a society where the community works for the Restructuring Clause Four was largely good of every individual, and every a symbolic act, but to some it individual works for the good of the suggested that Labour had lost sight of community (Blair 1996b: x-xi). its fundamental beliefs. It was not a question of defending Labour’s Stakeholding at the heart ideology, but a perception that: Around this time Will Hutton (1996) published The State We’re In, his view Without such principles New Labour of the problems facing Britain’s risks being no more than a group of economy and society. The fact that the well-intentioned men and women book became a best-seller seemed to making it up as they go along (Hutton show how willing people were to join in 1998a). the search for new ideas. In his critique of British capitalism, Hutton argued for Blair, however, had said that he and his a stakeholder economy that would party were guided by the ‘underlying involve the reform of the present system of values ‘which ‘was one of system, which is typified by the short- the Labour Party’s greatest strengths’. term approach of the City. Although the Moreover: book gained many supporters, there were also many who believed that My value system is based on a belief Hutton’s stakeholding was too much of about individuals and the society in a complement to the interventionist which they live. It is only in a strong German and Japanese economies. V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 70

Worse, for many it was too close to the views of Old Labour. Given the amount of capital Blair has invested in the concept of the Third Blair distanced himself from Hutton’s Way, it is impossible to escape the Keynesian and corporatist approach, conclusion that . . . Blair is deadly and consequently any idea Blair may serious about the need to construct a have had about a stakeholder distinctive ideological platform for the economy became modified into a plea centre left. The Third Way may be an for a stakeholder society. Once this ugly term with a chequered history, but distinction was made, the remit of it is not one of those New Labour stakeholding became imprecise, and phrases tested in a single speech and critics found it easy to demolish notions then discarded (such as ‘the giving of how a stakeholding society might society’) or, like ‘stakeholding’, seized come about (Plender 1997). Eventually upon without proper understanding of stakeholding was quietly filed in the its contemporary meaning. Blair has drawer labelled ‘non-starters’, to make invested sufficiently heavily in the Third way for the Third Way - even though Way game that he had better continue Hutton argues that many of the values to spend, or look foolish (New and ideas cited as belonging to the Statesman 1998:4) Third Way are part of the stakeholder agenda (Hutton 1998). Straddling the paradoxes In order to grasp what the Third Way Enter the Third Way means, we need to break out of Stakeholding seemed above all the comfortable ways of thinking. Its embodiment of Blair’s values. Roy argument is that, at the end of the Hattersley, who is often critical of Blair, twentieth century, the old left-right concedes that he is most definitely a divisions cannot accommodate the man of principle; the problem is that issues that need to be addressed: these principles are so all- today’s solutions are not on the same encompassing that ‘they can easily be continuum as yesterday’s. The Third mistaken for an elegant version of pub Way is an attempt to come to grips talk’ (Hattersley 1997). And there may with some apparent paradoxes. be the rub: stakeholding was said to Marquand (1998a) describes these as: exemplify Blair’s values, yet it crumpled how to square notions of individuality too easily under criticism, and the Third with maintaining that there is still a role Way is, as yet, even more amorphous. for collectivity; and how to govern in This time, however, Blair clearly wishes the post-Thatcher era of political to produce a coherent idea that can centralisation while being committed to withstand scrutiny - and furthermore, devolution at all levels. something that is workable and practical. In an editorial, the New The Third Way owes much to the Statesman noted: working relationship Blair developed V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 71

with Clinton’s Democrats whilst still in My view of this idea is very very clear. opposition. New Labour and the It is that it offers a way between not Democrats have a history of shared merely the politics of the new right - aims, and Labour received extensive laissez-faire, leave everything to the briefings on how Clinton won his markets, social indifference - and the elections. Blair and Clinton both believe politics of the new left - state control, that government must go beyond the old run everything through the centre - but arguments of left and right. Clinton that it also offers a way forward claimed: between the two types of left politics traditionally, one of which was We have moved beyond the sterile principled ... [one of which] was debate between those who say ‘pragmatic’, but which basically government is the enemy and those involved saying we just want to get the who say government is the answer. My same things more gradually. It’s an fellow Americans, we have found a attempt to say there’s a principled third way (quoted in Thompson and position which is also entirely sensible, Aikens 1998:22). and it is about taking the values of the left - , solidarity, The talks between Blair and Clinton community, democracy, liberty - and have as their basis US research into recasting them and reshaping them for how government can be made more the new world (Blair quoted in Kettle efficient, how democratic accountability 1998). can be increased and how the nature of the social contract between citizen Is this a clear enough vision of what and government is changing. The the Third Way is about, and can it enduring problem is to find a inform the electorate about how Labour philosophical base from which to tackle is to govern? Barry Knight (1998) has the task. Both Clinton and Blair noted that the search for a Third Way recognise the new problems that to bring together public, private and globalisation brings, and both are sure voluntary initiatives and create new that the old political divisions cannot blends of civil society and governance produce the answer (Lloyd and Bilefsky is ‘causing a strange mix of confusion 1998). and excitement’. But what effect will the Third Way have on volunteering? There is then a conviction that the Third Way is neither left nor right, nor Third Sector, Third Way even between the two, but is In The Third Way: The Renewal of something new and beyond, which , nonetheless has roots. Blair has (1998b) highlights the role that claimed that he knows what the Third voluntary work can play in fostering Way is: civil society. Volunteering, he argues, can contribute to a process of V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 72

deepening and widening democracy, promote citizenship, help to re- which is a basic part of the politics of establish a sense of community and the Third Way. Giddens suggests that make a crucial contribution to our equality as we know it has been shared aim of a just and inclusive defined in terms of the old left and society (Home Office 1998:2). right, but in the Third Way it can be defined differently. Thus, equality Thus, voluntary and community becomes defined as inclusion and organisations provide a vehicle for inequality as exclusion. transforming society and for individuals voluntary action contributes to that Such definitions can be seen to transformation. correspond to the structures that the government is establishing for tackling The Compact goes on to say: problems. Thus, the Social Exclusion Unit has a brief to identify and link The underlying philosophy of the issues which can inform action to Compact is that voluntary and prevent exclusion. Similarly, the community activity is fundamental to Voluntary and Community Unit (VCU) the development of a democratic, is being reorganised as the Active socially inclusive society. Voluntary and Community Unit (ACU), a new name community groups, as independent, which suggests that the focus is being not-for-profit organisations, bring placed on involving people within distinctive value to society and fulfil a communities. The current director of the role that is distinct from both the state VCU acknowledges that the and the market (Home Office 1998, transformation from VCU to ACU, paragraph 5). announced in Blair’s speech to the NCVO, will include work that stresses the value of involvement in community The question that must be asked is: action of all types (Webber 1999). How is this different from the way in which governments have previously Similarly, the Prime Minister’s message encouraged volunteering? It could in the Compact between government perhaps be argued that, from a Third and the voluntary sector emphasises Way perspective, volunteering is an the role of volunteering and voluntary end in itself. Services delivered by action: voluntary organisations and volunteers are as important as they ever were, but The work of voluntary and community the actual process of volunteering and organisations is central to the being involved in communities is just Government’s mission to make this the as important. One could say that the Giving Age. They enable individuals to government is rebranding volunteering contribute to the development of their as a Third Way activity. communities. By so doing, they V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 73

New Labour has started to put into with the Third Way, which has the practice policies designed to expand overarching aim of promoting an volunteering. These reflect the ethos inclusiveness that is more than just that former Home Office minister Alun economic. Michael outlined at the 1998 National Centre for Volunteering’s Geraldine Thus, Millennium Volunteers Aves Memorial Lecture when he said: exemplifies the logic of the Third Way. However, we should ask how far the Voluntary activity is the essential act of philosophy of the Third Way will help to citizenship (Michael, 1998). shape strategic thinking beyond isolated initiatives. Justin Davis Smith Initiatives aimed at encouraging (1998) in the launch issue of this volunteering include the Millennium journal showed that the attempts of the Volunteers scheme for young people, last Conservative prime minister, John which sets out to build partnerships Major, to promote volunteering through that emphasise inclusion. Once again, the Make a Difference programme the thinking behind the scheme foundered because of a lack of appears to link voluntary action with strategic thinking. It is salutary to citizenship; said of the remember that Major spoke strongly for scheme: volunteering as part of his vision of Englishness, and that his volunteering It will help to create a society in which policy might have emerged as an young people are offered the important ingredient of his moral claims opportunity to get involved in their on behalf of Conservatism. communities through voluntary activity. Millennium Volunteers will provide a If the government does want to springboard for them to do this. It will promote volunteering, it must help to create a society in which young recognise that volunteering-specific people are offered the opportunity both policies are only part of the answer. It to do something in their community must heed its own rhetoric about and benefit themselves from new ‘joined up’ policy. It is of little use awards (DfEE, 1999). aiming to promote voluntary activity if other policies contradict that aim. The Significantly, this initiative sets out to following are examples of where encourage involvement by all types of policies may impede voluntary activity. young people, whether they are employed, unemployed or in education. Currently, one of the chief ways in The focus is therefore on involvement which money is made available to as a way of increasing the participation projects designed to encourage of young people in civil society, rather volunteering and community action is than on volunteering as a means of through the Single Regeneration gaining employment. This is consistent Budget. The published guidance on V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 74

applying for regeneration money Current proposals to make volunteers repeats all the usual arguments about pay for their criminal records to be combating exclusion, getting people checked also seem to work against involved locally and so forth. involving more people in volunteering. Regeneration is clearly something that Although the need to screen people the Social Exclusion Unit takes an who volunteer to work with children, interest in - and so, quite obviously, will young people and vulnerable adults is the new Active Community Unit. And not disputed, the current proposals yet the Government Offices for the place the burden on volunteers or Regions, which currently co-ordinate voluntary organisations, and thus the SRB spend find it almost potentially deter volunteers from the impossible to supply meaningful data less well-off sections of society. Again, on how many people became involved these are likely to be people from the in volunteering in their communities as ‘socially excluded’ groups; and again, a result of the input of substantial this is not a good example of joined up amounts of government money. policy in action.

Another major inconsistency is evident Conclusions in the government’s attitude towards In this paper we have looked at the asylum seekers: it encourages active emergence of the Third Way and its citizenship by applicants for UK implications for volunteering. We have residency but prevents them from noted that Third Way politics place volunteering. This anomaly is thrown emphasis on the development of civil into yet sharper focus when the society and that this implies a central government is trying to encourage role for volunteering. However, aside everybody else to volunteer. Why set from volunteer-specific initiatives, we asylum seekers even further apart from have noted that all government policies the rest of society? need examining to assess their impact on the development of volunteering. There is also confusion about how volunteering by jobseekers is viewed. It is hard to see how the Third Way, as Almost by definition, unemployed it has been articulated so far, can people are more liable than most other answer many of the questions that people to suffer from social exclusion; volunteers and volunteer-involving and hence, one might assume, they organisations want answered. It may would benefit more from government not need to proceed much beyond policies aimed at encouraging broad moral exhortation, a signpost for involvement. However, this is not borne the journey: the Third Way is perhaps a out by the experience of jobseekers, moving spirit, not a policy statement or who find themselves at risk of losing programme. benefits if they take up voluntary work. David Marquand (1998b) in his ESRC V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 75

lecture ‘Must Labour Win?’ worried Harper Collins. about the fact that the Blair government had not resolved the Blair, T. (1996b), New Britain. My tension in Labour thinking between Vision of a Young Country, Fourth concentration and diffusion of power. Estate. Although the logic of Blairism tended towards diffusion and pluralism, the Davis Smith, J. (1998), ‘Making a uneasy suspicion is that it may in fact Difference: Can Governments Influence reinforce concentration and Volunteering?’, Voluntary Action, 1(1), centralisation. pages 7-20.

Blair’s NCVO speech reveals a similar Department for Education and tension - perhaps another paradox of Employment (1999), ‘£48M to the Third Way. He talked of ‘millions of Encourage Young People to be people making millions of decisions’, of Volunteers’, DfEE Press Release, 21 voluntary and community organisations January. in the plural, and occasionally of ‘communities’, but he emphasised Gauly, T. (1998), The Future of Liberty, common purpose and ‘the community’ Phoenix. in the singular. He espoused plurality but sounded unitary. There is room to Giddens, A. (1998a), ‘The Left’s develop both diversity and common Paralysis’, , 1 May, purpose in what Marquand (1998b), pages 18-21. echoing Karl Popper, referred to as the Open Society, but that demands a Giddens, A. (1998b), The Third Way. proclamation and a strategy of The Renewal of Social Democracy, pluralism. It could be that the way in Polity Press. which government support for voluntary action and volunteering works to Hattersley, R. (1998), ‘Tony Blair resolve that paradox will prove to be Finally Gets Some Real Opposition’, the most rigorous scrutiny of the The Observer, 3 May. substance and workability of the Third Way. Home Office (1998), Compact. Getting Right Together, Home Office. References Anderson, P., and Mann, N. (1997), Howard, M. (1998), ‘Labour’s Assault Safety First. The Making of New on Freedom’, New Statesman, 24 April, Labour, Granta. page 31. Hutton, W. (1996), The State We’re In, Blair, T. (1996a), ‘My Vision for Britain’, Vintage. in Radice, G., (ed), What Needs to Change. New Visions for Britain, Hutton, W. (1998), ‘Didn’t He Do Well? V olunt ary Action Volume 1 Number 2 Spring 1999 76

Well . . . Did He?’, The Observer, 26 April. Sopel, J. (1995), Tony Blair. The Moderniser, Bantam. Kay, J. (1998), ‘Evolutionary Politics’, Prospect, July, pages 31-35. The Economist (1998), ‘The Strangest Ever Sold’, 2 May, pages 13-14. Kettle, M. (1998), ‘Why We Can Make a Difference’, , 15 May. Thompson, B., and Aikens, S. (1998), ‘If Only Jefferson Had Had E-mail’, Knight, B. (1998), ‘The Shifting Sands New Statesman, 20 February, pages of Voluntary Action and Civil Society’, 22-23. in Knight, B., Smerdon, M., and Pharoah, C. (eds.), Building Civil Webber, H. (1999), ‘Building Blocks Society. Current Initiatives in Voluntary For a New Unit’, Third Sector, 4 Action, Charities Aid Foundation. February, page 4.

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Lloyd, J., and Bilefsky, D. (1998), ‘Transatlantic Wonks at Work’, New Statesman, 27 March, pages 33-34.

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