Corbyn, Populism and Power Luke Martell (University of Sussex)

eremy Corbyn was elected leader of Corbyn, but has a populist content to it, Jthe Labour Party in 2015 with wide for all of society, not just the core working member support but opposed by most class, and against the elite. Corbyn had of the party’s parliamentary elite. In a phase of using Trump-ist terminology late 2016, his team, wary of a possible about the system being ‘rigged’. For election and with the party lagging in the many he has seemed a man of the people, polls, decided on a populist approach, speaking directly to them, close to and for inspired by Trump’s no-nonsense anti- them, despite the opposition of political, elitism. Corbyn was never one of the media and corporate elites; a British part establishment, through his career a serial of a global populist surge in politics, left rebel against the party leadership and versions in Southern European parties was seen as having an honest ‘unpolished like Syriza and Podemos, Sanders in the authenticity’ (Bulman 2016, Stewart USA and the Latin . At the and Elgot 2016). He was allowed to be 2017 election, Corbyn’s Labour won an himself, perceived to be close enough to unexpectedly large vote, across classes, the people for this to find resonance with with strong support from the young. them. In the 2017 election campaign he spoke at large rallies and moved with ease arch (2017a, 2017b) argues, amongst ordinary people, in contrast Mhowever, that there is little to the leader who was said to be populism in mainstream British politics, robotic in interviews and was kept away beyond politicians being people-centric from the public. He used the slogans of and claiming to be close to the people; ‘straight talking honest politics’ when as much electoralism as populism. standing for the party leadership, and Mainstream political populism, he says, ‘for the many not the few’ at the general is ‘fleeting, vague and tokenistic’ and not election. The latter is from Labour pre- populist in the true sense of being anti-

Page 1 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Corbyn, Populism and Power elitist and favouring popular sovereignty: used definition is of beingfor the people ‘seeing Corbyn as populist is, at best, a against the elites. A stronger and narrower half-truth’ (March 2017a). However, definition is as for popular sovereignty the glass is half full as well as half empty and popular , a by the people and there are populist dimensions populism. Economic populism is about to Corbyn’s policies, although some being for the people against the elite of it leftism creating populism as in terms of material redistribution and much as populism behind his leftism. egalitarianism. Populism is sometimes defined in terms of nationalism, against here can be populism at several outsiders and exclusionary. Finally, there Tlevels. Corbyn’s advisors were is populism by aim or achievement, drawing on a perception that he is close intention or accident. Someone can to the people; a populism of the people. achieve it without intending to.

© Image by duncan c via Flickr (source)

There is a politics of being popularwith Populism in the party the people, with cross-class rather than sectional support, across divides and d Miliband resigned as Labour plural identities rather than based on Eleader after the 2015 election. In the a specific group. A simple and widely ensuing leadership contest Corbyn took his turn to be the candidate of the left.

Page 2 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Luke Martell

Everyone expected him to finish a distant Minister David Cameron derided fourth in a field of four. Leadership his dress sense and perseverance in elections had changed, after Miliband, persisting as leader despite the onslaught from an electoral college of unions, he was under. But Corbyn, surrounded members and MPs to one member one by solidaristic supporters and with vote, shifting power from MPs to the the backing of the party membership, grassroots. However, Labour leadership resisted pressure to resign. In 2016 a candidates required nominations from leadership challenge was made by Owen 15% of the Parliamentary Labour Party Smith. As incumbent, Corbyn no longer (PLP) and Corbyn only secured enough needed the minimum PLP nominations, because non-supporters proposed him which he would have failed to obtain to ensure a broad field of candidates. He this time. He won with 61% of the vote. attracted great support from the rank Smith received a lower proportion of and file desperate for an alternative to support than the three losing candidates austerity and to the neoliberalism and combined in 2015. Corbyn had austerity-lite of Labour since the 1990s. bypassed the media and PLP elites again Corbyn’s personal appeal played a part. and once more gained endorsement Many joined the party to vote for him. straight from party members. When he won, more signed up inspired by the direction he was taking the party. he party has grown phenomenally Corbyn achieved 60% of the vote, the Tsince Corbyn stood for and became next candidate 19%. He came first across leader, with 570,000 members at the all categories of members, registered end of 2017, compared to 200,000 supporters and affiliated members. Most when he became leader, 405,000 at the of the PLP opposed him and once he peak under Blair, and 150,000 for the was elected many would not serve in Conservative Party (Perry 2017, Waugh his shadow cabinet. Labour had voted 2017). Corbyn brought many into the in a leader more left-wing than its PLP party: the young who had been alienated and closer to the membership than the by anodyne Labour beforehand, excited parliamentary party. There were echoes of by a genuine anti-austerity alternative; populism and anti-elitism; a leader going Old Labour supporters who had left beyond elites and based in the people. the party or grown disillusioned and inactive; even Marxists and socialists orbyn’s early days as leader were who saw a radical leader and hope for Cmet with hostile opposition the social democratic parliamentary from the PLP and snide and mocking road they had previously dismissed. coverage by the media. Tory Prime

Page 3 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Corbyn, Populism and Power

ince Corbyn took the helm party party becomes populism of it; whether Sreforms have increased the power popular support for the leader in the party of members, with more representatives translates into the same across society on the National Executive Committee electorally, and party democratisation and a decrease in PLP nominations extends in government to popular needed by contenders for the leadership, democracy in society as a whole. reducing the elite veto. A party review has investigated how to further expand Populism in support: of and with the members’ power in policy making. people? Proposals include more representation n 2017, Prime Minister May calculated on party bodies, again reducing the role she could increase her majority of the PLP in nominating leadership I against a party with a left-wing leader contestants, and the mandatory under siege and called an election. But reselection, and so possible deselection, Corbyn won much greater support than of parliamentary candidates. Political expected. Labour’s share of the vote rose compromises have led to changes in from 30% in 2015 to 40%, compared these directions, if not all the way in to the ’ 42%, and Labour gained each case. The review aims to challenge an additional 30 seats in parliament. the boundaries between party and movement. What may have seemed here did Corbyn’s support lie utopian, and raising contradictions W(see Curtis 2017)? His, and that between party and movement, now for May, was cross-class, popular rather looks, in the context of change in than class-based and sectional. He won the party, plausible and coherent. especially significant support amongst the young and expanding ranks of the more o, in the party Corbyn is popular highly educated. This dropped amongst with the people, for them and on S the older and those without degrees who popular sovereignty grounds could be supported the Tories more strongly. This said to be populist. His place within group will shrink as the educated young Labour and proposed reforms fit, to grow older and take their place. A key an extent, with of-, with-, for- and by- issue is whether the backing of the young populisms. But spreading democracy educated for Corbynism is lifecycle, so to party members favours the left so it they become more right-wing as they may be politics leading to populism as get older, or generational and a sign of a much as populism being the driving lasting left anti-austerity cohort, in which force. And how populist Corbyn is, is case the Corbynite proportion of the affected by whether populism in the population will grow over time. Corbyn

Page 4 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Luke Martell can mobilise the liberal-left educated more appeal. The question is whether middle class, especially the younger this is enough to lose Labour elections. members of this strata and public- sector workers, although his acceptance ost-election surveys did not show of Brexit could risk alienating a mostly Pstrong support amongst Labour pro-Remain group. It is not clear if he voters for Corbyn as ‘Prime Minister has support from the insecure precariat, material’ but suggested belief in his a cross-class group, but they seem likely policies (Barasi 2017). Bringing to be open to his anti-austerity politics anti-austerity and redistributional more than Labour’s prior submission to politics back into mainstream political neoliberalism, and Labour was well ahead discourse has involved hegemonic amongst the unemployed in the election. leadership by Corbyn, finding points of contact between the material reality of people’s lives and his ideas and mobilising people behind them, something Thatcher was also skilled at.

o, Corbyn can be seen as populist Sin being of and with a cross-section of the population, not predominantly a particular class. But while he did well in the general election and won broad support, some groups do not support him in large numbers and he did not win. The Tories were returned to office and also received wide backing, so Corbyn has no greater claim to popular support than them. Furthermore, is cross-class support, or seeking it, which all politicians want, populism or just electoralism? Being of the people, © Image by Jon Southcoasting via Flickr (source) understanding their concerns, expressing them and winning their support, may With the private sector aspirational not be populism, or just thin populism. working class and less educated middle Being for the people against the elites class, materialistically oriented and or democratic empowerment of the sometimes self-employed, Corbyn may people, by-the-people politics, are more have a problem where Blairism has clearly in the category of populism.

Page 5 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Corbyn, Populism and Power

Populism in society: for and by the policy areas, as well as within the people? party, and lowering of the voting age to 16 (Labour Party 2017a, 2017b). orbyn attacks elites and argues for Cthe people on economic grounds, he party propose a constitutional criticising tax evasion and the top few’s Tconvention on extending democracy riches. The 2017 manifesto proposes the nationally, regionally and locally. The highest 5% earners pay more income policy forum developing their next tax, everyone else to give no more. manifesto takes submissions from any The middle classes are not targeted members of the public. It is consulting on for extra income tax, beneficiaries of devolving power to local communities, redistribution to be the broad mass not how to facilitate participation and just the working class, giving a populist democratic accountability in them, as much as a class basis to Labour’s extending democratic ownership in egalitarian approach. Labour propose the economy and accountability of greater popular power in the economy: educational institutions to parents, doubling the size of the co-operative children and the community. Corbyn sector, giving employees first right of has argued for public involvement in refusal if their companies go up for sale, local budget decisions, referenda on for local and community forms of non- public service outsourcing, greater profit public ownership in the energy bargaining rights, and staff and water sectors, and widening trade representation on executive remuneration union representation in workplaces. The committees. He proposes more online party proposes nationalisation of rail and democracy, citizens’ assemblies, and the Royal Mail. A party report suggests replacement of the House of Lords further expansion of municipal and local with elected representation; contrasting social ownership, and democratised proposals for bottom-up democracy national state ownership. In the public with monopolisation of power in the sector, Labour intend to expand local ‘closed circles’ of central government, participation in NHS planning, reverse the heights of the civil service and health service privatisation, and re- corporate boards (Smith 2016). insource public services. They say they will increase community involvement orbyn’s politics are of, for and in local government planning and fan Cwith the people in economic participation in sports governance. egalitarian anti-elitism. There areby the Labour advocate a more representative people elements in the economic bases make-up in decision making across for participation that redistribution can facilitate. Economic egalitarian

Page 6 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Luke Martell populism may have political power orbyn’s Labour say funds should populism effects. Party policies involve Cbe diverted to areas where public shifting power to the public sector services are affected by immigration for and on behalf of the people away (Labour Party 2017a: 28-9), seemingly from private interests and economic endorsing discourses that immigration elites. They propose a more democratic causes social problems. However, while economy, greater direct popular he has said that Brexit will end free

© Image by Max Montagut via Flickr (source) participation in the workplace and movement he also states this does not pre- public-sector planning, and devolution determine a Labour government limiting of power closer to the people in localities it (Kuenssberg 2017). One of Miliband’s politically (see Guinan and O’Neill 5 election pledges in 2015 was ‘controls 2018). There are populisms of, for, and on immigration’. Corbyn’s manifesto, on behalf of the people against the elites though, makes a clear rhetorical and by the people in these policies. differentiation from anti-immigration sentiment. There is a strongly worded Nationalist and economic populism disavowal of scapegoating and blaming migrants for problems they did not opulism has been defined as about cause and for valuing their contribution nationalism and exclusionary. P to the UK (Labour Party 2017a: 28- Corbyn is primarily focused on the UK 9). Corbyn argues, like Miliband, that and the interests of people in Britain. problems ascribed to immigration, But the 2017 manifesto contains such as the undercutting of pay and internationalism in the tradition of the conditions, are labour market issues, Labour left (Labour Party 2017a: ch. 12). requiring employment protections And Corbyn is not nationalist especially. rather than immigration controls. He does not promote Britishness as an identity, and his politics are not ethnically orbyn accepts Brexit, exiting the exclusive like right-wing populism. Csingle market and is against a second

Page 7 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Corbyn, Populism and Power referendum on a completed Brexit deal. economic and right-wing populism is But Brexit was won in a referendum and cultural. There is a neoliberal populism his acceptance is for democratic rather that is socio-economic and stresses than nationalist reasons. His history of individualism and property rights; Euroscepticism is about opportunities taking power from the state and public for a left government outside a sector and giving it to people through neoliberal EU, not xenophobia. In his private ownership and market choice. departure from nationalism and racism The left departs from this by having a there are clear differences between collectivist and redistributive concept right-wing populism and Corbyn’s of empowerment. For politicians like politics. He campaigned for Remain, Corbyn, the state not the market, although perhaps for political as much and government not capital, are for as conviction reasons, and has marked the people. So, Corbyn’s populism his position off from the Conservatives’ differs from the far right’s nationalism by advocating continuing British by its socio-economic and inclusive membership of the Customs Union. approach but also from neoliberal right populism by different conceptions of t can be argued that nationalist- socio-economic justice and rights for Ipopulism is not populist as it divides the people and the means to these. ordinary people as much as unites them, whereas economic populism is about he horseshoe model that sees left a unified popular mass against a small Tand right as curving close in their wealthy elite. It less divides the many radical reaches does not work here. amongst themselves, more the many The economic egalitarianism and social against the few. Corbyn’s left-populism democracy of Corbyn is far away from is economic and about economic equality the ethno-nationalism of the radical and redistribution, against rich elites, right and the economics of neoliberal and for greater economic inclusion, populism. Economic egalitarianism justice and rights for most of the people. creates the populism in his politics. It Left economic populism has a more is ideology that makes his populism; socio-economic focus than the socio- not populism that makes his politics. cultural nationalist right concerned with identity and is more inclusive and Left, right, populism and power pluralist than the cultural and exclusive orbyn is a democratic socialist but nationalist-populism of the right. Chis policies are social democratic, for ut left and right populism do not political as much as ideological reasons, Bdiffer because the left one is socio- for egalitarian and socialist institutions Page 8 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Luke Martell within capitalism. Labour’s policies for ut Corbyn is radical measured rail nationalisation do not require the Bagainst neo-liberal austerity-lite

© Image by Kevin Walsh via Flickr (source) expropriation of private property, just Labour of the ‘90s onwards and after 30 non-renewal of contracts for companies years of neoliberalism as the paradigm running train services. 60% of the for politics in the UK. And alongside population support rail nationalisation for- and on-behalf-of the people policies and state train operations are common that shift power from private interests in countries like Germany and France to the public sector, are potentially where rail travel is superior. A majority radical by-the-people proposals for a support nationalisation in areas like mass movement-based rather than elite- water, the Royal Mail and energy (Smith led Labour Party, and greater economic 2017). A proposed National Investment democracy and popular participation Bank has featured in past Labour policies in the running of public services. and other countries. Quantitative easing At the same time, it is leftism and for the people echoes Keynesianism, once egalitarianism that make this populism accepted across the political spectrum. as much as populism constructing Abolishing £9000 student fees sounds Corbyn’s ideology. Categories of left radical. But 20 years ago there was and right tell us as much about Corbyn free university education throughout as those of elitism and populism. the UK as there is in countries like Scotland, Germany and Denmark.

Page 9 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Corbyn, Populism and Power

ritain has been under the political parliamentary elite and won cross-class Band ideological spell of neoliberalism support in the 2017 general election. His since 1979. Political discourse shifted policies match with egalitarianism rather to the right such that market principles than individualism in the electorate. It became a norm for public policy remains to be seen whether this of-, decisions, as well as for the private with- and for-the-people populism sector, and the burden of proof came to will extend to an electoral majority. lie with those who want to use collective If it does Corbyn’s programme will provision and planning rather than challenge political, media and corporate private sector delivery and the market. elites of the UK. He proposes economic This was a path set by Thatcher but egalitarianism alongside the beginnings further established by Blair, who ruled of a populist reconstruction of power out alternatives in his politics of political towards the people within and beyond caution and the market. Labour vacated his party. There will be a fightback by alternative ground. There have been no those with power and Corbyn may need mainstream political forces across the to appeal to the people in and beyond UK to oppose this and take another the party and to extra-parliamentary way. Advocating alternatives has been forces in his defence. In the face of elite left with social movements, pressure attacks, his economic populism may groups, Green and small left parties and rely on an expansion of his political academics. But rather than trying to populism that gives power to the people. compete with the Tories on their own grounds, Corbyn has brought collective I am very grateful to Sebastian Berg for provision, economic equality, and his helpful advice on this article. back into mainstream politics. He has reintroduced as normal the role of the state for the people, and Works Cited concerns for the people less focused on individual achievement and more on Barasi, Leo (2017) “How did that collective effort and the poor. Instead happen? Why the election shows Tony of accepting dominant discourses of Blair was right (about one thing) and austerity, Corbyn has mobilised support other thoughts”, noiseofthecrowd.com, for an alternative to austerity and June 12th. moved it from marginal to mainstream. Bulman, May (2016) “Labour plans orbyn’s leadership has been endorsed to relaunch as left- by party members against Labour’s wing populist in bid to seize on C anti-establishment sentiment”, The

Page 10 Hard Times 101 (1/2018) Luke Martell

Independent, December 15th Perry, Alice (2017) “A snap election, a new leader in Scotland and a Curtis, Chris (2017) “How Britain “staggering” rise in membership – Alice Voted at the 2017 General Election”, Perry’s latest NEC report”, Labourlist. th yougov.co.uk, June 13 . org, December 1st.

Guinan, Joe and O’Neill, Martin Stewart, Heather and Elgot, Jessica (2018) “The Institutional Turn: (2016) “Labour plans Jeremy Corbyn Labour’s new political economy”, relaunch to ride anti-establishment Renewal, 26,1. wave”, , December 15th.

Kuenssberg, Laura (2017) “Jeremy Waugh, Paul (2017) “Labour Party Corbyn: I‘ve not changed mind on Membership Soars By 35,000 In Just th immigration”, bbc.com, January 10 . Four Days - After ‚Corbyn Surge‘ In 2017 General Election”, The Huffington Labour Party (2017a) For the Many Post, June 13th. not the Few: the Labour Party manifesto 2017, Labour Party: London.

Labour Party (2017b) Alternative Models of Ownership, Labour Party: London.

March, Luke (2017a) “Contrary to popular opinion, there is no populist upsurge in Britain”, LSE Blogs, July 6th.

March, Luke (2017b) “Left and right populism compared: The British case”, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 19 (2): 282-303.

Smith, Matthew (2017) “Nationalisation vs privatisation: the public view”, yougov.co.uk, May 19th.

Smith, Mikey (2016) “Jeremy Corbyn pledges to ‚extend democracy across Britain‘ and strengthen trade union powers”, , August 22nd

Page 11 Hard Times 101 (1/2018)