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Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0). -
The Role of Morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology
Chapter 20: The role of morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology 1 Introduction The role of morphology in the rule-based phonology of the 1970’s and 1980’s, from classic GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY (Chomsky and Halle 1968) through AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (e.g., Goldsmith 1976) and PROSODIC MORPHOLOGY (e.g., McCarthy & Prince 1999, Steriade 1988), is that it produces the inputs on which phonology operates. Classic Generative, Autosegmental, and Prosodic Morphology approaches to phonology differ in the nature of the phonological rules and representations they posit, but converge in one key assumption: all implicitly or explicitly assume an item-based morphological approach to word formation, in which root and affix morphemes exist as lexical entries with underlying phonological representations. The morphological component of grammar selects the morphemes whose underlying phonological representations constitute the inputs on which phonological rules operate. On this view of morphology, the phonologist is assigned the task of identifying a set of general rules for a given language that operate correctly on the inputs provided by the morphology of that language to produce grammatical outputs. This assignment is challenging for a variety of reasons, sketched below; as a group, these reasons helped prompt the evolution from classic Generative Phonology to its Autosegmental and Prosodic descendants, and have since led to even more dramatic modifications in the way that morphology and phonology interact (see Chapter XXX). First, not all phonological rules apply uniformly across all morphological contexts. For example, Turkish palatal vowel harmony requires suffix vowels to agree with the preceding stem vowels (paşa ‘pasha’, paşa-lar ‘pasha-PL’; meze ‘appetizer’, meze-ler ‘appetizer-PL’) but does not apply within roots (elma ‘apple’, anne ‘mother’). -
An Examination of Oral Articulation of Vowel Nasality in the Light of the Independent Effects of Nasalization on Vowel Quality
DOI: 10.17469/O2104AISV000002 CHRISTOPHER CARIGNAN An examination of oral articulation of vowel nasality in the light of the independent effects of nasalization on vowel quality In this paper, a summary is given of an experimental technique to address a known issue in research on the independent effects of nasalization on vowel acoustics: given that the separate transfer functions associated with the oral and nasal cavities are merged in the acoustic signal, the task of teasing apart the respective effects of the two cavities seems to be an intractable problem. The results obtained from the method reveal that the independent effects of nasal- ization on the acoustic vowel space are: F1-raising for high vowels, F1-lowering for non-high vowels, and F2-lowering for non-front vowels. The results from previous articulatory research performed by the author on the production of vowel nasality in French, Hindi, and English are discussed in the light of these independent effects of nasalization on vowel quality. Keywords: vowel nasality, vowel quality, articulation, acoustics, sound change. 1. Introduction A traditional characterization of vowel nasality adopts a seemingly binary classification of vowel sounds based on the relative height of the velum: nasal vowels are produced with a low velum position (and, thus, air radiation from both the oral and nasal cavities), where- as oral vowels are produced with a high velum position (and, thus, air radiation from the oral cavity alone). While it is unquestionably true that nasal vowels are produced with a lowered velum, this traditional characterization carries an implicit assumption about the state of the oral cavity for the production of a nasal vowel, i.e., that the nasal vowel maintains the same articulatory characteristics as its non-nasal counterpart in all aspects except for the height of the velum. -
Assibilation Or Analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean Noun Stem-Endings*
Assibilation or analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean noun stem-endings* Ponghyung Lee (Daejeon University) This paper discusses two approaches to the nominal stem-endings in Korean inflection including loanwords: one is the assibilation approach, represented by H. Kim (2001) and the other is the analogy approach, represented by Albright (2002 et sequel) and Y. Kang (2003b). I contend that the assibilation approach is deficient in handling its underapplication to the non-nominal categories such as verb. More specifically, the assibilation approach is unable to clearly explain why spirantization (s-assibilation) applies neither to derivative nouns nor to non-nominal items in its entirety. By contrast, the analogy approach is able to overcome difficulties involved with the assibilation position. What is crucial to the analogy approach is that the nominal bases end with t rather than s. Evidence of t-ending bases is garnered from the base selection criteria, disparities between t-ending and s-ending inputs in loanwords. Unconventionally, I dare to contend that normative rules via orthography intervene as part of paradigm extension, alongside semantic conditioning and token/type frequency. Keywords: inflection, assibilation, analogy, base, affrication, spirantization, paradigm extension, orthography, token/type frequency 1. Introduction When it comes to Korean nominal inflection, two observations have captivated our attention. First, multiple-paradigms arise, as explored in previous literature (K. Ko 1989, Kenstowicz 1996, Y. Kang 2003b, Albright 2008 and many others).1 (1) Multiple-paradigms of /pʰatʰ/ ‘red bean’ unmarked nom2 acc dat/loc a. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰatʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e b. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰaʧʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e c. -
On the Anatomy of a Chain Shift1 DANIEL A
J. Linguistics, Page 1 of 25. f Cambridge University Press 2010 doi:10.1017/S0022226710000368 On the anatomy of a chain shift1 DANIEL A. DINNSEN, CHRISTOPHER R. GREEN, JUDITH A. GIERUT & MICHELE L. MORRISETTE Indiana University (Received 4 September 2009; revised 28 April 2010) Phonological chain shifts have been the focus of many theoretical, developmental, and clinical concerns. This paper considers an overlooked property of the problem by focusing on the typological properties of the widely attested ‘s>h>f’ chain shift involving the processes of Labialization and Dentalization in early phonological development. Findings are reported from a cross-sectional study of 234 children (ages 3 years; 0 months–7;9) with functional (nonorganic) phonological delays. The results reveal some unexpected gaps in the predicted interactions of these processes and are brought to bear on the evaluation of recent optimality theoretic proposals for the characterization of phonological interactions. A developmental modification to the theory is proposed that has the desired effect of precluding certain early-stage grammars. The proposal is further evaluated against the facts of another widely cited developmental chain shift known as the ‘puzzle>puddle>pickle’ problem (Smith 1973). 1. I NTRODUCTION A common phenomenon in both first- and second-language acquisition and in fully-developed languages is for phonological processes to participate in a chain shift (e.g. Moreton & Smolensky 2002, Jesney 2005, Dinnsen 2008b). Chain shifts typically involve two phonological processes that interact in such a way that they result in an opaque generalization (i.e. one that is not surface-true). This phenomenon has generated much discussion and contro- versy in the theoretical, developmental, and clinical literature over the years and has raised questions about the very nature of chain shifts. -
Palatals in Spanish and French: an Analysis Rachael Gray
Florida State University Libraries Honors Theses The Division of Undergraduate Studies 2012 Palatals in Spanish and French: An Analysis Rachael Gray Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] Abstract (Palatal, Spanish, French) This thesis deals with palatals from Latin into Spanish and French. Specifically, it focuses on the diachronic history of each language with a focus on palatals. I also look at studies that have been conducted concerning palatals, and present a synchronic analysis of palatals in modern day Spanish and French. The final section of this paper focuses on my research design in second language acquisition of palatals for native French speakers learning Spanish. 2 THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES PALATALS IN SPANISH AND FRENCH: AN ANALYSIS BY: RACHAEL GRAY A Thesis submitted to the Department of Modern Languages in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major Degree Awarded: 3 Spring, 2012 The members of the Defense Committee approve the thesis of Rachael Gray defended on March 21, 2012 _____________________________________ Professor Carolina Gonzaléz Thesis Director _______________________________________ Professor Gretchen Sunderman Committee Member _______________________________________ Professor Eric Coleman Outside Committee Member 4 Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 0. -
Chain Shifts in First Language Acquisition
CHAIN SHIFTS IN FIRST LANGUAGE ACQUISITION MASTER’S THESIS BY FRANSIEN WALTON MASTER’S PROGRAMME TAAL, MENS EN MAATSCHAPPIJ TAALWETENSCHAP UNIVERSITY OF UTRECHT STUDENT NUMBER 0419273 SUPERVISOR PROF. DR. RENÉ KAGER SECOND READER PROF. DR. WIM ZONNEVELD 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE 5 1. INTRODUCTION 7 2. PREVIOUS RESEARCH 14 2.1 EARLY GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 15 2.1.1 SMITH (1973) 17 2.1.2 MACKEN (1980) 19 2.2 OPTIMALITY THEORY 21 2.2.1 INTRODUCTION TO OPTIMALITY THEORY 21 2.2.2 CHAIN SHIFTS IN OPTIMALITY THEORY 26 2.2.3 LOCAL CONSTRAINT CONJUNCTION 28 2.2.4 FAITHFULNESS TO INPUT PROMINENCE 39 2.2.5 OPTIMALITY THEORY WITH CANDIDATE CHAINS 52 2.2.6 UNDERSPECIFIED UNDERLYING REPRESENTATIONS 58 2.3 CONCLUSION 62 3. A NEW PROPOSAL 65 3.1 INDEPENDENT PROCESSES 68 3.2 ARTICULATORY DIFFICULTIES 70 3.3 UNDERLYING REPRESENTATIONS 74 3.4 MISPERCEPTION 79 3.5 PREDICTIONS REVISITED 83 3.6 CONCLUSION 86 4. DISCUSSION 88 5. CONCLUSION 103 REFERENCES 105 3 4 PREFACE The idea for this thesis originated in the course Phonological Acquisition taught by René Kager. I read the article On the characterization of a chain shift in normal and delayed phonological acquisition by Daniel Dinnsen and Jessica Barlow (1998) and was intrigued by the phenomenon. After I started reading more on the subject, I became increasingly unhappy with the proposed analyses in the literature and decided to dive deeper into the matter. The result is this thesis. I would like to thank René for his useful comments, critical questions and positive feedback. -
Toward a Unified Theory of Chain Shifting
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST-PROOF, 04/29/12, NEWGEN !"#$%&' () TOWARD A UNIFIED THEORY OF CHAIN SHIFTING *#'+, -. ./,0/, !. I"#$%&'(#)%" Chain shifts play a major role in understanding the phonological history of English—from the prehistoric chain shift of Grimm’s Law that separates the Germanic languages from the rest of Indo-European, to the Great Vowel Shift that is often taken to define the boundary between Middle English and Early Modern English, to the ongoing chain shifts in Present-Day English that are used to estab- lish the geographical boundaries between dialect regions. A chain shift may be defined as a set of phonetic changes affecting a group of phonemes so that as one phoneme moves in phonetic space, another phoneme moves toward the phonetic position the first is abandoning; a third may move toward the original position of the second, and (perhaps) so on. Martinet (12(3) introduced the argument that chain shifts are caused by a need for phonemes to maintain margins of security between each other—so if a phoneme has more phonetic space on one side of it than on others, random phonetic variation will cause it to move toward the free space but not back toward the margins of security of phonemes on the other side. Labov (3414: chapter 5) gives a lucid exposition of the cognitive and phonetic argu- ments underlying this account of chain shifting. Despite their value as a descriptive device for the history of English, however, the ontological status of chain shifts themselves is a matter of some doubt. Is a 559_Nevalainen_Ch58.indd9_Nevalainen_Ch58.indd -
Chapter XIII: After the French Invasion
Chapter XIII: After the French Invasion • Introduction • 1066 Battle of Hastings (William the Conqueror) • The Norman Invasion established French as the language of England. • The Normans were originally Vikings (Norman= North + Man) • William established himself as King William I. • Redistributed the lands among his supporters. Ling 110 Chapter XIII: After the 1 French Partition Introduction • Consequently, Norman French became the prestige language in England (government, justice, & education). • English was spoken by only second class citizens. • This social situation had significant consequences for the English language- penetrated the lexicon and the grammar. • English lost the inflectional morphology characteristic of the Germanic languages. • The word order of English came to resemble French word order more than Germanic. Ling 110 Chapter XIII: After the 2 French Partition Introduction con’t • Social stratification can be observed when comparing native words and French borrowings from the same semantic domain. Example: • English French • pig pork • chicken poultry • cow beef • sheep mutton • calf veal The animal is English; the food is French. Illustrating who was tending the animals and who was eating them. Ling 110 Chapter XIII: After the 3 French Partition Introduction con’t • English has borrowed continuously from Latin. • Beginning in the Middle English period, from French. • This pattern of borrowing establishes the opportunity for English to borrow the same word at different points in its history. • Example: English borrowed humility from Latin. The word developed in French and was borrowed again into English as humble. • Two changes have occurred: – The i of humil has been deleted. – A b has been inserted between m and l. -
Introduction: Constraints in Phonological Acquisition
1 Introduction: constraints in phonological acquisition René Kager, Joe Paten and Wim Zonneveld This volume presents ten studies in phonological first languageacquisition, an area of research that has become one of fast-growing importance in recent years. The reason for this is not just the fruitfulness and linguistic interest of this type of study per se: it is also thecase that the more we come to know about phonological development, by the analysis of growingnumbers of data collections and increasingly sophisticated experiments, themore the field has complied with the notion that acquisition research liesat the heart of the modern study of language. One of the aims of this introductionis to illustrate and discuss these developments. In line with them, thepast decade in phonology in particular has witnessed an upswell of productiveinteraction between empirical acquisition research and theory development. With thearrival and rise of constraint-based models, in particular Prince and Smolensky's(1993) Optimality Theory, phonological theory now providesa framework that meets the desiderata expressed more than two decadesago by Lise Menn (1980: 35-36), who is also a contributor to this volume: () ... The child'slonguetiedness',that overwhelming reality which Stampe and Jakobson both tried to capture with their respective formal structures, could be handled more felicitously if one represented the heavy articulatory limitations of the child by the formal device of output constraints I...1The child's gradual mastery of articulation then is formalized as a relaxation of those constraints. The rapid emergence of acquisition studies within OptimalityTheory reflects the general suitability of constraints for the formalisation ofdevelopmental limitations, as well as the usefulness of constraint ranking for expressingthe relaxation of these limitations. -
Assibilation in Trans-New Guinea Languages of the Bird's Head Region
Assibilation in Trans-New Guinea languages of the Bird’s Head region Fanny Cottet Department of Linguistics College of Asia and the Pacific The Australian National University [email protected] Before enlarging the scope to other TNG languages of the Abstract region, the phonological and acoustic properties of Mbahám Previous studies have shown that assibilation of voiced stops assibilation are presented. Mbahám has been tentatively is less common than assibilation of voiceless stops, the former classified as a TNG language of the Bomberai sub-branch. Iha requiring complex and competing aerodynamic conditions to is the only language to which Mbahám is directly related; be produced. The present study reveals that voiced assibilation extended relations to other TNG languages are still under is found synchronically in various Trans-New Guinea investigation. The author is currently working on the phonetic languages of the Bird’s Head region, with the Mbahám and phonological description on the northern variety of the peculiarity that assibilation affects prenasalized voiced stops, a language spoken in the Kokas area (app. 200 speakers). case which has not been described previously. This paper reports new empirical data from previous understudied 2. Mbahám assibilation languages and provides evidences for a new treatment of the phonological inventory of these languages. 2.1. Phonological description In Mbahám, /t/ and /ⁿd/ assibilate before a sequence of two Index Terms: assibilation, Papuan languages, phonology, vocoids whose first segment is [+high]. Examples are given in phonetics, reconstruction. table 1. The triggering segment is realized either in a stressed or an unstressed syllable. In the latter case, the vocoid does not 1. -
Asymmetries and Generalizations in the Repair of Early French Minimally-Rising Syllable-Contact Clusters Francisco Antonio Montaño, Lehman College (CUNY)
Asymmetries and generalizations in the repair of early French minimally-rising syllable-contact clusters Francisco Antonio Montaño, Lehman College (CUNY) The Gallo-Romance (GR) (5th-10th c.) reflexes of Late Latin syncope (Pope 1952; Dumas 1993; Hartkemeyer 2000) provide a unique perspective into the interaction of sonority and phonotactic markedness constraints with faithfulness constraints within the phonology. With the deletion of a pre-tonic or post-tonic short vowel in GR syncopated forms, the preservation, modification, and loss of stranded consonants and neighboring segments occurring in unique clustering permutations reveal a range of repairs on resulting syllable-contact clusters (SCCs). While falling-sonority (manica > manche 'sleeve') and sufficiently-rising obstruent-liquid clusters (tabula > table 'table') unsurprisingly resyllabify without issue into either licit hetero- (SCC) or tautosyllabic (onset) clusters, preserving all consonantal material in the syncopated output, minimally-rising clusters whose final segment is a sonorant undergo diverse repairs to escape eventual total loss, attested only for SCCs containing obstruent codas via gemination then degemination, in avoidance of obstruent-obstruent SCCs (radi[ts]ina > ra[ts]ine 'root', debita > dette > dete 'debt'). Minimally-rising clusters (obstruent-nasal, sibilant-liquid, nasal-liquid), unharmonic both as heterosyllabic clusters due to rising sonority and as onset clusters due to an excessively shallow rise in sonority, undergo a range of phonological repairs including assibilation (platanu > pla[ð]ne > plasne 'plane tree'), rhotacization (ordine > ordre 'order'), and stop epenthesis (cisera > cisdre 'cider'; cumulum > comble 'peak'; camera > chambre 'room'; molere > moldre 'grind.INF' but cf. /rl/ without epenthesis, e.g. merula > merle 'blackbird', evidencing its falling sonority), in order to conform to licensing requirements within the syllable and phonological word (Montaño 2017).