LOCAL LEVEL POPULAR SOCIALIST DEVELOPMENT IN HAVANA CUBA: AGRICULTURE, MUSIC, EDUCATION, AND HEALTH.
by
NICOLE HATTIE
Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Sociology)
Acadia University Fall Graduation 2011
© by NICOLE HATTIE, 2011 i
This thesis by NICOLE HATTIE was defended successfully in an oral examination on September 9, 2011.
The examining committee for the thesis was:
______Dr. Harish Kapoor, Chair
______Dr. Issac Saney, External Reader
______Dr. Barbara Moore, Internal Reader
______Dr. Jim Sacouman, Supervisor
______Dr. Tony Thompson, Acting as Head/Director
This thesis is accepted in its present form by the Division of Research and Graduate Studies as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree Master of Arts (Sociology).
………………………………………….
This thesis by NICOLE HATTIE was defended successfully in an oral examination on September 9, 20111
The examining committee for the thesis was:
Dr. Harish Kapoor, Chair
Dr. Issac Saney, External Reader
Dr. Barbara Moore, Internal Reader
Dr. Jim Sacouman, Supervisor
Dr. Tony Thompson, Acting as Head/Director
This thesis is accepted in its present form by the Division of Research and Graduate Studies as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree Master of Arts (Sociology).
ii
I, NICOLE HATTIE, grant permission to the University Librarian at Acadia University to reproduce, loan or distribute copies of my thesis in microform, paper or electronic formats on a non-profit basis. I, however, retain the copyright in my thesis.
______Author
______Supervisor
______Date iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... iii ABSTRACT ...... iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... v CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 6 History ...... 6 Governmental System ...... 10 Agriculture ...... 14 Music ...... 17 Education ...... 21 Health Care ...... 24 CHAPTER THREE: KEY CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGY ...... 28 Bottom up vs. top down ...... 28 Grassroots/ Local Level Activism ...... 29 Building Socialism in the 21st century ...... 31 Methodology ...... 33 CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS ...... 36 Bottom Up vs. Top Down ...... 36 Grassroots/ Local Level Activism ...... 45 Building Socialism in the 21st Century ...... 56 CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSIONS ...... 69 Bibliography ...... 83 Appendix ...... 87 Research Summary For Ethical Review ...... 87 Interview Questions ...... 89 Acadia University Research Consent Form ...... 90
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ABSTRACT
At the heart of the Cuban system lies the people by whom and for whom the revolution was born 52 years ago. This thesis examines how Cuban citizens, (with the bulk of the research deriving from citizens of Havana, are working towards real democracy through a participatory system based on equality and equity by involving themselves in grassroots movements. The fundamental key concepts of this thesis are: a) bottom up vs. top down politics; b) grassroots/ local level activism; and c) building socialism in the 21st century, as it pertains to Cuba, and more specifically Havana. Specific examples that are examined under these three key concepts are: agriculture, music, education, as well as the health care system. A large majority of the people throughout Havana have dedicated their lives to the promotion of their community, their state, and their country, fostering the ability of people to contribute to their own as well as others self-emancipation. Cuba would not have achieved the various advances (despite the blockade and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc) had it not been for the citizenry which moves in mass, especially in times of crisis, in order to maintain everything they have dedicated their lives to building.
Thus, there is also evidence that it is the people that is the true revolution, and the heart of real democracy in Cuba.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I will never forget, in Jim Sacouman‟s class “Debates in Marxism,” when ten students were asked to vote on whether they thought the world would end with WW3 or if the world would embrace socialism (and, one day, communism). While seven people raised their hand for destruction, three of us raised a strong confident hand for the idea that socialism could be more than just a global vision. I truly believe that the learned greed can be replaced by shared wealth, rather than siphoning it for the use of the few.
Thank you to Barbara Moore, Jim Brittain and Jim Sacouman for all their help in my struggle towards the truth, and for making it possible for me to help others struggle towards equality. Above all, it is important to thank the citizens of Cuba, and more specifically Havana for showing me that a better system is possible if you struggle for it.
Cuba‟s movement towards real democracy through participatory socialism rooted in equality and solidarity shows that society can counteract the realm of negativity our world is currently entrapped in. While the American government spends billions on counter-revolution each year, the Cuban people invest in solidarity and emancipation.
¡Viva la Revolucion!
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
In many instances, Cuba, as well as the people residing there, have been portrayed as the enemy through the American government. For example, after Hurricanes Katrina and Rita 1, 500 Cuban doctors volunteered to travel to the U.S.A. in order to help victims. Cuban doctors waited for authorization to travel to the U.S. and consent was never granted (New Economy 2007: 1). Cuban people are not to be seen as traitors fighting for their rights; rather, they are portrayed as people who go against Western
„democracy.‟ Cuba, and the Cuban people are intended to be seen as those that disobeyed the rules of capitalism and should, therefore, suffer tremendously (Ludlam
2009: 123; Ridenour 2006: 62).
However, after 52 years of the revolution, Cuba has come a long way, despite the plunder of U.S. imperialism (see Espin 2009), the Soviet bloc collapse, as well as the blockade (See Lambie 2010). I intend to argue that there has been and is currently a strong social development of communal control at the local level through grassroots movements, as an integral part of the revolution. The people themselves are taking action in their lives to contribute to the revolution in their own way. Through governance, agriculture, music, education, and the health care system, people themselves are both building a stronger revolutionary vibe in the country, as well as sustaining it.
Cuba has suffered many hardships in the past, including food shortages. It is important to note that despite food shortages, “Cuba is one of the few countries in the world that sees food as a human right” (Murphy 2010: 1). In 1988, Cuba was still importing 57% of its total foodstuffs from the Soviet bloc. This was after 30 years of high investment in order to develop Cuban agriculture (Murphy 2010: 1). This system 2 allowed Cuba to banish hunger, becoming the only „Third World‟ country with no malnutrion. However, in 1989 the Soviet bloc collapsed leaving the Cuban people in dire straits, as they were heavily reliant on the bloc for their food supply. Shortly afterwards, the United States tightened its economic embargo by passing the Torricelli Law, which banned trade between Cuba and any American company (Murphy 2010: 1).
Cuba‟s capital city, Havana, is the largest city in the Caribbean, with over two million people, 20% of Cuba‟s overall population. Prior to 1989, Havana relied heavily on imports as well as the rural sector of the country to supply all of the food needed to feed the families residing in the city. After these food supplies were cut off, the people of
Havana took matters into their own hands and quickly responded to the mass hunger problem. Local initiatives were to be the key problem-solving agents (Gray and Kapcia
2008: 8). “Havana residents responded en masse, planting food crops, on porches, balconies, backyards and nearby empty lots” (Murphy 2010: 1). Groups and neighbours came together and planted various fruits and vegetables, those that had room would raise chickens, pigs and other small animals and “within two years, there were gardens and farms in every neighbourhood of the city” (Murphy 2010: 1).
A movement related to this sustainable food production has clearly taken root in
Cuba, “With this kind of support, Havana‟s farms and gardens have flourished. There are now more than 30,000 people growing food in more than 8,000 farms and gardens in the city” (Murphy 2010: 2). This is extremely important especially in Cuba because the movement is helping to bring about environmental benefits. Lots which were previously empty or used as informal dumping grounds for trash have now been transformed into something the whole community can access and be proud to call their own. In many 3 cases the gardens are actually cultivated on concrete ground; it is truly amazing that, today, more than 50% of the fresh produce in Havana is actually grown within city limits
(Abitz 2008: 1). Furthermore, produce is actually grown with organic compost and simplistic irrigation systems, because Cuba is very limited in its access to machinery
(Funes 2002:15).
The Cuban government, born of a popular revolution and based on mass organizations of working people in their local neighbourhoods, schools, colleges, and workplaces, was able to harness „people power‟ to achieve the common goal.…Cuba‟s working people made it their own….Urban organic farming in Cuba is not a marginal activity…but a mass grassroots movement supported by the government (Direct Action 2009: 1). Music is a strong influence in the lives of many residing in the country (see
Fernandez 2006). Music is played on the buses, is alive on virtually every street corner, on the Malecon every night, and is played very loudly in taxis, and homes. Music fuels the people in everyday actions; it speaks their emotions loud and clear. While I was in
Cuba there was not a day that went by in which people were not organizing a community street concert and handing out papers telling the date, time and location of the event.
Music is just one of the many ways in which Cuban people work communally. The government also subsidizes music. Indoor concerts are paid for with Cuban money rather than in CUC (Cuban Convertible Peso). In addition, education has facilitated the growth of knowledge throughout the entire island. It has allowed many people to come together in a time of need and share information and help to foster grounds for educational facilities to be accessible for all citizens. Furthermore, the growth of education on the island has allowed the world‟s poor populations to attend free medical school in Havana; a degree that would otherwise be too expensive for many people (See Fitz 2011). 4
The Cuban health care system also plays a large factor in the building of equitable and participatory socialism in Cuba today. Universal health care for all promotes good health throughout the island. For being in what many people refer to as the “Third
World” Cuba has lowered their infant mortality rate to only 15 deaths per 1000 live births
(Nayeri 1995: 323). This is extremely important as previously infant mortality rates were as high as 60 per 1000 live births in the countryside (Nayeri 1995: 323). Soon after the revolution in 1959 health care was deemed a human right, and “in the 1960s, a health care system was created to cover the entire country” (Nayeri 1995: 324). Cuba has taken their claims of health care being a human right and is now seeking to make it a universal human right rather than only including the citizens of the revolution. Importantly, Cuba participates in disaster reliefs throughout the world. Furthermore, as of 1995 over 10,000 child victims of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster has been seen and treated in Cuba (Nayeri
1995: 331).
My stance on the topic of popular control is that it promotes solidarity. It shows that working together in the 21st century is not impossible and that through communal organization more can be accomplished. Also, humanity does not have to collide with nature, rather, that everyone can work together with nature to make society a better place.
“But Cuba, even with the limitations imposed on it by history of colonialism, neocolonialism, and US economic warfare, provides an example of what could be done to
„save the planet‟, and how it can be done” (Direct Action 2009: 1). Ron Ridenour (2006:
90) states: “Thanks again, in fact, to the tightening US blockade, there is greater patriotic consciousness. Cubans, as a whole, may not be as revolutionary as many supporters believe but they are determined to defend their sovereignty against foreign invasion.” 5
Chapter Two of my thesis examines a variety of literature in the historical context of once dependent Cuba, the food crisis and events leading up to Cuban people taking matters into their own hands. Chapter Three outlines the key concepts and methods that will be used in order to pose a strong argument in the chapters following. Chapter Four examines a range of grassroots movements in Cuba, why the state supports the movements, and what it takes to build socialism in the 21st century, based on Interviews conducted by professors, conversations and observations personally carried out in
Havana. Chapter Five draws conclusions based on research both from secondary sources as well as conversations and observations conducted.
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CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This chapter provides a brief history of Cuba leading up the Collapse of the Soviet bloc and the Special Period, as well as examines the literature presented by numerous authors pertaining to bottom up versus top down systems of governance, community/ local level activism as well as socialism in the 21st century as it is present in the Cuban governmental system, agriculture, music, education, as well as the health care system.
History
Upon Spanish arrival to Cuba in 1492, the indigenous people were forced to work in the gold mines, and within a mere two decades the majority of the population had been exterminated as a result of over work, disease and massacres. As a result of the deaths of many indigenous peoples the Spanish began to import African slaves (Saney 2004: 7).
The slaves initially were forced to mine for gold as well as work on the sugar plantations.
Sugar was soon to become, the “mainstay of the Cuban economy” (Saney 2004: 7).
After many attempts at an overthrow of Spanish rule the mambises (Cuban liberation fighters) succeeded, at the end of the 19th century, to defeat the Spaniards.
However, the United States saw their overthrow of Spanish rule had a potentially large problem for the States and intervened, a peace treaty was signed between the Spanish and
Americans which transferred the sovereignty of Cuba to the United States (Lambie 2010:
120; Saney 2004: 9). “Thus, a period of American domination of Cuba was initiated…during this six-decade period, Cuban economics and politics were controlled by U.S. corporate and financial interests” (Saney 2004: 9). Throughout the six decades
(1900- 1959) U.S. reign over the country consisted of corporate control of 40% of sugar production, 75% of arable land (Lambie 2010: 120), U.S. owned more than 90% of 7 electric and telephone utilities, as well as 50% of railways, 90% of mines, 90% of cattle ranches and 100% of oil (Lambie 2010: 120; Saney 2004: 9). American banks held claim to more than one quarter of the total bank deposits (Saney 2004: 9). Lambie (2010:
121) states: “Inevitably this led to corruption and the development of a spoils system.”
Cuba quickly became a playground for the American mafia to host their criminal actions.
Corruption flourished as the American mafia began to have a tremendous hold over the political as well as economic system at the time (Moore 2006: 61; Rosendahl 1997: 107;
Saney 2004: 9).
Cuba‟s wealth was far from evenly proportioned among the entire population; rather there was a strong divide between the rich and poor throughout the country
(Lambie 2010: 121). More than 80% of those living in the countryside lived in bohios, which were thatched-roofed and mud-floored, with only 10% having any plumbing or electricity (Saney 2004: 10). More than one third of those living in the rural sector of
Cuba were plagued with intestinal parasites, as well as other diseases (Saney 2004: 10).
“Meat was a dietary rarity, with only 4 percent of Cuban peasants consuming it as a regular part of their daily meals; 1 percent had access to fish, less than 2 percent eggs, 3 percent bread, 11 percent milk, and almost none ate green vegetables” (Saney 2004: 10).
Prior to 1959 statistics show that the income for many peasants was less than a third of the national average. The literacy rate was as low as 45%, with 44% of the population having absolutely no formal education (Saney 2004: 10). Furthermore, 54% of rural homes lacked toilets, with 84% of rural people depending on rivers or unmonitored springs and wells for their water (Saney 2004: 11). When many Cubans wondered if their situation could get any worse, in 1959, “most of the 1.4 million Cuban 8 dwellings were in substandard condition. The illiteracy rate stood at 26 percent of the population” (Saney 2004: 11).
Under such conditions, a movement led by Fidel Castro, mobilized workers, peasants as well as other sectors of the Cuban population to destroy the U.S. supported government ran by Fulgencio Batista (Lowy 2005: 192; Ludlam 2009: 123; Saney 2004:
11). The insurrection put an end to 60 years of American domination in Cuba (Espin
2009: 141).
The installation of the revolutionary government in Cuba which for the first time cared for the genuine interests of its people and did not accept American inference, severely compromised the absolute imperial domination of that power in our hemisphere. From the Yankee perspective, this was the worst possible example as it could encourage the Latin American and world progressive forces in their struggle for the full emancipation and sovereignty of their nations from the decadent colonial and neocolonial regimes imposed by Washington (Espin 2009: 53). While the Cuban revolution was nation wide, Saney (2004: 11) acknowledges that its continual success depended on the working class. “The rebel army relied heavily on the
„rural proletariat‟ (the sugar plantation workers) and the campesinos (peasant farmers)”
(Saney 2004: 11). After the insurrection the workers and peasants remained an important component. Their say was voiced throughout the various programs and policies that were implemented throughout Cuba (see Lambie 2010; Saney 2004: 11). “The early years of the Revolution were the first time many Cubans were able to participate in a process by which they could actively seek to improve their lives…it was the masses, the grassroots and civil society…that decided the pace and nature of change” (Lambie 2010: 123-4).
The workers demanded many policies they were not entitled to under capitalism; they wanted full employment and improved/ increased social programs (Saney 2004: 12). 9
Workers stated: “The boss paid us miserable salary. The revolution put the workers to work, and paid more. The profits of the industries are now used for schools and for highways the we build ourselves…we don‟t have a boss now” (Saney 2004: 12).
Under the revolutionary system, pharmaceutical prices were reduced between 15 and 20% and electricity rates were cut by 30%. In addition, minimum wages in the agriculture, industry as well as commerce sectors were raised. Taxes for the middle working class were lowered and raised for the richer Cubans (Saney 2004: 13).
Recognizing problems in housing the state established the Urban Reform Law (See
Lambie 2010; Saney 2004: 14). Under this law landlords were permitted to keep their homes, however they were to sell their rental homes in order to share the wealth with the entire country. Along with the urban reform law, government constructed housing was started (Saney 2004: 15). “The aim of providing universal and free housing for all reflected the optimism that suffused the early years of the Revolution, primarily the belief that a rapid and unhampered transition to socialism was on the immediate agenda”
(Saney 2004: 15).
Two years after the insurrection, in October 1961, the United States imposed a trade embargo on the island (Gray and Kapcia 2008: 6; Saney 2004: 21). The embargo ended all economic relations between the States and Cuba, this posed a huge problem for the island as the U.S. was Cuba‟s major trading partner as well as the largest importer of
Cuban sugar (Saney 2004: 21). However, there was a quick recovery making the Soviet bloc their new full time trading partner, allowing the revolution to survive (Lambie 2010:
126). The Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), “was a vital contributor to
Cuba through investments and the provision of resources and technology for general 10 development and substantial projects” (Saney 2004: 21; Stricker 2007: 122). However this heavy dependency on the Soviet bloc would leave Cuba in a strained position (Gray and Kapcia 2008: 2; Ludlam 2009: 125; Saney 2004: 22).
After the collapse of the Soviet bloc Cuba was facing the second economic tragedy it had seen in less than 40 years (Moore 2006: 246; Saney 2004: 22). As of
September 28, 1990 when the CMEA members failed to meet the trading requirements,
Fidel Castro announced that the country would officially be entering a “special period”
(Gray and Kapcia 2008: 4; Rosendahl 1997: 113; Saney 2004: 22). The effects were vfelt throughout the country as per capita income decreased 39% (Gray and Kapcia 2008: 3-4;
Saney 2004: 23). As a result of the Special Period the country could not afford to import mass tons of oil. Cuba was rapidly losing its supply of fuel as well as foreign exchange from re-exporting the fuel it was purchasing (Lambie 2010: 171; Saney 2004: 23). Most importantly import capacity decreased significantly, which would soon cause a massive problem for the island as they relied heavily on imports to satisfy many needs (Saney
2004: 23). According to Fidel Castro:
After four centuries of Spanish colonial domination and 57 years as an American neo-colony, our country, a poor nation, has been subjected to a brutal economic blockade…for the first time in history, we achieved our double freedom, for we freed ourselves from both the tyranny and the empire (Castro 2001: 8).
Governmental System
In many ways the Cuban governmental system can be credited as one of the key reasons why Cuba has survived as an alternative to capitalist society, despite major economic crises. The governmental system is strongly defined as a system which 11 encompasses “free, fair, competitive elections, multiple political parties, the participation of all adult groups and the protection of civil and political liberties, including freedom of expression, the press and association” (Saney 2004: 42). It is important to note that while
Cuba is not seen as having a government that meets all requirements of the representational democratic system, it practices a system in which the amount of imbalance of power and social injustices are kept very low (Lambie 2010; Saney 2004:
44). As Saney argues: genuine democracy requires that social and economic structures should do its very best to encompass all peoples of society as much as possible and that it is fundamental in working towards equality. He further says, that many countries neglect to do so and in turn democracy becomes a sham once elected governments do not claim any responsibility for the poor suffering within their democracy (Saney 2004: 44-5). It is the opinion of both George Lambie (2010) and Issac Saney (2004: 45) that the democratic rights in many countries outside of Cuba are typically reduced to a mere exercise of the vote every few years. Furthermore: “Cuba has attempted to produce an alternative approach to democracy and human progress to the one prescribed by the capitalist west” (Lambie 2010: 161).
An important aspect of the Cuban governmental system is poder popular
(people‟s power). In 1992, the electoral system was changed in order to incorporate more effective and efficient ways in which popular participation and input would be placed in decision making of the larger Cuban population (see Gray and Kapcia 2008; Lambie
2010: 162; Rosendahl 1997: 91; Saney 2004: 53). There are four concepts that must be acknowledged about the Cuban people‟s governmental system. First, Cubans are for the most part highly involved in their political system (Lambie 2010: 172). “They 12 acknowledge that it is not yet perfect and that they are willing to learn from mistakes in order to create a more concrete system, which furthers its basis on mass participation
(Saney 2004: 53). Correlating to the idea of people‟s power, “thus, the system responds to popular demands for adjustment” (Saney 2004: 53).
Secondly, the state does not promote any one person; it is prohibited by law, for the government to play any role in the nomination of candidates (Saney 2004: 54). If there is not a candidate that wins over 50% of the votes then a run-off election is held in which one of the two candidates with the highest votes will win the election (Lambie
2010: 163; Saney 2004: 54). It is interesting to see that in Cuba anyone can run for a governmental position, this is because of the high importance in ensuring that grassroots delegates are nominated (Saney 2004: 54). There is no form of formal campaigning involved in the elections. Rather, a month before the elections a biography of each candidate is placed throughout various public locations (Lambie 2010: 163).
“Attendance at election meeting is usually high. In San Miguel del Padron, a municipality of over 150,000 on the outskirts of Havana, attendance was estimated at over 80 per cent even during the very difficult period of the 1990s, and never fell below 50 per cent”
(Lambie 2010: 163- 4). In Saney‟s (2004: 56) opinion this is an important step towards the emergence of real democracy because it is attempting to eliminate the class of politicians. He feels that Cuban elections are free of the commercialism that holds a dominant force in capitalist political systems (Saney 2004: 56).
The third concept outlined by Saney is the closeness between the elected municipal delegates and the people voting for them. The delegates have a close relationship to the voting population and are constantly on call to meet the needs of the 13 population they represent (Lambie 2010: 163; Saney 2004: 57). Every six months there is a formal accountability session in which voters are able to go and express their complaints and concerns as well as make suggestions (Lambie 2010: 164). Any other community interests are also addressed to the delegates (Lambie 2010: 164). Many of the issues at these sessions may include topics such as leaking water main, repair of public fences, or even a problem at work that has not been solved at the local level
(Saney 2004: 57). After these sessions are concluded the representative must actively try to resolve the issues posses by the troubled peoples of Cuba (Lambie 2010: 164). Further more, if constituents are displeased with the performance of their delegate they have the power to vote the member out of a governmental position (Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 45; Lambie 2010: 164; Saney 2004: 57).
Lastly, the governmental system is also made up of consejo populares (popular councils). The primary purpose of these councils is to stand as the real basis for solving communal problems (Saney 2004: 58). In a sense they are a form of neighborhood government, in which they were formed in order to decrease corruption and the growing underground market, they also served to enhance the municipal and provincial assemblies
(Rosendahl 1997: 99; Saney 2004: 58). This sector of the political system has considerable decision-making power in Cuba (Saney 2004: 58). Their job is to “work towards meeting the population‟s welfare, economic, educational, cultural and social needs, while promoting efficiency in the production and services industries” (Saney
2004: 58).
Each member has a responsibility to the economics of their neighbourhood
(Saney 2004: 58). While this may strongly promote the transformation of conditions of 14 the lives of Cubans it is also important to note that each rung of the political power (as it gets higher) seems to gain more power. Mona Rosendahl states, that equality is a very important concept of Cuban socialism, all people of Cuba have equal access to health care, education, and employment (Rosendahl 1997: 100).
Agriculture
Prior to 1959 the Cuban agricultural system was engulfed in foreign capital and ownership. It was strongly characterized by its large sugar plantations, cattle ranches, and financial oligarchies (Nova 2002: 27). Production was primarily controlled by 13
American companies, with 117 million hectares of land being in their possession (Nova
2002: 27). In contrast Armando Nova (2002: 27) states that a mere 620, 000 hectares were Cuban plantations. “The rural middle class, lower middle class and campesinos who owned their own land, had approximately 2.5 million hectares. Overall, 9.4 percent of landholders had 73.3 percent of the land, a very inequitable distribution of the means of production” (Nova 2002: 27).
The problem Cuba would soon face in the light of the collapse of the Soviet bloc was their increasing problem with one primary crop for export; sugar (Nova 2002: 27).
The Sugar exports in Cuba equated 75 percent of the total exports leaving the country
(Nova 2002: 27). Nova states that there was a problem with this structural system because it meant that the living conditions for many were dire, particularly among the rural population (Nova 2002: 28). According to Nova‟s figures, “the maximum annual income of agricultural workers was less than 300 Cuban pesos, with subhuman living standards- 60 percent were living in palm huts with dirt floors” (Nova 2002: 28). 15
With the collapse of the Soviet bloc came the decreased import of chemicals and pesticides. The Cuban population needed quickly to find a way to begin growing food at a local level, as well as biological substitutes for the lack of chemical pesticides (Rosset
2002: xvi). In 1993 the state sector underwent a huge shift in order to produce higher productivity from small-scale management units (Rosset 2002: xvii). The government essentially put a stop to a large majority of state farms and turned them into Basic Units of Cooperative production (Rosset 2002: xvii). These were essentially to become worker owned farms. According to Ridenour (2006: 25), “Special Period reforms focused on foreign capital investments and on growing their own food. Volunteers were encouraged to take a leave of absence from city jobs to form contingents of farm workers for a two- year period.” It is said that around 200, 000 people volunteered to help with the traditional farming throughout Havana province (Ridenour 2006: 25).
Cuba had entered a “special period” shortly after the collapse of European state socialism (Ridenour 2006: 25). “Cubans lost 63% of their foodstuffs, previously imported from Comecon trade partners. They also lost 85% of export income including oil-for-sugar barter trade. Everybody‟s belt had to be tightened” (Ridenour 2006: 25).
After the collapse of the Soviet bloc trade relations between 1989 and 1990 with Cuba fell to the ground (Rosset 2002: xiv). Before modifying the food system it was incapable of feeding the Cuban population. The Cuban government as well as the rest of the population responded in mass to the growing problem of the food crisis.
Figures have suggested a change since 1989- 1990, the Cuban agricultural system has been restructured with a much more promising outlook for the entire country rather than previously where only a small minority shared in the spoils of Cuban production. 16
According to Marcos Nieto and Ricardo Delgado (2002: 42), “the restructuring of agricultural landholdings has been perhaps the most transcendent organizational change.”
Shortly after hardships began to set in, Cuba‟s statistics began to turn around in favour of those lower rungs of the Cuban societal latter. New cooperative farmers and campesinos began to be added to the cooperatives, collectives and private farmers, whereas previously their numbers were low (Nieto and Delgado 2002: 42). According to Nieto and Delgado a shocking 42% of the land owned by the state was totally turned over to the cooperatives as well as the private farmers. “Today, 67.3 percent of agricultural land is in the hands of private farmers, representing 40.7 percent of the total area of Cuba”
(Nieto and Delgado 2002: 42).
Greater and greater weight is accruing to the organizational forms and methods of resource management that each farmer or farmer organization can mobilize and bring to the table. Strongly related to this is the fact that economic incentives, reduced alienation, and greater efficiency in using scarce resources emerge strongly as key factors in all of the evolving scenarios in Cuban agriculture- though of course with great variation across organization forms (Martin 2002: 70). It is important to note that all farmers have contracts with the government to ensure that there will be an equitable distribution of food staples to the entire Cuban population
(Nieto and Delgado 2002: 43).
The agricultural system is moving towards what is viewed by many scholars as a positive direction. Many may wonder if Cuba is only incorporating the shift towards organic sustainable, communal farming because they have no other option since their major supplier has since crashed and burned. While there are many positive opinions about the agricultural system it is also important to note there are changes that still need to be made in order to create a more solid buildable foundation for future Cuban citizens 17 to belong to. Nilda Perez strongly suggests changes, which will need to be made in the
Cuban agricultural system in order for it to be more sustainable in its forward motion into a fully obtainable communal system. In Perez‟s opinion, some of what remains to be done is as follows:
Investigate and implement the best possible diversification strategies, which are more in tune with local needs a realities, minimizing the planting of monocultures. Look for ways to enhance conservation of natural enemies. In the future biological control research should emphasize this strategy. Evaluate the possible negative effects of inorganic fertilizers and synthetic pesticides in provoking pest outbreaks (Perez 2002: 135-6). Perez argues that it is difficult to imagine going back to the old methods of agriculture and that the Cuban model should be one in which many developing countries facing their own food crisis‟s should turn to. The method of farming organic and using plants as natural repellants, as well as crop rotations, can increase crop production and allow the impact of chemicals to be lowered as well as public health to be increasingly on the bright side (Perez 2002: 137; see also Stricker 2007).
Music
The years prior to the revolution under Batisa‟s reign saw a politically illegitimate government that “nevertheless supported an amazing vibrant artistic life” (Moore 2006:
57). Following the revolution, in contrast to the corruption of Batista‟s rule witnessed the emergence of a government with the intentions of promoting a more egalitarian society
(Moore 2006: 57). However, the music industry saw a drastic decline, as musical performances and recording became less of a priority due to the blockade, a decline in the national economy as well as Cuba‟s increasing isolation (Moore 2006: 57). Casinos were closed throughout the country causing increasing anger from American mobs. Generally 18 the public supported the closure of Casinos however it would later prove to harm the music industry in some ways, as casinos were a major performance location for numerous artists (Moore 2006: 61).
With the beginning of the revolution underway many artists and intellectuals described the environment in Cuba as exhilarating, providing the ability for experimentation and creativity (see Fernandez 2006; Moore 2006: 63). While there may not have been Casinos and mob-controlled clubs to play at, the government as well as private citizens were organizing their own events and initiatives (Moore 2006: 63). The revolution was destroying barriers for artists and intellects and promoted a full integration of all citizens into national life (see Fernandez 2006; Moore 2006: 63). “Individuals across the island spontaneously offered lectures, concerts, dances, and other events at no charge” (Moore 2006: 64). Labour and political organizations began to promote tours of folkloric ensembles throughout Cuba, which had not occurred prior to the revolution
(Moore 2006: 64). In addition, women of color, “gained new prominence in the music industry as the country attempted to promote and revalorize its local heritage” (Moore
2006: 64).
Throughout Cuba, performers and authors began to revolutionize artistic life, and often dedicating themselves to pursuits with very little concern for personal gain (Moore
2006: 64). Moore cites Anton Arrufat as stating: “People started to support each other…the mental structures changed, people began to lose interest in money…[they] also lost interest in the clothes they wore. It was enough to have one pair of pants, a shirt, and a pair of boots. And people liked these changes” (Moore 2006: 65). Working conditions improved after the revolution as people were paid more for their services, 19 because “government officials were less corrupt and thus had more to spend” (Moore
2006: 65).
An interesting movement in the arts industry worth mentioning is the Amateurs
Movement. Moore states, it “was a utopian attempt, based on Marx‟s writings, to directly involve as many people as possible in the arts” (Moore 2006: 85). One of the main concepts surrounding the Amateurs Movement was that capitalism had created unhealthy divisions between professional performers and workers (Moore 2006: 85). In order to combat this horrendous problem created by capitalism the CNC began seeking a way to rectify the problem by training approximately three thousand new artist educators in seminars. These seminars were offered at the Havana Libre as well as Comodoro hotels
(Moore 2006: 85). According to Moore, those trained in the seminars provided through the Amateur Movement, “then headed across the island to stimulate grassroots artistic expression” (Moore 2006: 86). Moore states that there are many advantages to musical training in socialist Cuba in comparison to capitalist countries because the education is of consistent high quality, and enrolment and education is free (Moore 2006: 99).
In many ways the revolution has promoted artistic forms throughout Cuba, however it is also important to mention music forums, which have been a form of opposition to Cuban society. This is not to say that these music forums are not in agreeance with socialist Cuba but are a form of artists speaking their mind in order to positively change the aspects of society they are displeased with. In many ways it can be considered “an authentic expression of Cuban culture” (Baker 2005: 369). Nueva Trova began as an oppositional form of expression and was a forum of protest for many artists
(Baker 2005: 369; Moore 2006: 135). Moore states that it has, “provided a unique 20 perspective on the revolution for those willing to listen” (Moore 2006: 135). This music form was a way for many artists to express their experiences; these new musical forums were emerging to complement the new social order (see Fernandez 2006; Moore 2006:
136). Nueva trova was “a phenomenon that arose among the youngest generation…a deliberate rupture with music that has come before, a certain „return to the roots‟ combined with the scent of renovation, and finally…the adoption of social and political consciousness” (Moore 2006: 142).
Nueva trova is an extremely influential forum of music in Cuba as it is strongly illustrating the involvement of the new generation in politics within Cuba. It is particularly important because the younger generation of Cuba has only seen the hardships the revolution has shelled out as a result of the Blockade and the collapse of the
Soviet Union (Moore 2006: 228). Moore goes on to state that in the context of the economic crisis, popular music has become a very important vehicle as a means of expressing concerns for Cuba‟s future (Baker 2005: 372; Moore 2006: 24).
Many trends are a prominent aspect of Cuban music today such as, despair, isolation, racial tensions, loss of hope, and consumerism (Moore 2006: 241-2). “Themes of consumerism have appeared in many songs. In some, especially those of nueva and novisima trova artists, references to sales blend with suggestions that Cuba may be
„selling out‟ conceptually or spiritually, losing its moral compass” (Moore 2006: 242-3).
It is important that Cuba be seen as a country which emphasizes the importance of artists political freedom. According to Alpidio Alonso Grau (President of the Asociacion
Hermanos Saiz) it should be emphasized that “the importance of the debates stimulated 21 by rappers on a national and international level, portraying Cuba not simply as a country which offers a space for such debates, but as a global leader” (in Baker 2005: 368).
Education
Prior to the insurrection education was mandatory for at least six years, while this may have looked nice on paper, it would be impossible for all school children to have attended this many years of school. There was an insufficient amount of schools for all
Cuban children; locations were vastly inconvenient for those residing in the rural areas, as well as the cost being problematic (MacDonald 1985: 38). Later a census would show that only 3% of children would complete even the compulsory years of education (pre- high school years) (MacDonald 1985: 38). Furthermore, Theodore MacDonald states that only 3.5% of the child population went on to finish high school (MacDonald 1985:
39). In addition, MacDonald writes, the only Cuban citizens, which attended and graduated from university were typically upper class and would follow with careers, which provided services solely, to upper class citizens (MacDonald 1985: 41).
Ron Ridenour argues that the Cuban educational system is a result of the Cuban socialist constitution (Ridenour 2006: 52). By this he means that education is a human right (MacDonald 1985: 27), which should be provided to every citizen rather than only those that can afford it. Shortly after the revolution of 1959, in 1961 a mass literacy campaign was launched (Moore 2006: 65). Approximately 100, 000 Cuban voluntary
Brigistas taught approximately 707, 000 Cubans to read and write, this mass literacy movement allowed illiteracy to be wiped off the island (Ridenour 2006: 52). “Mass education was seen as the revolution‟s first task. This was not only a strategic issue, it was of supreme moral importance” (Macdonald 1985: 18). 22
Under Batista‟s leadership in Cuba there was, “23% illiteracy and 44% of primary school-aged children did not attend school. Only 17% of secondary-aged children attend school” (Ridenour 2006: 52). Schools were even being built in isolated or almost inaccessible locations (Castro 2001: 10). Furthermore, after the revolution, the approximate 10, 000 teachers that were previously unemployed were given jobs with a raise in pay (Ridenour 2006: 52). Ridenour furthers his praise of the educational system by stating: “The educational budget had been tripled. Ten thousand new classrooms had been constructed and were in use” (Ridenour 2006: 52). The illiteracy rate in Cuba is officially at zero percent (Saney 2004: 36). “Illiteracy was eradicated in just one year, in a country where almost a third of the population between the ages of 15 and 60 could not read and write” (Castro 2001: 10).
While there are many inherent problems with the educational system in Cuba the citizens are working toward a better system in order to further improve its capabilities.
The RDA mathematics program stood to be a large problem in the educational system as it promoted competitiveness among school children to be better than their classmates as opposed to working together. However many argue that this system was not based on competition as every student learns at different levels and are never criticized or scrutinized for falling behind (MacDonald 1985: 194). Should a child fail a grade they are held back. However, this is not meant to disgrace the child. It is meant to give them a confidence boost by appointing them special responsibilities to help the children coming up into the grade they remained at (MacDonald 1985: 195). According to
MacDonald, “It was a consistently expressed view of the teachers that repeating often gave the timid child that little boost of confidence that he needed…it does not seem to 23 relate in any way to the level of intellectual ability finally reached” (MacDonald 1985:
195). Furthermore, “Cuban children in there thousands solemnly say at the beginning of each school day, “Seremos como Che” (We will be like che), so many a wretchedly poor and hideously exploited society must be echoing the sentiment, “Seremos como Cuba”
(MacDonald 1985: 183).
An article presented by Monthly Review, written by Don Fitz, examines the
Escula Latino Americana de Medicina (Latin American School of Medicine) also known as ELAM. The school is located in Santa Fe, Playa a short bus ride from Havana, Cuba
(Fitz 2011:50). Students attending the school from over 40 impoverished countries throughout the world travel to Cuba: “With their educational costs covered by the Cuban government, students learn new social relationships in medical practice that they will use in underserved communities in their countries” (Fitz 2011: 50). In 1963 Cuban doctors were sent to Algeria as their first medical contract, and in 1998 after hurricane Mitch and
George devastated the Caribbean Islands and Central America Cuban doctors were deployed again (Fitz 2011: 50). The school was created shortly after Fidel Castro realized the urgency for health care services abroad. As stated by Fitz: “Fidel Castro then proposed expanding Cuba‟s new Comprehensive Health Program by creating ELAM, which began in 1999” (Fitz 2011: 50). At ELAM international solidarity is a core component of the curriculum, placing: “heavy emphasis on the evolving social context of medicine, a model that applies particularly well to tight-knit communities” (Fitz 2011:
53). 24
Health Care
According to Kamran Nayeri, the Cuban health care system is strongly under recognized for its achievements in light of the economic, social and political transformations it has undergone since 1959 (Nayeri 1995: 321). “Cuba leads the average of every socioeconomic region of the world including the former Soviet bloc, except for industrial capitalist economies, in infant mortality rate, life-expectancy at birth, and per capita Gross Domestic Product” (Nayeri 1995: 322). “Furthermore Cuba has actually moved from beyond a formal equality in access to health services, as it may exist in countries such as Canada, towards equality of health states” (Nayeri 1995: 322).
Similarly: “For the last two decades Cuban medicine has been an example of the successes that can be achieved in an underdeveloped country” (Santana 1987: 113).
Nayeri states that before the revolution there was a health ministry, however, it was extremely underfunded, ineffective and highly corrupt. Many Cubans who could afford private health care did so. Those who were on the lower economic scale of the country often went without (Nayeri 1995: 323). “Today the world‟s „greatest democracy‟ lags behind its small „scoundrel‟ rival in the Caribbean in providing health care and education for its people” (Ridenour 2006: 48). Furthermore, Ridenour illustrates that
Cuba has one of the fastest growing elderly population: 15.4% of the population is made up of people aged 60 years and older (Ridenour 2006: 48). According to the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba, article 48 states: “The state protects, by means of social assistance, senior citizens lacking financial resources or anyone to take them in or care for them, and anyone who is unable to work and has no relatives who can help them”
(Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 21). As a Cuban, Ridenour seems proud to 25 state: “Instead of cutting back on old aged benefits, as is done by capitalist governments, they are increased. In 2005, the minimum pension was raised by 50%” (Ridenour 2006:
49). In addition social programs, which provide homes as well as day care centres, are provided to all elderly people above the age of 65 and are free of charge (Colectivo de especialistas 1985: 17).
After the revolution Universal health care for Cuba was declared a human right and thus giant steps were made in the direction of revolutionizing the health care system so that those who had never seen a doctor would be able to. Santana states that Cuba‟s health system is based on five main principles:
Health care is the right of the people, thus access is universally equal and free of charge. Health care is the responsibility of the state. Preventative and curative services are integrated. The population participates in the development and functioning of the health care system. Health care activities are integrated with economic and social development (Santana 1987: 113). Nayeri states that after 1959, “a successful literacy campaign was launched, and efforts were made to bring drinkable water to all households, to clean the environment, and to send health care personnel, including physicians, to remote areas” (Nayeri 1995: 324).
In 1961, polyclinics were opened throughout the country in order to provide preventative medicine as well as primary care at the local level (Nayeri 1995: 324).
Health care became a real devotion to grassroots mass organization. The goal transformed from corrupt actions to that of providing comprehensive care to all individuals and families in every community. Inclusive of this goal was to also provide care at home, work places, and schools (Nayeri 1995: 324). Furthermore Nayeri 26 acknowledges, “through active involvement in the organization and delivery of health care, the local population became better educated while efforts of the medical personnel were enhanced” (Nayeri 1995: 324). In addition to full employment, education as well as the rationing system as a way of providing Cubans with all basic dietary needs has strongly fueled the success of the health care system (Nayeri 1995: 324). Santana states,
“The development of the health system, hand in hand with increased decentralization and development of local government facilitated better understanding of local needs at the national level and better local response to problems” (Santana 1987: 116).
In 1987 Santana concluded that Cuba held the proud statistics of 23, 000 physicians, in other words, 1 doctor per 435 people. 1995 Cuba was providing high technology facilities as part of their thorough health care system. Some of the technology included CAT scans, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), organ transplants, in-vitro fertilization, prenatal diagnosis of congenital defects, and neonatal care (Nayeri 1995:
325). According to Nayeri in 1995 “some 50, 000 physicians serve a population of 11 million” (Nayeri 1995: 329). While the health care system has exceeded the expectations of a Third World country it is still very important to note that there is still much to be done in order to make the system as flawless as many people hope it will someday be.
Cuba still suffers many water shortages as well as electricity black outs. Schools suffer a shortage of paper and pencils. Also, there is a massive shortage of soap, laundry detergents, as well as toilet paper. In addition it is said that there are upwards of three hundred different medicines in short supply (Nayeri 1995: 330).
Nayeri states that the U.S. embargo has directly affected the health care system in
Cuba (Nayeri 1995: 326). Previous to the insurrection Cuba imported 40, 000 27 pharmaceutical products of these products 80% are said to have been from abroad. The majority of these products were coming from the United States (Nayeri 1995: 326).
Because of the Embargo and the Torricelli bill (which prohibited trade with Cuba) Nayeri states, “as a consequence, in 1993, Cuba‟s imports for public health cost an extra $45 million due to the embargo” (Nayeri 1995: 326). While there are many health care necessities in short supply that does not stop the country and its people from internationally lending a hand to those less fortunate. Cuba has taken part in many disaster relief programs around the world.
Numerous authors have posed the argument that great advancements have been made in the agricultural, music, educational and health care sectors of Cuba because of the participatory grassroots democracy in Cuba. As a result of the participation of the people working closely with their government, these areas have seen growth and prosperity since the darkness of the embargo and the special period. Chapter Three will examine the methodology and key concepts which will be used in Chapter Four and Five in order to examine the arguments posed by authors as well as research conducted throughout Havana city.
28
CHAPTER THREE: KEY CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGY
In this chapter I examine principles of bottom up vs. top down, grassroots/ local level activism as well as building socialism in the 21st century. In addition to examining these key concepts in depth, I outline the details of my research methodology.
Bottom up vs. top down
Bottom up vs. top down implies that the principles of society are determined from the overall population of a society rather than those citizens seen as being in a higher up position, such as government electives. According to Michael Lebowitz, “In other words, social ownership by this definition necessarily implies a profound democracy from below rather than decisions by a state that stands over and above society” (Lebowitz
2010: 41). Lebowitz also states that, “Uniformity cannot be imposed from above”
(Lebowitz 2010: 138). In a system, which believes in bottom up vs. top down principles, there is a very strong connection between the people of a nation and the government in power. According to article 131 of the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba: “All citizens, with the legal capacity to do so, have the right to take part in the leadership of the state, directly or through their elected representatives to the bodies of People‟s Power, and to participate, for this purpose and as prescribed by law, in the periodic elections…”
(Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 49).
In a system such as this the people have actual say over their daily activities and lives. They are not reduced to a mere vote for a political leader, rather they are given a real say in what is to be carried out in the society in which they live (see Lambie 2010;
Nayeri 1995: 333; Saney 2004: 50). There are no differences between the majority and the minority rather all citizens are viewed as being equal and deserving of the same 29 political power (Saney 2004: 51). According to Michael Lebowitz: “a good society is one in which human beings are at the centre” (Lebowitz 2010: 31).
Saney explains that the central concept of Marxist tradition is mandat imperatif, in which the main principle is for governmental representatives to listen to their constituents, by responding to complaints and suggestions (Saney 2004: 50). Saney makes the argument that the typical democracy allows people to believe they have power in the governmental system, while in reality, they do not. According to Saney Cuba is trying to over come the problems inherent in capitalism such as the oligarchic and elitists way of addressing societal issues (see Lambie 2010; Saney 2004: 50). Furthermore he argues that the goal of socialism is to extend democracy to both the political and economic sectors of the state. Because the state is a public power that is separate from the mass of people it is one of the main goals to create a bridge between the people and democracy (Saney 2004: 51). Thus, there are four bases of social democracy, which are: political participation, economic equality, the merging of civil and political society and the mandat imperatif (Saney 2004: 51). Acording to Nayeri (1995: 333), “As Cuban workers and farmers exercise more power through their institutions, especially their government, it will be possible to protect and deepen their social gains.”
Grassroots/ Local Level Activism
Throughout Cuba there are movements taking place in mass at the local level
(Rosendahl 1997: 149; Saney 2004: 200; Santana 1987: 116). These local level initiatives are illustrated quite strongly through the healthcare and educational system, as well as politics, music and agriculture. Local activism is an integral part of the Cuban system as it illustrates how a nation can come together in a time of crisis and put personal 30 interests aside in order to problem solve for the entire population and promote self- sufficiency (Stricker 2007: 122). While there are many components to a socialist system local activism can be viewed as one of its strongest attributes. “Real wealth is the development of human capacities, the development of human potential…this is what
Marx‟s conception of socialism was all about- the creation of a society that removes all obstacles to the full development of human beings” (Lebowitz 2010: 43-4).
Grassroots movements and local activism is extremely important because rather than waiting for the government to solve problems alone, it allows people to partake in finding their own plausible solutions to problems. In regards to the health care system it can mean finding alternative medicines and practices after the blockade (Santana 1987:
119); for agriculture it is growing food when there is not enough economic stability to import foods (Ridenour 2006: 25-35). In the educational system it can mean providing education to those that would not otherwise have the chance to become educated because of their social status (Nayeri 1995: 331). Regardless of the situation grassroots/ local activism is about people, communities, an entire nation and eventually countries working together to achieve a common goal. I will argue that Cuban citizens, along with their elected delegates, are working together through politics and grassroots local level activism in order to eliminate obstacles that stand in the way of real human development.
According to Nayeri, “These achievements are the result of a strong leadership commitment to social progress, a planned economy, a high degree of community involvement on all levels, an ability to learn from mistakes, and a socialist perspective”
(Nayeri 1995: 325). 31
Santana feels that “the Cuban health system seems to be endowed with the ability to evolve in order to solve problems, eliciting enthusiastic population participation and approval” (Santana 1987: 113). It is important for Cuba as well as the Cuban people to continue on their course toward socialism because “if Cuba were to adopt a capitalist course, it could not hope to become another Sweden but just another „Third World‟ country” (Nayeri 1995: 332). Nayeri also points out that the Cuban health care system has had a giant leap forward in their transformative socialist struggle (Nayeri 1995: 323).
Furthermore, “The Cuban revolution eradicated pre- capitalist relations that fostered low productivity and bureaucracy. Further, it combined workers‟ participation and economic planning to replace capitalist relations, encourage technical change, industrial development, and higher labour productivity” (Nayeri 1995: 329). Furthermore, “In the case where free workers perform these „absolutely necessary‟ operations themselves, they do so as the owners of their own labour-power and of the use-values that serve as means of production; they thus are also the owners of the product of labour” (Lebowitz 2003:
145).
Building Socialism in the 21st century
‘Socialism in the 21st century‟ can be seen as a work in progress. “In short, it is essential to recognize that every country must invent its own path” (Lebowitz 2010: 128).
However, the mass expansion of Cuba‟s message throughout the world may be giving a new meaning to the word socialism (see Lambie 2010). Cuban people are illustrating that, not only should the citizens of Cuba be emancipated and share in any wealth the country creates, the rest of the world should also share in the spoils. 32
“The character of the new society is determined by the very process of its creation” (Lowy 2005: 112). By lending a generous hand throughout the many nations in need Cuba is quite literally building socialism in the 21st century. Internationalism has become a major principal of the Cuban belief in human rights (Lievesley and Ludlam
2009: 125; Saney 2004:188). In addition Cuba has been diligently working on having all debts cancelled for developing countries, which are struggling with payments (Saney
2004: 189). According to Saney Cuba has managed to create a society which surrounds itself in social and human development despite being denied access to loans from the
International Monetary Fund as well as the World Bank (Saney 2004: 196). Furthermore,
Nayeri states that Cubans view themselves as being part of the world, especially Latin
America (Nayeri 1995: 330). Thus, “In the 1980‟s, 2000- 3000 Cuban physicians went abroad each year for 24 months of internationalist service to Latin America, the
Caribbean, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia” (Nayeri 1995: 330).
While Cuba is certainly still a less economically developed country than many countries throughout the world, the difference “which guarantees all Cubans free education plus free health care, cultural and sports activities, necessary food on the table, and roof over head- is the Cuban decision to collectivize the economy and thus share the wealth they all produce” (Ridenour 2006: 53). There are still various elements of capitalism still present in Cuban society. However, scholars have acknowledged that this aspect has not altered the ability of the population to work collectively on common goals
(Saney 2004: 203). “Despite the inequalities and the negative social phenomena, the island is still defined by an ethos of human solidarity” (Saney 2004: 203). In the end the efforts of the people are what truly separates capitalist traits from the goal of socialism 33 and its inherent qualities of the capacity for positive change and the ability to share. “In revolutionary activity the changing of oneself coincides with the changing of circumstance” (Lowy 2005: 113). Furthermore, “the process of building a path to socialism involves the development and deepening of a new social relation- that of associated producers who relate to each other on the basis of communality” (Lebowitz
2010: 148).
Methodology
I conducted research in Cuba through a series of qualitative methods, focusing on
Havana as a case analysis. I began my first three chapters with content analysis research conducted through a number of secondary sources. Content analysis refers to a systematic analysis of texts (Esterberg 2002: 171). Texts may include material such as books, magazines, journals, diaries, transcripts, as well as many other forms of written information (Esterberg 2002: 171). While there are many different ways to conduct an analysis of texts, the method I use is latent content. This refers to focusing on the underlying meaning of the content (Esterberg 2002: 172).
Chapter Four, Findings, includes an examination of a series of semi-structured interviews conducted by Marta Nunez, Barbara Moore, and Jim Sacouman in Havana.
Semi-structured interviews are also referred to as in depth interviews as they begin with key themes and questions that will be discussed, however, they are far less rigid than structured interviews as they allow the interview to open up and allow more information to come into the conversation between the interviewee and researcher (Esterberg 2002:
87). According to Esterberg, “the goal is to explore a topic more openly and to allow interviewees to express their opinions and ideas in their own words” (Esterberg 2002: 34
87). Once interviews have been completed the first step to making sense of the data collected is coding. Upon receiving the transcribed interviews, the beginning stage I used during coding is open coding. I read line by line of each transcribed interview and identified key themes emerging which would pertain specifically to my thesis. Upon finishing this process I went through each line and grouped the information into larger themes. While many themes would not have originally grouped together after open coding themes began to naturally merge and fit into a few major themes (Esterberg 2002:
158- 160; Kirby 1989: 145). While I had access to these interviews as a source for the final chapters of my thesis they were only used as an additional reference. The primary method used in the final chapters of my thesis is naturalistic observations made while in
Havana.
Naturalistic observations is included in Chapter Four and Five which was conducted while walking down Cuban streets, visiting various locations in which community development was taking place as well as any conversations that took place while in my casa or on any excursions taken in Cuba. I spent a total of six weeks in
Havana, I took two separate trips of three weeks each. The first trip was during the month of May in 2010, and was for educational and research purposes. I made observations and contacts while attending a novice Spanish class at the university of
Havana. The second trip to Havana was solely for research from March 18- April 8 of
2011 I met with all previous contacts. During both trips I stayed with the same family in
Vedado, Havana. Friends that I had met on my first trip traveled around the city with me, helping to lessen the language barrier between myself and citizens which could not speak
English. 35
Observation as a key methodology in research means that the researcher is the key component as they are both the observer and interpreter. According to Esterberg, “in observational research, you are the research instrument. What‟s important is what you observe, what you see and hear” (Esterberg 2002: 61). While this method may pose set backs it is still an important way to research as the observer is able to view people and their actions in a natural environment. In addition, while conducting research in another country it is important to recognize ethical issues that may come to the surface. Biases are present in all forms of research and it is important to acknowledge that while visiting another country and examining another culture the researcher is an outsider. As an outsider it is important to respect various countries and their culture. While biases will come into play they are biases of the researcher rather than of the subject. The final chapter, conclusions, includes all forms of research conducted throughout the beginning four chapters. I received ethics approval to conduct research in Havana Cuba, see appendix.
36
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
This chapter examines the various naturalistic observations, and observations conducted while in Havana city as well as excursions outside of the city. Interviews conducted by Marta Nunez, Barbara Moore, and Jim Sacouman while in Havana are also examined in this chapter. While the literature examined in Chapter Two presented an overall view of Cuba as a country this chapter is more specific to the country‟s capital,
Havana. For the purpose of clarity the information pertaining to the Cuban governmental system, agriculture, music, education and health care is presented in the same order as the key concepts outlined in chapter three: bottom up vs. top down, grassroots/ local level activism, and building socialism in the 21st century. All three themes play a strong role in what it means to be socialist as well as outlining the path towards building real democracy through socialism.
Bottom Up vs. Top Down
While chapter two examined many top down principles it is important to note that the Cuban system is not solely top down or bottom up. The idea of the Cuban governance is to produce a system in which both the people and the government can work together to achieve the common goals for all communities throughout Havana as well as extension of these principles over the entire island. Bottom up vs. top down is a concept that exerts itself throughout Cuban life on a daily basis, and in all its various forms. This is made possible because all articles written under the “Constitution of the
Republic of Cuba” are written with all persons in Cuba and their needs in consideration.
Article 3 states: “In the Republic of Cuba sovereignty lies in the people, from whom originates all the power of the state. That power is exercised directly or through the 37 assemblies of People‟s Power…” (Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 4).
According to Che Guevara: “The people and the government should always be one…in order to reach the people you must feel as though you are part of the people” (in Waters
2000: 63- 72). A mutual equality between the government and the people is absolutely necessary if the goal of real democracy is to ever be achieved.
The very concept of people‟s power illustrates how real democracy is carried out.
People‟s power is not just a way of forcing the population to think they are powerful; rather it is an actually existing way of assuring the people control the outcome of their lives. Article 104 states that elected representatives in the community work actively and efficiently toward “the development of production and service activities and for meeting the needs for health care, economic, educational, cultural and social activities of the population, promoting the broadest participation of the population and the local initiatives to resolve their problems” (Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 40-1). This creates a real democracy because people are able to be actively involved in the government. It also allows for the creation of positive initiatives in their communities in order to have total control over their lives. Fidel Castro states: “Only a fool would believe that the Cuban people could be governed by force or in any way other than through the consensus that arises from the work achieved, the elevated political consciousness…and the enviable relationship between the masses and their leadership”
(Castro 2001: 13).
Many Cubans informed me that because the system is not based upon undermining other constituents, those running for governmental positions do not have their own television campaigns in which the focus is on what the other party leaders are 38 doing wrong. I was informed that the communist party is not the only political party in
Cuba because the government seeks to have a dictatorship; rather the national hero (Jose
Marti) preached that all Cubans should be united under a single political party. Because there is only one party, political campaigns need not be cut throat and hold complex propaganda campaigns. By having one party in which numerous people run for positions in, the people will not be caught up in divisions of political ideologies. Instead, ideas will be expressed under a common goal that the people can call their own and share a sense of pride in.
According to the article “Has Socialism Failed? An Analysis Of Health Indicators
Under Socialism” written by Vicente Navarro: “The socialist project called for
„abolishing exploitation, destroying the division of society into classes, ending the wastefulness of capitalist production, and eradicating all sources of injustice‟” (Navarro
1992: 597). On the opposite side social democrats believe that with the advanced system of universal suffrage: “Either the rich and the propertied will take away universal suffrage, or the poor, with the help of their right to vote will procure for themselves a part of the accumulated riches” (Navarro 1992: 597). The system in Cuba (as opposed to capitalist systems) appears to promote a consciousness in which people do not contribute to forcing a gap between rich and poor. Instead it focuses on the betterment of society over all so that all Cubans (united under one party) can share in the spoils the people produce. In addition, even those who do not whole-heartedly support the system are still extremely knowledgeable on political issues and ideas both within their country as well political issues abroad. 39
Bottom up vs. top down principles throughout Havana showed that when there is a genuine complaint throughout the city the government seeks to rectify the problem, in addition there are various ways in which the people themselves will also take action. The people are essentially able to solve their own problems through this system of real democracy because they are the government and the power. The government as well as the people throughout Havana worked together in efforts to create a better living environment. Revolutionary goals can only be made better if those who are displeased are able to express their concerns within society in order to force positive reactionary changes to community issues (Baker 2005: 376).
One specific case I was informed about was the growing problem with feral dogs throughout the city streets. I was informed that there is a program that has been implemented in which the government will pay up to three quarters of vet bills for happy pet owners so that their animal can be sterilized. In addition, any feral animals caught on the streets that are brought to a vet will spade or neuter the animal and give it all necessary vaccines. The idea is that over time the feral dog problem will disappear, as the rate of reproduction will decline massively as a result of sterile animals.
Perhaps one of the best examples of how leadership is strongly presented from a bottom up and top down principles is the ability of university students to play a strong role in the betterment of their education (in a society in which education is already free and highly efficient). A friend of mine informed me (while carrying out this action) that if a student is unsatisfied with a professor they are able to find a new professor to teach them that subject. Because there is a large test at the end of the course sometimes the student feels that their professor will not prepare properly and therefore is replaced, and 40 often times will not hold a grudge against the student. In these situations the professors will often communicate in regards to the curriculum in order to suit the student and their needs. This shows that every member of society, even students, have a strong say in the way their society operates. Real democracy encompasses all people even students so that the future of the revolutionary socialist government will be in the hands of people that are promoting a society in which the people continue to encourage solidarity and people‟s power.
In addition the health care system is a very strong example of how power is invested in the hands of the people not merely the government. From an outsiders perspective the health care system can be viewed as essentially flawless. However
Cubans, especially those I spoke to in Havana are highly critical of their health care.
When I asked one friend how he viewed the health care system the reply was not as I was expecting. They replied that it was not a great system because the people are often unable to receive vaccines they need because of the restrictions on the country. However this is not the fault of Cuba rather, this problem lies in the issues pertaining to anti- communist forces. These forces include the blockade (also known as the embargo) and the Torricelli bill. The embargo ceased trade conducted between Cuba and the United
States. This was further tightened under the Torricelli Bill, stating that no country should trade with Cuba; ships that dock in Cuba were not permitted to visit U.S. ports for six months (Nayeri 1995: 326). In addition, Cubans living in the United States were not allowed to send money to their relatives. It was admitted by Torricelli, “these measures are intended to cause further hardship in Cuba so as to foster a counter-revolution”
(Nayeri 1995: 326). Because of the blockade and Torricelli bill, Cubans suffer a lack of 41 medical supplies, which contributes to the apathetic attitude of some younger generation residents of Havana.
On the other hand, a retired professor from the University of Havana, informed me, that the health care system is very good but the Cuban people are very critical because that is the only way the system will become more efficient. The professor stated that all Cubans call their doctors at home to talk about medicine, what they should do, what they can eat or drink, and so on. The majority of residents in Havana have their doctor‟s number and can call or stop by their houses when they need to. While staying at a casa particulare I noticed that patients would call the two doctors I was living with. The two of them would discuss treatment in order to assure the patient was properly attended to. In my opinion this shows that the patient is what matters and that ego never stands in the way of a proper diagnosis. It also promotes a sense of solidarity; by working together the patient will receive the best possible treatment. Furthermore, I was informed that there is a blood bank project strongly supported in Havana. When a person goes to the hospital for an operation they have to make arrangements for someone to give blood. It does not have to match the blood type of the person being operated on. The donation has to be able to replace the blood that may be used from the bank while the person is being operated on. This project assures that Cuba‟s blood bank will never be short.
During my second trip to Cuba I noticed that pharmacies are always located in very convenient easily accessible locations. A pharmacy was located one block away from the casa I stayed in. Upon going to the pharmacy I noticed that at least one third of the medications on the shelves were natural medicines. There are charts on the walls of the pharmacy showing which plants medicines come from and what their various cures 42 are. According to Fidel Castro: “Examples…which imply collective solutions- and which are ecologically valuable- are the intensified use of herbal medicine, the promotion of local fruit and vegetable gardens (even in residential areas in yards and terraces)”
(Castro 1993: 49). Organic farming is just one of the examples which illustrates not only the power of the people but also their strong commitment to community development and good health.
The prescription I was given only cost a mere one Cuban peso (approximately 5 cents Canadian). All prescriptions are extremely affordable and are the same price for myself as they are for Cuban citizens. These prescriptions are extremely affordable because in Cuba, health care is a basic human right in which every person has access to.
According to article 43 of the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba: “all citizens, regardless of race, skin color, sex, religious beliefs, national origin and any distinction that may be harmful to human dignity: …be given health care in all medical institutions”
(Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 19). In Cuba there are no insurance companies or generic brands for those who cannot afford the popular medicines.
Everyone receives the same health care as their neighbour or the person living on the opposite side of the country.
While Cubans are very critical of their system they portray a very strong sense of pride as well. I have found that the younger generation tends to complain about the system more so than the older generation. A friend of mine stated the system is good, but that “our government can do better, it‟s not enough.” While many may view comments such as these as a person struggling against socialism it can also be viewed as a way of pushing for more, and can be viewed as actual public opinion being forced into 43 consideration. The people will not settle for anything less than equality of every human right. Another person responded that the Cuban system is like any other system in that they can all do better; Cuba cannot be singled out as the only country, and none are completely perfect.
During my stay in Havana numerous Cubans voiced their opinion on the poor decisions the Cuban government had made in the past. A specific topic that came up on more than one occasion was the problem of relying solely on one trading partner in the past (the Soviet Bloc). Cuban‟s living in Havana support a system in which there are numerous trading partners to ensure that the special period never happens again. “For all the damage to society triggered by the Soviet collapse, there is a determination to preserve what has been called here social democratic equality, equality of access to services, and sufficient equality of wealth to make equality of opportunity real” (Ludlam
2009: 138). Ludlam also states about Cuba: “it‟s people- all, not just some of them- will enjoy as much protection from the effects as any government will deliver, and more than most” (Ludlam 2009: 138).
In many instances, the Cuban youth in Havana were the most critical of their system. In my opinion this is because they have seen the worst of the revolution in which the special period dished out hardships around every corner. However, their vision of a better Cuba usually consisted of better economical opportunities. Many of my friends stated that if there were more small businesses that people could privately own instead of being state owned the economical sector in Havana could open up and prosper. The youth in Havana seemed to illustrate the fear of their system reverting back to what happened after the collapse of the Soviet Bloc. The reason they wish to have private 44 businesses and better economical stability does not seem to be for capitalist reasons, rather so that they will never have to go through a depression again. Many of the youth see the revolution moving in a positive direction, while they can have negative feelings toward the revolution they do not wish to see the hard work of the people be wasted, which is why they push for positive changes. In this way it is easy to recognize that the revolution is on going, hence the reason there are still struggles in Cuba today.
While numerous people I spoke to in Havana frequently stated negative aspects about their system people were always defensive if outsiders criticized Cuba. In one instance while traveling on the bus from the beach a friend was robbed. They proceeded to state that it was enough to make them never come back while saying how awful Cuban people were. A Cuban friend looked at me and stated: “We are proud to be Cubans and we are very good people. What she is saying is not correct.” In addition another friend who is a primary school teacher along with a cofounder of one particular organization he is affiliated with informed me that: “Outsiders always think they can fix any problem we have here.” Often times even residents of Havana propose community projects which are very schematic and poorly conceived. The primary teacher is heavily involved in the development of community projects and stated over a conversation: “I think now maybe with a little bit of critical thought, in the beginning I was a bit like this. And now whatever we try to do we do it with children and their ideas. Not always for them but with them.”
The words „we‟ and „with‟ are always present throughout conversations with the
Cuban people I spoke with in Havana. The strong sense of togetherness is literally portrayed through all aspects of culture. While there are still traces of individualism, 45 almost everything is done with others in mind. According to Che Guevara: “In the history of the Cuban revolution there now appeared a character, well defined in its features, which would systematically reappear: the mass” (Guevara 2002: 31). The very ability to refer to Cuban citizens as “the mass,” contributes directly to the idea of real democracy as well as basic principles of how equality and equity are at the very core of
Cuban socialism.
A friend of mine in Havana has actually been involved in a political organization within his community. It is for people who in the future may wish to join the Communist
Party. Young people from the ages 14 to 30 can be members of the organization; they host regular meetings throughout the month and discuss political subjects which members of the government send them. They also discuss subjects such as speeches given by Fidel or Raul, the war in Iraq, Afghanistan, the prisoners in Guantanamo bay, or the Five
Cuban prisoners, as well as many other topics. The organization is set up as a mach government and they host elections and holds a congress every year. One of the tasks the organization seeks to perform is rallying people to join. They organize events and try to convince people to join the party and get involved in this community project so that the younger generation in Havana will gain a stronger sense of politics in their country.
Grassroots/ Local Level Activism
Grassroots and local level activism can be attributed to one of the main reasons that Cuban socialism has been highly successful up to this point. Because socialism strongly depends on the participation of the people in their government it also depends on their involvement with their own community and communities around them. Havana city was bursting with grassroots involvement and local level activism. Many of the people I 46 spoke with in Havana were volunteering their time in many cases in order to assure the betterment of lives of other people rather than for their own interest. There are also those who get paid for the extra participation they conduct pertaining to grassroots involvement, however the incentives are paid for in Cuban pesos rather than CUC (Cuban
Convertible Peso). Which makes the paid involvement almost equally as selfless as volunteer work. Within Havana city I observed grassroots involvement in all sectors of my thesis: political involvement, agriculture, music, education and health care.
While music is often viewed as a form of opposition and can be extremely critical of the government, this only furthers the argument that criticism of the government allows people to have control over the outcome of their country and their lives. Citizens do not place their lives solely in the hands of the government to do as they please. Music is also a very strong form of how grassroots involvement is very important not only throughout Cuba but especially within Havana city. Typically all concerts are extremely affordable so that all Cuban citizens can go and it is not only inclusive of a small amount of Cuban people, all have access to music which is a huge part of Cuban life.
Submarino Amarillo, the hottest new music club in Havana, hosts a live band
Tuesday and Saturday nights that plays a variety of 70‟s music but mainly Beatles music.
Between 2- 4 o‟clock in the afternoon it is free of cover charge at the club. At night it costs 2 CUC; my friends tell me this is very affordable and a good price for a place that just opened and plays good Beatles music. The band that was playing is one that is well known throughout Cuba. El Kent is their name; another cover band even named themselves El Hent so that people would follow their music. The walls of the club were painted with lyrics from Beatles songs and weird art that reflected the oddness of songs 47 like Lucy in the sky with diamonds. When I asked what the big deal with the Beatles is I was told that Cuban music as well as the Beatles music both played an influence on each other. There were ideas about the Beatles playing their drums in a Cuban style and
Cubans playing some of their songs in a Beatles style. A write up on each table explains that the nightclub is 108 steps away from the John Lennon Park in which a solid metal statue of John Lennon sits on a bench.
On the way to the show at Submarino Amarillo, music filled the streets coming out of nearly every building was the sound of vibrant Cuban music. The street adjacent to the yellow submarine had a free concert being hosted in the park. People of all ages were crowded around dancing and enjoying the nightlife. Parents danced with their children, laughing and enjoying the music the city has to offer. Free concerts are just one ways in which grassroots and local level activism promote a strong commitment to the community. Concerts that are not free tended to never be more than 2 CUC or 50 Cuban pesos. However, I went to a concert in Miramar where a famous Cuban Nueva Trova band was playing. The cost was 5 CUC, which even I found expensive for Cuba.
However, locals were satisfied with this price because that meant there was going to be easy access to a table with plenty of chairs and a bar for refreshments of any kind as well as a bathroom and giant stage, which was above eye level. While this band played an expensive concert in Miramar they offered a concert for 2 CUC the following weekend.
The music life in Cuba fascinated me because music could always be heard from all angles in Havana city. During the day blown speakers were still blasting the crackling sound of favourite local songs. 48
Citizens of Havana, on both trips I took, were continuously handing out pamphlets with information about the next concert being hosted in the city. There is a genuine sense that music creates a bond between the citizens of Havana. It is desirerable that a lot of people attend concerts, not for the money that will be earned but because music bonds the people. I was told on many occasions that “music is in the blood,” and it is very true. At a market in Habana Vieja (Old Havana) there was a free event hosted in which three men sang and played music and a group of around 15- 20 children danced and sang along. They put on this free concert for anyone who wanted to watch. There were many Cubans that jumped in and danced around and sang with those performing as well. Music and dance it seems, is a part of every generation in Havana.
On the very last night of my trip in Cuba I attended a jazz concert, which could be paid for in CUC (2) or Cuban pesos (50). It was the anniversary of the nightclub and a large number of famous Cuban actors, comedians, and musicians put on a show.
Interestingly, all famous Cuban‟s sat with the rest of the crowd, and they were not treated as through they were any different than those that were not famous attending the show.
The concert was unlike anything I had attended in Havana prior to that night. People were constantly getting up on stage that were not part of the act and they would start singing and the band would start playing a tune that matched what the other person was doing. There were all sorts of musicians that would get up on stage which were said to be the best of what they did in Cuba. A friend told me that each musician was paid maybe 10 Cuban pesos (50 cents Canadian) for the whole night and they would normally charge a lot for their concerts but they put on a show from 11 until 5 am and never took a break. 49
In addition hip-hop is a very important movement within the artistic/ music sphere within Havana, as stated by Sujatha Fernandes:
Transnational rap networks in Cuba provide a vehicle for young Afro- Cubans to voice demands for racial equality, yet cultural and political leaders also harness rappers‟ creative energy as a way of rebuilding popular support in a time of growing racial divisions (Fernandes 2006: 85). Hip-hop culture began to emerge in Havana as a large number of predominantly black populations were relocated to housing outside of the city (Fernandes 2006: 86). The government attempted to make the communities a place where people would be provided with good housing, day care centres, boarding schools, theatres and health care facilities
(Fernandes 2006: 87). However, there was little focus on what many Afro-Cubans felt was equally as important as basic human necessities- how to adjust to their new environment, social networks and culture (Fernandes 2006: 87). Hip-hop was a way to voice opinions about the effects the relocation had on kinship networks, and economic opportunities. Because the hip-hop culture was largely based on the American movement hip-hop music in Cuba focused on similar circumstances as those faced in America such as poverty and marginalization (Fernandes 2006: 87).
Hip-hop culture has become increasingly popular among the Cuban youth (See fernandes 2006). Many Afro- Cubans belonging to the older generation find it difficult to relate to the militant assertion of black identity, which is illustrated through Cuban Rap.
However, it has become extremely relevant to the younger generation, because they did not live through the positive years of the revolution. Fernandes states they: “are hardest hit by the failure of the institutions established under the revolution to provide racial equality in the special period” (Fernandes 2006: 89). While I did not attend any hip-hop 50 concerts during my stay in Havana it is still important to include concepts addressed through this music form because it has been a strong musical movement throughout
Havana.
Aside from music, agriculture is a huge part of the Cuban life style in Havana.
Since the special period plants have become even more important. According to Gisela
Arandia (an interviewee of Nunez, Moore, and Sacouman):
It really happened in 1994, we were compressed by the impact or the collapse of the Soviet Union had on Cuba. We had no medication, less transportation, theatres were closed because there was no electricity. We didn‟t have the oil as fuel was decreasing, we had no paper- there was an enormous crisis of paper. Before, thousands of booklets were published every year. There was a major depression for the artists mainly not only economical depression but emotional depression. It was a very difficult time. The impact of the blockade was devastating. People were very skinny. We became skinny because of the anguish, not only that we had no food and no infrastructure but also spiritually (See Nunez, Moore, and Sacouman: 2004). While there are still a lot of people residing in Havana city that choose to have plants for cosmetic reasons, I observed just as many edible gardens. It was amazing to see edible plants growing in places many people would not imagine possible. In the old streets of
Havana on deteriorating rock structures, on the patios of apartments and even inside of apartments with massive openings in the roof. It amazes me that what little bit of extra space many people residing in Havana have they seem to often sacrifice it in order to have a small garden in their back/ front yards or even on patios. Those who did not have space around their house planted gardens on the grassy area between the sidewalk and the road. There are food products being grown on virtually every block in the city.
Aside from those growing their own gardens, a form of organic farming in the city known as “organoponicos” has revolutionized urban agriculture for the citizens of 51
Havana. Prior to the invention of these gardens, citizens of Havana had to wait for fresh produce to be shipped from the countryside. I was informed that often times when the products arrived they were not as fresh as they were upon leaving the farm they were grown on. With the existence of these urban agricultural cooperatives the people of
Havana have quick easy access to delicious organic foods. Upon traveling to an organoponico with a Cuban friend a worker at the farm approached us and asked us if we had any questions about the farm, as he would be more than willing to answer any questions we had. The man is an agricultural engineer, who specializes in plant protection; he also took care of the technical and administrative tasks at the organoponico. It was a smaller organoponico compared to the larger ones on the outskirts of Havana near the airport, this one had only six workers. Each person carries out a different task to assure the proper functioning of the garden. There are people who work in production, one person sells the products, another one produces biological products, and as stated above he carries out the administrative and technical aspects.
The man a friend and I spoke with informed us that he first became involved in community development programs such as this after he graduated university. Upon graduating he informed us that he spent thirty years doing research, as well as traveled to
Venezuela. However, he began working in urban agriculture in 2009, and stated that his origins are from a family of farmers, who have always been close to agriculture.
Therefore, it is a large part of his life. He stated he has learned many things about communities through his involvement in grassroots participation. He confirmed that the special period in Cuba showed people many things, and reminded them of things they had not seen since before the revolution. He stated that urban agriculture was a solution 52 to these problems and the project to begin urban farming began in 1992, after the fall of the Soviet Union. Because there was a lack of fuel on the island, and people were starving. A quick solution needed to be made, as the farmers from the countryside were not able to afford the cost of shipping fresh produce across the island. The man argued that urban agriculture is one of the best things that could happen to the people of Havana.
Now, those residing in Havana are able to enjoy the luxuries of fresh produce, and also promote healthier living as people now have access to healthier foods. He stated that now all people in Havana have the same luxuries because they all have access to these foods unlike in capitalist countries (where such products are only affordable for upper class citizens).
When asked if he enjoyed his job the man replied with a yes, because he likes agriculture and people need motivation to do their job, and thus if they enjoy it they will work hard. It is extremely important, in his opinion, that people enjoy their job in agriculture because they have to spend long hours in the hot sun, and Cuba is no exception from anywhere else. He stated: “In Venezuela everyone wanted to work in the petro company. Cuba is not an exception that people do not want to work in agriculture.”
The man informed us that in the specific organoponico that we visited, 80% of the profits made are given to the workers, this is a way of stimulating the production of the food they grow. Allowing the workers to claim 80% of their production, it stimulates the workers and makes them feel a sense of identity with their work. According to Castro,
“without socialism, 163, 000 peasants would not be the true owners of their lands”
(Castro 2001 13). He goes on to state: “whether in the form of individually owned parcels or cooperatives, nor would 252, 000 agricultural workers be the owners of the 53 facilities, machinery and crops in the basic units of cooperative production” (Castro
2001: 13).
A part of the junior high and high school curriculums is for students to actually participate in urban gardening in Havana. I was informed that it is not mandatory but that almost all students attend, because they want to. Each student goes once or twice in junior high and high school years for two days each time. I was informed that people are able to refuse to partake but will often always go regardless, unless they are sick. A friend of mine informed me that after the special period people were suffering. He stated:
“but we‟re doing better now, because the people did what they had to do, they found ways to survive.” Many students support community involvement through the education system because they want to help their society as well as remove any chance of a relapse of the special period. “In moments of great peril is it easy to muster a powerful response with moral incentives. Retaining their effectiveness, however, requires the development of a consciousness in which there is a new scale of values. Society as a whole must be converted into a gigantic school” (Guevara 2002: 35). Even those who do not support some of the inefficiencies of the revolution still refer to the population as „the people‟ and the citizens of Havana never seem to lose sight of the fact that the masses have helped to make Cuba what is it today.
Everywhere I went in Havana I was confronted with the positive reality that there is a strong sense of community. Everyone can use someone else‟s skills. At a local market with beautiful paintings a friend of mine who is a computer scientist and the artist began speaking about making a website to promote the art presented at the market. In addition, even a security guard working at the bank informed me that he organizes the 54
Terry Fox run for children in Havana city. While many people argue that all Cubans have a second job, many of them have a second job that either pays very little or is voluntary (a service to the community in order to promote the growth of the city).
According to Arandia this is very important because while the state provides free services like health care, education, water, etc:
In the first place people do not evaluate, do not value or give value…it‟s like a child who is given everything and he does not establish his value. When this child becomes an adult person, he is selfish, he believes that he is not lovable, he‟s arrogant and irresponsible mainly (See Nunez, Moore, and Sacouman 2004). For these reasons she believes that it is important for people to partake in the building of their own society so that through their level of participation they will learn to share and not be irresponsible and selfish.
Perhaps one of the most interesting people I had the pleasure of speaking to was a primary school teacher which cofounded numerous community development programs.
In the past he has participated in the project “Making Souls,” which still exists to this day. “Making Souls” is a program which allows children to develop skills of expression through writing texts, and telling the stories which are written in their texts. The children create a blog and then express themselves as well as organize events through the blog.
This project slowly gave way to another community development project called “Golden
Thoughts.” He stated: “Since I liked writing I created a group called „Golden Thoughts‟ where children would meet together once a month and they would write.”
Through his involvement in community development projects such as “Making
Souls” and “Golden Thoughts” he has learned many things about communities. He stated that mainly young people have a huge need for expression and sometimes are very eager 55 to transform their communities. They want to help aid the changing process but they sometimes do not know where to start or how to change society. He has learned that helping young people and facilitating them with the skills they need to both change their lives as well as aid others. He stated: “Perhaps we try to facilitate them with the opportunity to do a group of things related to this and facilitating is just the right word for it.” If people are taught proper methods for positive change it will stick longer than if they are only provided with some of the necessary tools. He stated: “And trying to make them realize or make them do it on their own it takes a different rhythm it might take a little bit more time but in the end it lasts longer.”
In regards to the overall political community development, which I observed
Havana residents taking place in, was the Bay of Pig‟s invasion ceremony. For the last two weeks I was in Havana I woke up to the sound of people practicing the ceremony for when spectators came to watch in Revolution Square. One of the people I lived with while in Cuba had volunteered to take part in the ceremony the previous year, and drove one of the tanks. In numerous cases I did not even have to ask people if they had ever been involved with community development. Many people volunteered the information to me, telling me their involvement with community projects and their volunteer work with children, and political reenactments, organic farming, doctors working overtime in their homes so that health care can be provided for all Havana citizens, as well as the various other forms in which grassroots involvement took place. According to Che
Guevara: “All those who are on the other side will call us whatever names they wish.
They will say whatever they wish. What is certain is that we are working for the benefit of the people, that we will not go back” (Guevara 1991: 48). 56
Building Socialism in the 21st Century
Ideas of how socialism is being built today can be seen in many different forms throughout the city of Havana. Throughout my stays in Havana I was always included in all discussions and social events. Upon asking if I could go to a faculty party with my house sister I was told, “of course, I assumed that anyway and bought you a ticket.” The citizens of Havana were always eager to talk to me about my country and share with me about their culture, government, and ideas about the world and many other topics. People were continuously walking up to me in the streets eager to converse and swap stories and ideas. All people voluntarily shared information with me, and were eager to be informative even if I did not ask. A lot of people, I feel, share because they want to trade information, as though it were a barter system of knowledge. This furthers the Cuban stance on education because they are always trying to learn even if the knowledge does not come from a book.
While two years of civil service is mandatory after the completion of university or trade school there are many ways in which the citizens of Havana regularly engage in random acts, which contribute to the building of socialism. During night time hours, cab drivers within Havana typically always have a second driver with them. This is so that potential acts of violence that could take place will be deterred, as well as sharing the workload so that the person driving the cab does not have to take care of all duties. This is their way of looking out for each other and making sure that no one gives anyone a problem. This is just one more way in which sharing can be seen as a major personality trait within the majority of Havana citizens. The second shift is also a task that is typically shared among other family members within Havana households. In the house I 57 lived in I noticed that the mother would cook and then the father would do the dishes. If the daughter cooked someone else would do the dishes. Also, in more than one incident, the father gathered up all the bags and the rations book and went for the rations on his own. It is extremely important that everyone share the load of additional household chores so that equality and equity remains one of the major goals in the socialist society.
While socialism is actively being built through the education system, as well as agriculture, music and politics, the most noticeable aspect of building socialism is taking place in the health care system. My house parents are both doctors and were continuously worried about everyone‟s health. I was sick for a few days and they eagerly researched my condition and told me that the prescriptions Canadian doctors have me on are more harmful to me than are good. Cuba does not seem to focus on medications so much as it focuses on natural remedies like tea and soup to sooth my stomach. While there are still prescriptions the doctors do not seem eager to give a prescription and keep the person on the medication. Medications that can be prescribed for life in Canada would sometimes only be prescribed for a maximum of two months in Cuba, because of the potential health risks they can pose. As a result of their concern they proceeded to research my condition for two hours in order to make sure their unofficial diagnosis was actually correct information. They told me to insist my doctors at home pay attention to me and take me off the harmful strong medication I was on.
Throughout my stay in Havana there were numerous times in which people showed up at the house in order to receive medical check ups and consultations. In addition the doctors residing in the house would make house calls for other people in order to give them at home treatment. In one instance two parents showed up to discuss 58 the medical treatment and condition of their son. The parents of the sick child showed up as supper was being put on the table, and the doctors left the table in order to speak with the parents. The 13-year-old boy had a tumor in his hippocampus, which was causing him to grow hair, in height, and weight. The doctor stated: “the diagnosis is not good, but we can fix it, I think it will be ok.” The doctors never lose hope in their diagnosis and they work together in order to make sure they are correct and the procedure they will carry out is the best tactic for the illness. On another occasion two doctors showed up in order to discuss a medical chart. The four doctors sat around a computer discussing the pictures on it and discussing treatments. Aside from at home treatment there is a clinic in every neighbourhood, so that everyone will always have access to health care. Hospitals are for patients who have to remain under medical supervision while they are ill
(intensive care). If a person is not terribly ill they will seek medical attention at a clinic instead of the hospital. There are specific centres for specialized illnesses throughout
Havana, I noticed a cardiology centre and was informed that there are many others such as, optics, and cancer care.
In addition, the mother in my casa particulare is a doctor in Havana city and is currently taking a yearlong course. Every Friday she has a test, which she spends the entire week studying for. The material is in English so she spends a lot of time translating it into Spanish and then studying the notes she has made. She informed me that there are a lot of young people in this class and she feels nervous every time she goes to write the test on Fridays because she is the only older person. She says that if a doctor does not want to take any more courses after their finished their degree they do not have to continue courses outside of those required to become a doctor. She stated that when 59 she finished the course she would receive a lot of points, which would entitle her to an extra 50 Cuban pesos per month, about 2 CUC. She stated: “but it‟s not for the money because that‟s not even a lot of money, this is for me.” She feels that the courses give her more knowledge, providing her with the ability to be better informed on diseases and care, and thus become a better doctor. In some cases the diseases she was studying were those, which only doctors that had traveled outside of Cuba had seen. She stated that while she may never see this disease in her lifetime it was important for her to be prepared for it incase she ever did encounter it. Thus, she is worried about the well being of her patients more so than her economic gain. This is a quality, which shines through the personality of many doctors in Havana city.
In one specific instance a female dentist informed me that she works in a clinic, which provides health care as well as hosts a program which trains students. The students partake in providing care to people as well as learn on the spot through the assistance they provide to the graduated dentists in the clinic. This clinic specifically services a population of 2000 people, which are provided with preventative and curative treatments. However, she does not only provide community services within her own country, she has also traveled to a poor village in Venezuela in 2005 for three years and three months in order to provide services. She explained with warmth in her heart that the people in this village in many instances had never seen a dentist because they could not afford it, but that they provided their service for free.
She was very proud of her mission and stated that it was a good experience because she had a chance, along with her coworkers, to help people that really needed these services, and did not usually have access to the care. She stated that upon arrival 60 the staff quickly realized that the people in the village could have never afforded the services they were able to provide to them, and that in order to make it fair to everyone in the village services were provided to all. In order to promote principles of solidarity not only the poorest were provided with the care, everyone was welcome in the clinic and was never asked about their social or economic status. Even medications were free of any charges for all people who came to the clinic. She stated: “It was a very nice experience from the point of view of the human being because I was able to help those people and from the point of view of my profession I learned a lot.”
This was such a good experience for her because a program abroad had never been offered for dentists on such a large scale, while dentists had traveled abroad before it was never a massive movement like the one she went on in Venezuela. She stated that she had always wanted to travel abroad and help poor people and have the experience of helping another country in need, and she had felt this way since she graduated from university. She informed me that she did not do this mission for extra money. She went abroad because she felt in her heart that it was the right thing to do because these people needed her, and that before the government informed anyone that there would be a small addition to their salary she had already signed up to go abroad. She left her children and husband in Cuba while she went abroad for her term because she felt that it was a very important mission. According to Lambie (2020: 141): “Havana believed that international socialism should be concerned with confronting Third World problems, such as underdevelopment, imperialist domination and economic dependency.”
While the very concept of People‟s Power is building socialism in the 21st century by allowing what many sociologists may refer to as “real democracy” to take place, as 61 stated in chapter two of this thesis, internationalism is a very strong aspect of building socialism. This is actually recognized in the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba under article 12, more specifically subsections b and h. This article states under subsection b:
The republic of Cuba espouses the principles of anti-imperialism and internationalism, and…establishes its international relations based on the principles of equality of rights, self- determination of the peoples, territorial integrity, independence of states, international cooperation for mutual and equitable benefit and interest, peaceful settlement of disputes on an equal footing and based on respect and the other principles proclaimed in the united Nations Charter and in other international treaties which Cuba is party to (Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 7). In addition to these principles of internationalism article 12 subsection h states:
The republic of Cuba espouses the principles of anti imperialism and internationalism, and bases its relations with those countries building socialism on fraternal friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance, founded on the common objectives of the construction of a new society (Constitution of the Republic of Cuba 2004: 9). Internationalism therefore can be seen as building socialism as it promotes grounds of sharing with other countries while allowing each country to create and promote its own path toward socialist development. In addition, internationalism allows principles of self- determination to foster in which the people begin to create a society they wish to see through the promotion of Cuban socialism and the promotion of equality and respect. For example, project miracle is a project, which is conducted both locally in
Havana as well as abroad. Is it a project which seeks to restore failed eyesight from muscular degeneration. Numerous people informed me that it is a great program, which performs cataract surgery on eighty patients per day. While some Cubans are distraught that the waiting list is very long and that people from abroad are seen quicker than locals 62 with a turn over rate for surgery as fast at 80 patients per day patients still do not have to wait years to receive the treatment.
Cuba has been training doctors from abroad as well as caring to health needs around the world. However after Hurricane George Cuban doctors quickly discovered that emergency health care should not be the only priority (New Economy 2007: 1).
Thus Cuba made a commitment to post doctors in these countries as well as educate people within these regions so that when Cuban medical staff left, medical attention would not leave with them. Shortly after, ELAM, the Havana-based Latin American
School Of Medicine was created, offering 10, 000 scholarships for free medical training
(New Economy 2007: 1). The program has grown to 22, 000 students from throughout
Latin America, Caribbean, Africa, Asia as well as the United States who attend ELAM or one of the other 28 medical schools throughout Cuba (New Economy 2007: 1).
A major challenge facing those involved in the health care system is to ensure that the majority of students if not all of them maintain an investment in serving the poor. It is important for those who have been given the opportunity to study on a scholarship in
Cuba to share the wealth by medically serving the poor (New Economy 2007: 1).
According to Gelder, “one challenge of the Cuban approach is making sure their investment in medical education benefits those who need it most” (New Economy 2007:
1). Furthermore, Cuban doctors are trained to see health care as a right rather than a commodity (New Economy 2007: 1; see also Santana 1987). According to Michael A.
Lebowitz in “Beyond Capital” he states, “in the final version of the Manifesto (written by
Marx), this goal was represented as the „association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all‟” (Lebowitz 2003:203). Within the 63 next 15 years Cuba has intention to graduate 100, 000 doctors, this will be possible as a result of the rapid rate of medical schools being built in Cuba as well as abroad (New
Economy 2007: 1).
On a day trip to Vinales I met eight people attending the Latin American School of Medicine. All students were from various locations such as South Africa, Honduras, and Brazil. While I spoke with all the students briefly one woman actually came back and sat beside me to ask me why I was in Cuba. When I informed her that I was doing research for my thesis she immediately began to tell me all her thoughts about Cuba and its system. She came to Cuba four years ago in order to train to become a doctor. Much like me, she had a lot of preconceived views that Cuba was everything a person could dream of. However, she said in many ways she is disappointed. She feels that people complain too much about their system, and this upsets her because she knows how poor other places are in the world, and that in many cases these other countries do not have regular access to anything as great as Cuba does. She stated: “Yes, in Brazil I have the option to buy a car, or to buy things, but if I buy one thing then I will have to go without something else.” She mentioned that she knows that the younger generation (not all of them, but some) have negative attitudes toward Cuba. She feels that it is because they have only seen the bad side of the revolution and the poverty that came with it after the blockade and collapse of the Soviet Union. However, she stated if the younger people saw what Cuba was like before the revolution they would not be as hard on their system as they are now.
The woman informed me that people in Havana are always at the hospital for silly things. She stated that one person came in for the doctor to check her blood pressure and 64 another because she had a headache. She says that in other countries the doctors would look at them as though they were crazy and then ask them why they were bothering the doctor. However, here in Havana people use the system like this because it is theirs and they can visit the doctor as often as they want because it is acceptable. She spoke about people going to the doctor‟s house or calling them at home and how the Cuban doctors do not mind this behaviour.
Perhaps the most disappointing aspect of her experience in Cuba is that she feels the majority of people who travel to Cuba to study are only pretending they are going to help the poor with their medical knowledge. She stated: “They pretend they are going to help poor communities but really they are just here to steal the free education from
Cuba.” The woman informed me that she went to Cuba with the assumption that everyone was going to be like her but quickly realized there are those with the intentions of helping people and those that say they are going to and have other plans. Another woman on the bus informed me that she would not be returning to Honduras, rather she would be traveling to Spain to work as a plastic surgeon. The woman who sat beside me said, for this reason she feels they should almost stop the program, but that it is a great program because no other countries offer free education based on a promise that the graduate would use their knowledge to service the poor. In addition she felt that the program strongly built upon solidarity and internationalism.
She is very grateful for her acceptance into the Latin American School of
Medicine. Upon finishing her degree in Cuba she has full intentions of servicing the poor. She says that while many others are there with bad intentions, she and a small group of others (who are studying at the school with her) have decided to develop a 65 community project with their skills in a poor town in northern Brazil. Upon opening the clinic in Brazil, the poor people will have regular access to health care. She said it has always been her plan to help the poor and that if not for this program, she probably would not have had a medical degree because it is too expensive to obtain. In most countries it is the most expensive degree to obtain because it takes a long time. However, in Cuba she stated her food, housing, and education is totally paid for.
Aside from educational internationalism, is the disaster assistance that is part of
Cuba‟s medical aid mission. It is known that the helping hand has extended from Peru, to
Indonesia, and even all the way to Ukraine. In the case of Ukraine, well over 20, 000 children victims of the Chernobyl accident have been cared for and treated (New
Economy 2007: 1; MEDICC 2010: 1). Rosa Luxemberg believed that: “only the masses can achieve the communist revolution, and…neither a party secretary nor a president of the republic can achieve it by issuing decrees” (in Löwy 2005: 179). The explosion of the nuclear reactor in Chernobyl has caused the destruction of 9 million lives, perhaps the most saddening is that over half of which are children under the age of five (Maryann
DeLeo 2003). Children born around the time of the explosion have high reports of thyroid cancer (Maryann DeLeo 2003; and Guardian 2009: 1). Furthermore, “congenital birth defects have increased by 250% since the Chernobyl accident on April 26, 1986”
(Maryann DeLeo 2003). In addition, a mere 15- 20% of babies are born healthy.
One of the main birth defects in children affected by the disaster is the Chernobyl heart. This defect is characterized by two holes in the heart; it is a very common defect determining the mortality rate of many children throughout the affected areas (Maryann
DeLeo 2003). It is estimated that there are approximately 7, 000 children on a waiting 66 list for cardiac surgery who will die within 2-5 years without the operation (Maryann
DeLeo 2003). While the cure for the Chernobyl heart is estimated around 300 dollars per gortex patch it is difficult to afford this operation (600 dollars American in total to fix the heart). Many of those who suffer from problems are those who were closest to the nuclear plant, with their economic status perhaps contributing to their location in the first place. Nevertheless, less than 300 children each year will have the necessary heart operation that could potentially save their life (Maryann DeLeo 2003).
The idea of the solidarity project between Cuba and Ukraine is to provide young
Chernobyl victims with medical assistance while having access to a playful, stress-free atmosphere. This will aid in their recovery process and helps encourage rehabilitation
(Gale Group 2004: 1; and Guardian 2009:1). Four years after the nuclear accident, two countries began responding to the international plea for assistance (Gale Group 2004: 1; and Guardian 2009:1). While Israel only committed to taking fifty Jewish victims Cuba responded by offering to initially host 10,000 children, and by 2000 would attempt to host 50,000. Cuba promised to cover all costs, excluding airfare (Gale Group 2004: 1; and Guardian 2009: 1). As stated by Archimedes, “you give me an intervention point and I will move the world” (in Lebowitz 2010: 81).
Children are giving treatment based on the seriousness of their illnesses, treatment can vary from 45 days to 6 months and in many cases years (Guardian 2009: 1). The gesture of the Cuban people to help internationally with health care is truly a show of their character and that they would rather share in their prospects than be greedy with them. According to Dr. Julio Medina (general coordinator of the program), “it is simple: we do not give what we have in excess; we share all that we have” (Guardian 2009: 1). 67
While many children have been able to pick up on the Spanish language, they are still given regular school lessons that they would receive in Ukraine. The bilingual school in Tarara is taught by volunteers, of these volunteers, most are visiting parents.
This is so that children‟s studies will not fail as a result of their treatments (Gale Group
2004: 1; and IPS 2009: 1). One child‟s father stated, “to be away from the snow, to have food provided, and to be surrounded by people who are committed to making our children feel better about the consequences of this disaster cannot be downplayed…there is hope for the future” (Gale Group 2004: 1). The medical staff in Cuba is building socialism through community projects such as this. Their strong commitment to internationalism, and their ability to assure that many poor people abroad are able to receive care in the same community facilities as their own citizens truly shows the motivation and the intentions of many Cuban people.
Cuba helps the poor of Ukraine, asking for nothing in return. Amazingly, the program even survived the economic crisis after the fall of the Soviet bloc (as well as the economic embargo) (Guardian 2009: 1). According to Cuban authorities, “this help will continue as long as Ukraine needs it” (IPS 2009: 1). Because of the help of many Cuban health care professionals the recovery rate of Chernobyl victims is more than 90 percent
(IPS 2009: 1). “And that, after all, is the socialist alternative- real human development”
(Lebowitz 2010: 166). While I wanted to travel to the Chernobyl clinic in Cuba, unfortunately there were restrictions of foreigners visiting the clinic without special permission from the minister of public health. “As globalization fails to ensure a future for the majority of the world‟s population and inequality increases, the inability of the
Western powers to provide relevant and appropriate aid has become a key issue” (Lambie 68
2010: 219-20). Lambie (2010: 219-20) goes on to further state: “It is interesting that some major donor agencies are looking to Cuba for examples of how to deliver effective health care in the developing world.”
69
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSIONS
While many people may believe that the revolution ended with the over throw of
Batista and his army, it is my opinion, and is also argued by many scholars that the revolution did not end with the over throw. In many ways the revolution is continuing today as there is a constant revolution against imperialism and inequality. According to
Antonio Gramsci (quoted by Ian McKay): “Gramsci calls this dance „hegemony‟ too is a process, not a thing. It‟s a daily bid to achieve support for a political and social project, not a once-and-for-all achievement of total domination” (McKay 2005: 61).
Furthermore, the process of which Cuban citizens, specifically those I have observed and spoke with in Havana have illustrated the various ways they build and sustain the revolutionary process. Their efforts are carried out through their daily activities in order to facilitate the continual revolutionary process throughout Havana, all of Cuba, and throughout poor regions of the world.
Therefore, when I reflect upon observations and conversations among friends as well as with people I met in Havana city, I see a population that is not spoiled by the
„luxuries‟ of capitalism, nor devastated by the impoverishment and misery of capitalism.
They are kind people that are willing to help while there is always the odd person that is rolling their eyes while looking at me or pretending to not speak English, I know that they are a culture based on sharing and caring for all peoples because they have found that being united is better than struggling against one another. They may not have a dishwasher that would make the second shift easier, but they have a strong sense of family and what it is to be a community and thus in every house I have been to in
Havana, there is visible progress that can be seen in regards to the sharing of the second 70 shift. So they make do with what they have because at the end of the day commodities are what they are. Lambie (2020: 142) states: “The idealistic leadership aimed at more than material development, and sought to channel the popular energies of the revolution into a process of socialist transformation.”
A decade ago Fidel noted that: “Today, the wealthiest 20% of the world‟s population accounts for 86% of all spending on private consumption, while the poorest
20% accounts for only 1.3%” (Castro 2001: 4). It is hard to ignore the truly phenomenal feat Cuba has enlisted for itself. A vast majority of the Cuban people strongly supports international programs that seek to aid the poor. In my opinion this is due to factors such as the abundance of medical professionals being trained within Cuba. In addition, there are those taking advantage of the Latin American School of Medicine in which international students, which would not be able to afford medical school in their country, are able to enjoy a free education. Education and the abundance of health care professionals plays a large role in the involvement of the Cuban people with International solidarity. Many Cuban people would ask me to promote Cuban internationalism in
Canada as well as educate people on the various positive aspects of the Cuban system.
Article One of the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba states: “Cuba is an independent and sovereign socialist state of workers, organized with all and for the good of all as a united and democratic republic, for the enjoyment of political freedom, social justice, individual and collective well-being and human solidarity” (Constitution of the
Republic of Cuba 2004: 4). While the system that has been achieved thus far is nothing short of amazing, there will still be many years of working towards a better socialist 71
Cuba. Many people often said to me of course the system is good but it has bad aspects too, but every system has room for change.
The Cuban people never hide from the reality that Cuba still has a lot of work ahead in order to be the ideal utopian state. According to Che Guevara: “we have never fled from confrontation of discussion. We have always been open to discussing any idea” (in Waters 2000: 93). It is important that the people criticize their country and all the various aspects of society in which they wish to see positive change taking place. It is important to note, that the changes, which have been made since the gloomy years prior to the insurrection, can be credited to the people and their ability to collectively force the changes they wish to see in their country. “The development achieved by Cuban society is reflected by the high degree of equality and collective participation” (Castro 1993: 47).
In addition, Che Guevara states that the Cuban people:
Cease to be simple wage earners- partly hidden behind various forms of exploitation- but nevertheless in their great majority wage earners, building for somebody else, interpreting the wishes and opinions of others, always creating wealth for someone else through their work (in waters 2000: 92). They are the builders of society, the participants and are responsible for their society
(Waters 2000: 92).
While some people complain it is important to acknowledge that for an underdeveloped country the advances that have been made in the education and health care sectors of society are truly fascinating. Of those whom I met with that are teachers as well as volunteer community development organizers in Havana I saw many positive changes being made even though Cuba is not a “rich” country. I had the sense that people felt what they were doing for their community, especially for the primary aged 72 students, was important. Their achievements with community development for children helped to facilitate younger people with the ability to be independent. It was important to show children ways in which to grow as their own person as well as help others grow.
Principles of self-emancipation were strongly taught through community programs like the Terry Fox run as well as programs such as “From the Heart” and “Making Souls.”
While people may not always be doing community work through the form of volunteering, there is still community work taking place, and even if it is paid it is not paid very much. People are highly involved in community development and are learning a lot from it. Furthermore, when people own the means of their own production they work harder because it will earn them more money, and that sometimes salaries are viewed as not being high enough in Cuba. This is one of the major problems with socialism because it still has inherent traces of capitalism in the system.
Therefore, principles of self-emancipation are of the upmost importance as it teaches people that it is not enough to wait for someone to do something for you it is better to help yourself and help others. In one instance a man told me his opinion of such acts. He stated that those who complain about their problems are only deflecting their situation onto someone else. In addition he stated that you cannot blame your situation on someone else, you have to find ways of making your own life better because anything other than helping yourself will get you no where. According to Che Guevara those who are dissatisfied with or:
Those who state that they are not socialist nor will they ever be, to them we simply say: „before, no one asked you whether or not you were a capitalist- you had a contract and you fulfilled it.‟ We say: fulfill your 73
contract, do your work, espouse whatever ideas you like, we won‟t interfere with your ideas (in Waters 2000: 94). There are varying ideological debates throughout Cuba as well written scholarly work (See Perez 2010). Because of Cuba‟s colonial history it is nearly impossible to not acknowledge the racial divisions. As a result of Spanish colonialism naturally Afro-
Cubans were more socially stigmatized. The on-going revolution has helped to shrink the once large racial gap. Saney states: “It can be argued that Cuba has done more than any other country to dismantle institutionalized racism and generate racial harmony” (Saney
2004: 103). In order to change existing racial stigmas anywhere in the world it is important to start at the base of any system. A system, which promotes inequality, in order to drive wages down and exploit workers is a system where racism will flourish
(See Saney 2004). However, a system, which allows people to voice their opinions and attempt to change social, political and economic structures, is one that will be successful in a campaign against racism. Fernandes states: “All political regimes attempt to monopolize power, but citizens retain the power to bargain and can use it to shift the grounds of the dominant ideology in ways that privilege their own interests and concerns” (Fernandes 2006: 190).
Cuba‟s health care system is based around a high functioning operation (even though Cuba is a “poor” country). Doctors put a lot of their own free time into the system, other factors, which help make the system high functioning is that, it is strongly built around preventative medical techniques. Cuban doctors have to focus on prevention instead of simply focusing on a cure because they do not have the resources to cure all diseases. While there is usually always an obstacle presented there seems to always be somewhat of a solution for fixing the problems that are posed in everyday living in Cuba. 74
I observed the people of Havana finding solutions to minor and large problems on a daily basis. For example, the organoponicos in the city of Havana have allowed those living in the city to have access to fresh fruits and vegetables that may not have been within their reach before.
Furthermore, worker owned farms should not be seen as a break from the building of socialism as the ability to build socialism is built on the very basis of the capability of the state and communities to work together. Through worker owned farms communities are able to build a stronger participatory system. Workers take pride in what they have accomplished and want to share the knowledge with other communities in order to further the development of socialism throughout the island. In addition, the agricultural system in place in Cuba has given Cuban doctors the ability to provide their patients with natural medicines (as a result of the lack of imported medicines since the blockade). In addition, music in the city has provided Cubans with inexpensive entertainment in order to enrich their cultural life and watching famous musicians live is not something that only upper class citizens can enjoy (as it is in westernized countries). The music is inexpensive for all citizens and everyone is granted access to the same shows. Equality is promoted in all aspects of Cuban society, and is looked upon favorably. Also, as mentioned in the previous chapter those students who are not entirely pleased with their professors often enlist new professors for their education.
In addition to the examples presented above, minor cases of fixing ones own problems may include fixing objects, which have become old and would other wise be thrown out in western countries. For example in the house I was living in the mother‟s favourite necklace broke and she took the time to fix it with gadgets she had laying 75 around the house. Similarly at a house a friend was living in the taps of the bathroom sink were no longer in working order so the valve on the pipes beside the sink was altered so that water would come out when the valve was turned. Many Cubans living in Havana referred to this skill as “Cuban inventions” and were very proud of their ability to fix things they cherished. Alejandro Castro Espin states in “The Price of Power” that: “In a capitalist society individuals are controlled by a pitiless law usually beyond their comprehension. The alienated human specimen is tied to society as a whole by an invisible umbilical cord: the law of value” (Epsin 2009: 32). Espin states that this law actually: “acts upon all aspects of one‟s life, shaping its course and destiny” (Espin 2009:
32).
Building a better world will take a strong effort from every member of society, while Cuba can be seen as a role model for socialism each state should not strive to be the same because each country must make their own path to socialism (See Lebowitz 2010).
Regardless of the path: “The process of building socialism involves the development and deepening of a new social relation- that of associated producers who relate to each other on the basis of communality” (Lebowitz 2010: 148). Thus everyone must learn to cooperate and share. We must: seize social ownership over capitalist property rights, make power of production the ownership of the people, and lastly, produce use-values that are in accordance with the necessities of each person in society so that each person can develop to their full potential (Lebowitz 2010: 148).
The educational system has played a very strong role in promoting the concepts and ideas around sharing and building a system in which equality and equity are not just a unobtainable dream. In just one year, illiteracy was totally eradicated from the island. It 76 is estimated that almost a third of the population between the ages 15 and 60 could not read and write. Thousands of classrooms were created in isolated places and teachers began teaching en mass across the island in order to assure that everyone could learn
(Castro 2001: 10). Furthermore Castro states: “today our country is first among all countries in the world, both developed and under developed, in the number of professors and teachers, doctors, and high level physical education and sports instructors” (Castro
2001: 11).
Free education has allowed the island to have highly trained professionals which are either citizens of Cuba or are those attending school from other countries. Because the younger generation has been taught principles of sharing and equality I feel that the revolution will continue to shape into a movement which all Cubans will continue to be proud of. Fitz states about the education at ELAM:
A revolution can only be successful when the new generation takes over the old. When thousands of students come together because of their dedication to helping others at a school that was built to allow them to fulfill their goals, the ground is fertile for students to continue the struggle (Fitz 2011: 50). All components of socialism are extremely important and each aspect of Cuban socialism is just a small piece of the greater picture. Building socialism however is an extremely important component. It allows what has been developed thus far on the island to foster the growth of further progress: “and today it continues to work for the building of socialism” (Guevara 2002: 31). It appears that the participatory governmental system has facilitated the betterment of Cuban socialism. It has also allowed socialism to be spread as international development in which community projects abroad are actually helping people with real promises of health care and education. These processes are 77 carried out without conditions and are given to all peoples as to promote principles of equality and equity in countries struggling for basic human rights.
“Contrary to what is widely claimed today, the socialist experience…has been, more frequently than not, more efficient in responding to human needs than the capitalist experience” (Navarro 1992: 600). Navarro states: “Still, the historical experience of socialism is quite short. Capitalism has existed for over three centuries. Socialism, on the other hand, has just begun” (Navarro 1992: 600). While there is no single answer for the way in which socialism should be achieved it is certain that something must be done to change the world. “The democratic impulse of socialism, it‟s commitment to human emancipation and the quality of life, must always be kept clearly in sight if the class struggle is to stay on course as a struggle for socialism” (Wood 1986: 178). If we forget who we are, there is the issue that we might forget what we are fighting for. Castro states: “If you don‟t really understand the history of class struggle or, at least, have a clear idea that society is divided into rich and poor, and that some subjugate and exploit others, you are lost in the woods and know absolutely nothing” (in Ramonet 2008: 138).
I feel that Cuba has strongly paved the way towards real democracy through seeking to build egalitarian and participatory socialism as most people strongly support their government and are able to voice their opinion without being reduced to a vote every four years. Their voice does not end at the ballot box rather it is heard loud and clear when there is an issue. According to Ludlam: “for all the damage to society triggered by the Soviet collapse, there is a determination to preserve what has been called here social democratic equality, equality of access to services, and sufficient equality of 78 wealth to make equality of opportunity real” (Ludlam 2009: 138). The citizens of
Havana are highly knowledgeable on political issues in their homeland.
There are various inconsistencies in both Havana city, and with the Cuban revolution. I have never encountered a case where anyone has outright stated that Cuba is perfect. There are still many poor people residing in Havana, (poor is not referring to the westernized view of poor-those living below the poverty line). Rather it means their ability to make additional money is not always on a level playing field as someone else.
Basic human rights such as free education, health care, and the right to housing is provided. Citizens are poor in the sense that they do not always have access to the same ways of making extra money. A common problem tended to be that not all Cuban citizens had the ability to host foreigners, because not everyone had the space or the location to be recognized as a casa particulare. They were poor in the sense that the ability to possess a second job in order to purchase a few extra luxuries was lower than others, or that their apartments were not in as good of shape as the house up the road.
Building supplies were very hard to come by for many families as a result of restrictions on the country. However, this is an issue that is recognized and during my second visit I noticed an increase in the amount of construction underway in comparison to the first trip to Havana.
Aside from infrastructure, the health care system is aiding a healthier Cuba.
Doctors are not only trained in the basics of medicine they are also trained in fields such as acupuncture, herbal cures, as well as any other practices deemed useful in furthering medical knowledge (New Economy 2007: 1). As a result of the blockade there has been a decline in the accessibility to paramedical medicines causing Cuba to find new methods 79 for acquiring medicines (Garcia 2002: 215). “The economic power to dominate (such as the trade embargo on Iraq and Cuba or IMF austerity programmes implemented at the behest of the US Treasury) can be used with equally destructive effect as physical force”
(Harvey 2005: 38-9).
Cuban researchers have developed their own vaccinations, and treatments when medicines are unavailable or do not exist (Garcia 2002: 215). As Istvan Meszaros points out, western capital is “far more dependent on the Third World- for raw materials, energy, capital-outlets, and eagerly repatriated super-profit- than the other way around”
(Meszaros 2010: 109). Cuba‟s ability to find alternatives to economic hurtles and still provide health care is a feat in itself. According to Don Fitz:
Progressive Americans who yearn for health care systems like those in Canada and Western Europe seem unaware of the tremendous prestige that Cuban-style medicine holds for impoverished countries. The Cuban health care system proves that “expensive medical technology is not necessary for effective community-based preventative care.” It “has eradicated polio, controlled malaria and dengue, and reduced child and maternal mortality rates equal or lower than those of much richer and more developed countries like the United States” (Fitz 2011: 54). Cuba‟s health care system survives on its ability to base its medicinal procedures on preventative medicine as well as alternatives to mainstream corporation medicine and pharmaceuticals. In one instance a doctor told me that yoga could be used for many things if done properly. He stated that it is good for the body and keeps people healthy and there is no reason why patients should not use such exercise tools to remain healthy.
A vast percentage of the worlds population is living in dire straights, lacking the necessary education, health care, and economic status to dig themselves from the rut which capitalist society has dug them into, according to Fidel Castro: 80
The truth, which cannot be hidden, is that there are currently over 800 million people suffering chronic hunger while lacking access to health care services, which is why it is estimated that 507 million people living in the third world today will not live past forty years of age. South of the Sahara, almost 30% of the population will die before they are forty (Castro 2001: 7). Thus, many Cubans do not mind sharing their wealth with the world. When asked some responded with, “we Cubans have big hearts. We are proud that we can share what we have with the world‟s poor” (New Economy 2007: 1). Dr. Juan Ceballos (advisor to the vice minister of public health) states, “it‟s infinitely better to invest in peace than to invest in war” (New Economy 2007: 1).
Cuba is taking on a strong movement towards world solidarity rather than adapting to terror tactics. These tactics seem to be having a positive effect on Cubans as well as many people throughout the world that have been touched by the helping hand extended all the way from the Caribbean. According to Che Guevera: “there is no other alternatives: either a socialist revolution or a make- believe revolution” (in Löwy 2005:
193). Through Cuba‟s universal health care one could make the argument that the revolution is very real for many people not only in Cuba but also throughout the world.
“The role, status, significance, and meaning of each element can be understood only in its relation to the whole: the total process, the revolutionary movement” (Löwy 2005: 200).
While there are some Cuban citizens that do not feel it is necessary to help poor universally when there are many Cubans who need the help before giving medical attention abroad. One man stated, “of course it is a positive gesture…but why does this hospital work and the hospitals for Cubans don‟t? At a time when Cubans cannot find aspirin in the pharmacy, it‟s difficult to justify” (Gale Group 2004: 1). There are many 81 more Cubans however, who feel as though this gesture is one of the most important of all.
Another man stated, “those of us who understand the importance of this revolution, understand that international solidarity is one of its fundamental values” (Gale Group
2004: 1). “Redefining the fundamental conditions of an historically viable alternative mode of social metabolic reproduction in accordance with the principle of substantive equality is an essential part of socialist strategy” (Meszaros 2010: 157).
Cuba has extended its health care services both abroad, as well as locally, in service to the world‟s poor. According to Che Guevara: “The work entrusted today to the ministry of health, to all the institutions of this type, is to organize public health in such a way as to aid the greatest possible number of people, to prevent everything foreseeable related to disease, and to orient the people” (in Waters 2000: 48). The nuclear disaster in
Chernobyl has had many health effects on the Ukrainian population, with the children perhaps seeing the worst of the deadly effects of nuclear waste. While many children in
Ukraine will not receive the necessary treatments for their illnesses Cuba has made it possible for poor families to seek medical attention. Cuba covers all costs excluding the airfare for families to travel to Cuba for medical treatment.
Many Cubans feel that this aid is a very strong attribute to the Cuban revolution showing that solidarity is the main strength of any revolution. Fidel Castro states while directly referring to the west: “They do not have the slightest notion of the way human society can be enriched by the unity, political consciousness, solidarity, selflessness and generosity, patriotism, moral values and commitment built through education, culture and all justice offered by a true revolution” (Castro 2001: 17-8). Only now, with the help of the amazing community development work the Cuban people commit themselves to 82 everyday (both in their own country as well as throughout the rest of the world), will many countries, including those poor residents of Ukraine, look toward the future knowing that there are positive prospects on the horizon. “There are fifty-two thousand
Cuban medical workers currently offering their services in ninety-two countries…‟by
2008, Cuban medical staff were caring for over 70 million people in the world‟” (Fitz
2011: 52). It becomes increasingly obvious that it will take more than a special period and the blockade to smother the revolution and the process of building socialism in the
21st century, and achieving real democracy.
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Appendix
Research Summary For Ethical Review
Nicole Hattie Department of Sociology Acadia University SOCI 5960: Graduate Thesis [email protected] Faculty advisor: Jim Sacouman [email protected]
Research description Objective The objective of this thesis is to examine how Cuba is working towards real democracy through socialism. I intend to examine grassroots movements through out the country side as well as the city of Habana in order to illustrate how much power the people hold in making decisions and bettering their own lives as well as others within the country.
Methodology I will conduct a minimum of 8 semi-structured interviews with Cubans in the countryside as well as in the City of Havana. Interviewees will be Cuban citizens that were interviewed by my thesis advisor approximately six years ago. I will be going to Cuba in February with my thesis advisor. During my stay in Cuba I will meet with interview participants that were interviewed by Jim Sacouman in the past. In addition I will be introduced to interview participants through Jim. I aim to find out if participants are still involved in grassroots movements or if anything has changed. My questions about grassroots movements pertain to all aspects of my thesis. I want to know about involvement in grassroots agriculture, the health care system as well as music. In addition, I will use snowball sampling and interview contacts suggested by my first interviewees. The interviews will be conducted in a location, which is convenient for each interviewee. Participants will be asked questions pertaining to movements and local community actions in gardening, music, and health care and their effectiveness in addressing issues the people feel are important. After completing interviews I will transcribe them. In addition I will also be coding and analyzing the data that emerges from the interviews.
Consent I will be giving each participant a consent form to sign, should they choose to participate in my research. They will not be under pressure to participate and will not face negative consequences if they refuse. No one under the age of 18 will be interviewed thus there will not need to be a parental consent form.
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Risks and debriefing There are no risks for any of the participants that will be involved in the research of this thesis. Participants will not need to be debriefed, as the study does not pose any foreseen risks. However, should the participants have any questions they will be able to contact my thesis advisor or myself.
Safety As there is no risk for participants will not need to be monitored for protection.
Confidentiality All research participants will be assigned alternate names, and only pseudonyms will be used throughout the entire thesis. Only my advisor will have additional access to the names of the participants. All interviews recorded and transcribed will be placed in a locked office or desk. Information will be uploaded from a digital recorder and encrypted; computer will be protected by a password. After uploading interviews they will be emailed out of the country at which point they will be deleted from my computer as well as the digital recorder. All information provided by those who do not wish to have their name revealed will be destroyed after the research is completed.
Compensation If research participants request a copy of the transcribed interview I will send them one in the mail. Aside from a copy of the interview they will receive no other form of compensation.
Deception Deception will not be used in this research. All questions asked in each interview will be clearly stated.
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Interview Questions
1. What has been your involvement with grassroots movements in the past? 2. What is your current involvement with grassroots movements? 3. What have you learned about communities and community development through grassroots involvement?
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Acadia University Research Consent Form
Thank you for participating in my research for: “The Political Economy of Socialist Development in Cuba.” Nicole Hattie Department of Sociology Acadia University SOCI 5960: Graduate Thesis [email protected] Faculty advisor: Jim Sacouman [email protected]
Research Description I want to examine grassroots movements throughout Cuba as it pertains to gardening, music as well as the health care system. I want to find out how the movements are contributing to the overall well being of the country. Participants will be asked questions pertaining to grassroots movements and involvement as it pertains to community action in agriculture, music and health care. Interviews may be up to an hour in length. Potential harms Your participation in this research does not pose any harm or threat to you. However, there may be harms that we are not currently aware of.
Potential benefits You will not benefit directly from your participation in this research.
Alternatives Should you chose not to participate in this research you will not be disadvantaged in any way.
Confidentiality Your confidentiality will be respected at all times and no information that discloses your identity will be released or published without your specific consent. If you choose to not have your name included in the study I will assign a pseudonym for you so that your actual name will never appear in my thesis. Only my advisor will have additional access to the names of participants. All interviews recorded and transcribed will be placed in an area that will be locked at all times. Any information saved on the computer will be protected by a password. All information will be destroyed after the research is completed. While in Cuba interviews will be uploaded to computer from digital recorder and encrypted, computer will have a password to prevent anyone from having access to information. Once interviews are on my computer they will be emailed out of the country and deleted from my computer and digital recorder immediately.
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Publication All research results will be presented at a thesis defense as well as printed and available in hard copy and online at the university library. No identifying information will be used for those who wish to not have their names included. Participation Your participation in this research is completely voluntary. You have the option to remove yourself from this study up to 24 hours after the interview is conducted. Should you choose to remove yourself from the study there will be no consequences or coercion to continue to be a part of the research.
Thank you for participating in this research. Please sign below to indicate your full, informed consent.
Interviewee Consent I understand all information presented to me on the previous pages. I also understand that the interviews will be recorded and transcribed, and at any time I have the ability to ask the researcher questions and be answered honestly. My signature below indicates that I understand the consent form and that I have entered the research voluntarily without coercion. A copy of this form will be provided to me. I agree to participate in this research by signing below.
______Name of research participant (Please print) Research ID #
______Signature of research participant Date
______Signature of researcher Date
If more information regarding this study is required, please do not hesitate to contact:
Nicole Hattie (researcher) [email protected] or Jim Sacouman (supervisor) 902-585-1494 [email protected]