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Ikioda, Faith.Pdf Access to Electronic Thesis Author: Faith Ikioda Thesis title: Limits to Communities of Practise in an Open Air Market - The Case of the Alaba-Suru Market, Lagos, Nigeria Qualification: PhD This electronic thesis is protected by the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. No reproduction is permitted without consent of the author. It is also protected by the Creative Commons Licence allowing Attributions-Non-commercial-No derivatives. This thesis was embargoed until June 2012. If this electronic thesis has been edited by the author it will be indicated as such on the title page and in the text. Limits to Communities of Practice in an Open Air Market -The Case of the Alaba-Suru Market,Lagos,Nigeria Faith Osikwheme Ikioda Department of Geography University of Sheffield May 2012 Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Abstract Since its introduction into the literature over ten years ago, the concept of the community of practice has been prolifically employed in a range of different disciplines. A community of practice is regarded as denoting a set of relations through which a group of actors mutually learn and share knowledge in order to produce innovative outcomes in a particular activity. Many authors who have adopted the term have however primarily restricted evidence of such communities to very formally organised contexts that are characterised by relatively homogenous and collaborative events. This thesis therefore examines the activities among market traders in an open-air market and seeks to understand whether evidence of a community of practice can be found in settings that are characterised by actors involved in self-employment and competitive contexts as opposed to the previous contexts that have shaped evidence of the community of practice. From a qualitative ethnographic study of the Alaba-Suru market in Lagos, the thesis proposes a multiscalar representation of the practice of market traders that considers practices of traders as being much more than certain shared and communal ties that permit market trade to be conducted in the midst of intense competition. The thesis uncovers how competing everyday activities of buying and selling displayed by individual traders, their organisation and interactions with other traders, cus- tomers and suppliers are further linked with wider systems of regulations operating through cultural, economic and other political linkages which are continually being reordered, contested and renegotiated in ways that defy easy categorisation into a community of practice. The thesis acknowledges that concepts such as the community of practice are potentially useful for understanding how a heterogeneous set of market traders, in competition, are able to accommodate one another in conflictual cooperation. It however is made apparent in the thesis that the scales at which practice is occurring in and through traders in a market, require a flexible and more open relational approach to conceiving the community of practice. The thesis concludes from a geographical perspective that the continued application of the community of practice must accommodate and incorporate the changing structure of events in space and time. i Acknowledgement Writing a thesis has been both a liberating and frustrating enterprise. For the most part I want to acknowledge all those people who helped make this piece of writing a reality. I am most grateful to the Almighty God who has been gracious to me all these years, giving me good health, provision and peace of mind; May your name be forever praised. I am also grateful to my supervisors, Megan Blake, Chasca Twyman, and Pat Noxolo for reading and making such dedicated notes, even when it was all a lot of ideas in the making. Thanks for all your encouragement, support and advice, it could not have been done without all your help and continued faith in me I thank the Foundation for Urban and Regional Studies studentship, University of Sheffield fee waiver and the Wingate scholarships for providing the funds that made this PhD a reality. My sincere gratitude is extended to my family; my late Dad, Sir O.A Ikioda, my Mum, Lady Lucy Ikioda and my brother, Ina Ikioda who encouraged and prayed with me steadfastly as I came through this journey. My aunt, Julie Asumu who worked late into the night to proofread my chapters and offered some most simple but helpful comments, I will be forever grateful. To my cousin Dr Theo Asumu, who helped in a massive way to facilitate the continuation of my research. To all my colleagues in the geography department, Rosa, Rosie, Anna, Adam, Osaretin, Liberty, it would have not been complete if not for all the dinners, talks and chats we had, thank you all. I especialy want to extend my gratitude to all the traders in the Alaba-Suru market who allowed me to be a part of their fascinating lives during the time of this research. And to the best friend any human being could ask for, Joel Ojile, who has been such a light and motivator in encouraging me to get this work all written and submitted, thanks for everything, I am most grateful. Finally I once again want to appreciate the effort of my Dad who was such a great inspiration to begin this PhD, this is for you. You did not live to see this completed, but I finished it! God bless you all. iii Notes : The Nigerian currency, Naira is represented by the symbol of . Conversion: The currency conversion of the Naira to the Great British pound is rounded off to 250.00 to a pound (December,2011). Alaba-Suru: The Alaba-Suru market is employed in this research as opposed to the longer version of the New Alayabiagba market, as customers and traders more commonly refer to the market using the former term. Baba-Oja: The male head of a market. Baba- Eja: The title given to the male head of the butchers in any market. The Iyaleja is his female counterpart Brokin: Vernacular English Egusi: A type of seed ground to make soups. It is also known as melon seed. Fisi: The Yoruba word means to add extra portions to an item offered for sale often during quantity bargaining Iyana-Oja: The outskirts of the market bordering the road from the main market and where itinerant traders can sometimes display their wares. Jale: a Yoruba word which means to ask for a reduction in the asking price of a commodity during periods of price bargaining LASTMA: The Lagos State Traffic Management Authority. LAWMA: Lagos State Waste Management Authority. Kpomo: A type of meat which is obtained from the skin of a cow. Ororo: The local name for vegetable or groundnut oil. v Seriki: The designation of the leader of the market in the Alaba-Suru market. Shaki: A type of meat that is obtained from the stomach of a cow Ugwu : A type of vegetable used in soups and sauces. vi Contents List of Figures xiii List of Tables xv 1 Practices, Geography and the Community of Practice 1 1.1 Introduction . .1 1.2 Background to the study . .4 1.3 Statement of the problem . 10 1.4 The open air market in Lagos . 13 1.5 Outline of the thesis . 15 1.6 Summary . 18 2 Markets 21 2.1 Introduction . 21 2.2 What is a market? . 22 2.3 Market trading in Nigeria - Definition of terms . 24 2.3.1 Formal vs. informal markets . 24 2.3.2 The periodicity of the market . 25 2.3.3 The location of a market . 25 vii 2.4 Market traders in Nigerian society . 26 2.5 The evolution of markets in Lagos . 31 2.5.1 The development of markets in response to the decline in slave trade . 34 2.5.2 Lagos markets and religious functions . 34 2.5.3 Lagos markets and rural-urban migration . 35 2.6 The Alaba-Suru market, Location and Physical description . 37 2.7 Alaba-Suru market and its organisational structure . 43 2.8 Conclusion . 49 3 Conceptual framework 51 3.1 Introduction . 51 3.2 Communities of practice . 52 3.3 The market as a site of practice . 57 3.4 Practice theory . 62 3.4.1 Understanding practices as structures . 64 3.4.2 Practice as a performance . 66 3.4.3 Practices and regulation . 69 3.5 Conceptual framing . 71 3.6 Research questions . 73 4 Research design 75 4.1 Introduction . 75 4.2 Practice and methodology . 76 4.3 Research design of the study . 78 viii 4.4 Doing observations in the market . 81 4.4.1 Sampling what to observe in the market . 83 4.4.2 The ethics of observing traders . 84 4.4.2.1 Who to observe in the market . 84 4.4.2.2 Location, frequency and duration of the observation 85 4.4.2.3 What activities to observe in the market . 86 4.5 Interviewing traders . 88 4.6 Recording the data . 90 4.7 Secondary data . 91 4.8 Analysing the data . 95 4.9 Conclusion . 99 5 The organisation of practices among Alaba-Suru Traders 101 5.1 Introduction . 101 5.2 Collectivising and categorising traders in the Alaba-Suru market . 102 5.3 Boundary practices . 109 5.4 Cross-communal practices . 111 5.5 Practices of non-participation . 116 5.6 Understanding the different organisation of traders’ practices . 121 5.7 Conclusion . 124 6 Networks of practice in the Alaba-Suru Market 127 6.1 Introduction . 127 6.2 Performing and doing practices in Alaba-Suru market . 129 ix 6.2.1 Vignette 1: The tomato trade . 132 6.3 From practice to practising . 134 6.4 The network of practice .
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