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Romanian Foreign Policy (1878-1914)
World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development WWJMRD 2017; 3(11): 69-74 www.wwjmrd.com International Journal Peer Reviewed Journal Romanian foreign policy (1878-1914) Refereed Journal Indexed Journal UGC Approved Journal Dragos Ionut ONESCU Impact Factor MJIF: 4.25 e-ISSN: 2454-6615 Abstract Prior to independence, Romania has conducted foreign policy actions aimed at achieving this Dragos Ionut ONESCU objective (see trade convention with Austria-Hungary in 1875) and after 1878 was sought to ensure Strasbourg University/Babes- Bolyai University Cluj- security through political alliances with neighboring countries and powers. One of the main foreign Napoca, Romania policy issues, with important consequences and the territorial integrity of the Romanian Principalities and then was the status of the Danube. In the present paper I analyzed the Romanian foreign policy between 1878 and 1914. Keywords: Romanian Foreign Policy, International Relations, Security, Foreign Policy Introduction The first time the issue is considered Danube is the Treaty of Bucharest between Russia and Turkey, signed on May 28, 1812, which ended the Russo-Turkish war took place between 1806 and 1812. The Clashes of interest between the major European powers were put on the agenda the need to solve the problem of freedom of navigation on international rivers and its consecration in an international act. Used the occasion to ensuring this was the Peace Congress in Vienna, met after the first abdication of Napoleon. The Final Act 1815 states in Articles 108-118, fundamental principles of river. Under Article 109, navigation on international rivers was free for all states without distinction between riparian and non-riparian states; is accurate but that freedom of navigation applies only to commercial navigation, not for the war. -
Generated an Epistemological Knowledge of the Nation—Quantifying And
H-Nationalism The “Majority Question” in Interwar Romania: Making Majorities from Minorities in a Heterogeneous State Discussion published by Emmanuel Dalle Mulle on Wednesday, April 22, 2020 H-Nationalism is proud to publish here the sixth post of its “Minorities in Contemporary and Historical Perspectives” series, which looks at majority- minority relations from a multi-disciplinary and diachronic angle. Today’s contribution, by R. Chris Davis (Lone Star College–Kingwood), examines the efforts of Romanian nation-builders to make Romanians during the interwar period. Heterogeneity in Interwar Romania While the situation of ethnic minorities in Romania has been examined extensively within the scholarship on the interwar period, far too little consideration is given into the making of the Romanian ethnic majority itself. My reframing of the “minority question” into its corollary, the “majority question,” in this blogpost draws on my recently published book examining the contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos, an ethnically fluid community of Romanian- and Hungarian-speaking Roman Catholics in eastern Romania.[1] While investigating this case study of a putative ethnic, linguistic, and religious minority, I was constantly reminded that not only minorities but also majorities are socially constructed, crafted from regional, religious, and linguistic bodies and identities. Transylvanians, Bessarabians, and Bănățeni (people from the Banat region) and Regațeni (inhabitants of Romania’s Old Kingdom), for example, were rendered into something -
Peacekeepers in the Donbas JFQ 91, 4Th Quarter 2017 12 India to Lead the Mission
Eastern Ukrainian woman, one of over 1 million internally displaced persons due to conflict, has just returned from her destroyed home holding all her possessions, on main street in Nikishino Village, March 1, 2015 (© UNHCR/Andrew McConnell) cal ploy; they have suggested calling Putin’s bluff. However, they also realize Peacekeepers the idea of a properly structured force with a clear mandate operating in support of an accepted peace agreement in the Donbas could offer a viable path to peace that is worth exploring.2 By Michael P. Wagner Putin envisions a limited deploy- ment of peacekeepers on the existing line of contact in Donbas to safeguard OSCE-SMM personnel.3 Such a plan ince the conflict in Ukraine September 5, 2017, when he proposed could be effective in ending the conflict began in 2014, over 10,000 introducing peacekeepers into Eastern and relieving immediate suffering, but it people have died in the fighting Ukraine to protect the Organiza- S could also lead to an open-ended United between Russian-backed separatists tion for Security and Co-operation in Nations (UN) commitment and make and Ukrainian forces in the Donbas Europe–Special Monitoring Mission long-term resolution more challenging. region of Eastern Ukraine. The Ukrai- to Ukraine (OSCE-SMM). Despite Most importantly, freezing the conflict nian government has repeatedly called halting progress since that time, restart- in its current state would solidify Russian for a peacekeeping mission to halt ing a peacekeeping mission remains an control of the separatist regions, enabling the bloodshed, so Russian President important opportunity.1 Many experts it to maintain pressure on Ukraine by Vladimir Putin surprised the world on remain wary and dismiss it as a politi- adjusting the intensity level as it de- sires. -
Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union's
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union’s East Border Brie, Mircea and Horga, Ioan and Şipoş, Sorin University of Oradea, Romania 2011 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44082/ MPRA Paper No. 44082, posted 31 Jan 2013 05:28 UTC ETHNICITY, CONFESSION AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AT THE EUROPEAN UNION EASTERN BORDER ETHNICITY, CONFESSION AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AT THE EUROPEAN UNION EASTERN BORDER Mircea BRIE Ioan HORGA Sorin ŞIPOŞ (Coordinators) Debrecen/Oradea 2011 This present volume contains the papers of the international conference Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union‟s East Border, held in Oradea between 2nd-5th of June 2011, organized by Institute for Euroregional Studies Oradea-Debrecen, University of Oradea and Department of International Relations and European Studies, with the support of the European Commission and Bihor County Council. CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY STUDIES Mircea BRIE Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Dialogue in the European Border Space.......11 Ioan HORGA Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Education in the Curricula of European Studies .......19 MINORITY AND MAJORITY IN THE EASTERN EUROPEAN AREA Victoria BEVZIUC Electoral Systems and Minorities Representations in the Eastern European Area........31 Sergiu CORNEA, Valentina CORNEA Administrative Tools in the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Ethnic Minorities .............................................................................................................47 -
Adcmemorial.Org with the Support of the Centre for Social and Gender
adcmemorial.org With the support of the Centre for Social and Gender Research Alternative Report for the 66th Session of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women February 2017 Ukrainian Women: Caught Between New Challenges and Long-Standing Discrimination Overview The situation of women in Ukraine is connected with the overall situation in the country – the significant political changes of recent years, the economic crisis, and aggression from neighboring Russia (manifested in the annexation of Crimea and military actions in Eastern Ukraine) have impacted the quality of life for millions of women. War, poverty, unemployment, and instability have hit women hard and heightened the vulnerability of this group that is already discriminated against. The situation of vulnerable groups remains complicated, in spite of the steps Ukraine has taken to implement European requirements to improve the norms of anti-discrimination laws and to attain the required human rights standards. The law “On Principles of Prevention and Combatting Discrimination in Ukraine” (No. 5207-VI of 6 September 2012) contains a ban on discrimination on the basis of gender; however, women’s rights are restricted both in practice and in legal labor norms left over from Soviet times. The Ministry of Health orders “On the Approval of the List of Arduous, Dangerous, and Harmful Occupations Banned for Women” (of 29 December 1993)1 and “On the Approval of Limits for the Lifting and Moving of Heavy Objects by Women”2 (No. 194 of 22 December 1993; this ban on lifting heavy objects may serve as official grounds for denying a woman a position of interest to her; instead of a ban, there should be measures in place to protect women’s health and – if necessary – to warn about health risks). -
Romania, December 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Romania, December 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: ROMANIA December 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Romania. Short Form: Romania. Term for Citizen(s): Romanian(s). Capital: Bucharest (Bucureşti). Click to Enlarge Image Major Cities: As of 2003, Bucharest is the largest city in Romania, with 1.93 million inhabitants. Other major cities, in order of population, are Iaşi (313,444), Constanţa (309,965), Timişoara (308,019), Craiova (300,843), Galati (300,211), Cluj-Napoca (294,906), Braşov (286,371), and Ploeşti (236,724). Independence: July 13, 1878, from the Ottoman Empire; kingdom proclaimed March 26, 1881; Romanian People’s Republic proclaimed April 13, 1948. Public Holidays: Romania observes the following public holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1), Epiphany (January 6), Orthodox Easter (a variable date in April or early May), Labor Day (May 1), Unification Day (December 1), and National Day and Christmas (December 25). Flag: The Romanian flag has three equal vertical stripes of blue (left), yellow, and red. Click to Enlarge Image HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early Human Settlement: Human settlement first occurred in the lands that now constitute Romania during the Pleistocene Epoch, which began about 600,000 years ago. About 5500 B.C. the region was inhabited by Indo-European people, who in turn gave way to Thracian tribes. Today’s Romanians are in part descended from the Getae, a Thracian tribe that lived north of the Danube River. During the Bronze Age (about 2200 to 1200 B.C.), these Thraco-Getian tribes engaged in agriculture, stock raising, and trade with inhabitants of the Aegean Sea coast. -
Twelve Steps Toward Greater Security in Ukraine and the Euro-Atlantic Region
February 2020 STATEMENT BY THE EURO-ATLANTIC SECURITY LEADERSHIP GROUP (EASLG) Twelve Steps Toward Greater Security in Ukraine and the Euro-Atlantic Region he conflict in and around Ukraine is a tragedy for all affected by the violence. It is a flashpoint for catastrophic miscalculation and is a continuing threat to security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. A political resolution is fundamental to ending the armed conflict in the Donbas region, Tto improving prospects for constructive Ukraine-Russia dialogue more broadly including on Crimea, and to improving Euro-Atlantic security. Action to help those in harm’s way and to establish a foundation that resolves the conflict must be taken now to address urgent security, humanitarian, economic, and political concerns. Such action also will help reduce tensions between Russia and the West and help build a sustainable architecture of mutual security in the Euro-Atlantic region, including enhanced cooperation on nuclear threat reduction. Recent developments have opened the way for progress. Those from their homes. This opening must not be missed. The changes include in 2019 the following: (1) the mutual release following 12 practical, concrete steps can be taken now of prisoners and an agreement to define additional areas to address urgent security, humanitarian, economic, and for disengagement of forces; (2) the October agreement on political concerns. a process for elections in Donetsk and Luhansk and special status for these regions once the elections are certified as free and fair by the Organization for Security and Cooperation SECURITY STEPS in Europe (OSCE); and (3) the December Paris Summit in In March 2014, following a request by Ukraine’s government the Normandy format between France, Germany, Russia and and a consensus decision by all 57 OSCE participating Ukraine. -
Institutional Activism and Ethnic Intermediation in Post-Communist Romania
Nationalities Papers (2021), 1–15 doi:10.1017/nps.2021.10 ARTICLE Institutional Activism and Ethnic Intermediation in Post-Communist Romania Daniel Fittante* Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract Existing studies on legal approaches to ethnic minority representation often highlight different systems’ strengths and weaknesses. While this scholarship provides important insights into the growing body of literature on minority representation, the topic remains largely under-theorized. Because systems of ethnic minority representation clarify the organizations and philosophies of diverse states, more theoretical analyses can enrich the descriptive literature. Building on the existing scholarship, this article assesses Romania’s particular version of proportional representation regarding designated national minorities. It applies two theoretical models: (1) institutional activism and (2) ethnic intermediation. The former clarifies the establishment of Romania’s post-communist constitutional provisions regarding minority organiza- tions, and the latter explains how small yet influential minority populations make claims to and reallocate resources from the Romanian state. Through a unique, understudied case study – the Armenian community of Romania – this article attempts to broaden ethnic minority representation scholarship by refining the theoretical frameworks of institutional activism and ethnic intermediation. Keywords: ethnic intermediation; institutional activism; reserved seats; thresholds; Romania; Armenian diaspora; post-communism Introduction More than 30 countries possess electoral laws that offer select ethnic groups a minimum number of political representatives in national parliament. At least ostensibly, these laws assist ethnic minorities in protecting and/or advancing their own interests, while also gaining a share of power within the state (Kymlicka 1995; Krook and O’Brien 2010; Bird 2014;Zuber2015). -
Title: Territorial Rights in the Black Sea: the Snake Island Dispute
Title: Territorial Rights in the Black Sea: The Snake Island Dispute Author details Michael KOCSIS Department of Political Studies Queen’s University, Kingston ON, K7L3N6 [email protected] Definition The Snake Island dispute is a conflict between Romania and Ukraine about legitimate title and access to resources in an area of the Black Sea thought to be rich in petroleum deposits. After years of negotiations and numerous attempts at bilateral resolution, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) was asked by Romania to preside over the case in 2004. The ICJ issued a ruling in February 2009 that is hailed as a precedent for international disagreements about maritime delimitation and boundaries of the continental shelf. This dispute is typical of the complexity and multidimensionality of conflicts over territorial access to natural resources. Because the ICJ decision is considered final by major stakeholders, the Snake Island case may be a blueprint for resolving territorial conflicts in other strategic areas. Description The court was asked to rule on the boundary dividing Romanian and Ukrainian waters in the Black Sea. Here as elsewhere, the maritime boundary is normally drawn from the furthest limit or ‘baseline’ of the continental shelf. By international convention, the baseline of the continental shelf provides the threshold from which a twelve nautical mile perimeter is drawn to mark each state’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Inclusion of Snake Island in a determination of the two countries’ EEZs would have considerable impact on the areas in which the states are able to extract natural resources and conduct activities in the Black Sea. -
The Success and Failure of Ethnic Parties in New Democracies: Cross-National and Inter-Temporal Analysis on Post-Communist Europe
G-COE GLOPE II Working Paper Series The Success and Failure of Ethnic Parties in New Democracies: Cross-National and Inter-temporal Analysis on Post-communist Europe. Ryo NAKAI Working Paper No.27 If you have any comment or question on the working paper series, please contact each author. When making a copy or reproduction of the content, please contact us in advance to request permission. The source should explicitly be credited. GLOPE Ⅱ Web Site: http://globalcoe-glope2.jp/ The Success and Failure of Ethnic Parties in New Democracies: 1 Cross-National and Inter-temporal Analysis on Post-communist Europe Ryo NAKAI Research Associate & Ph.D. Candidate Student, School of Political Science and Economics 2 [email protected] Abstract Why do ethnic minority parties succeed or fail? In order to solve this puzzle, this article explores cross-national and inter-temporal differences in post-communist new democracies using statistical analysis and small-N case studies, and argues that policy factors and the rationality of ethnic minorities determine the success and failure of ethnic parties and account for the variance in their standings. As some studies have pointed out, ethnic minorities’ voting behaviour should be rational and strategic. This article represents a basic spatial model and argues that ethnic minorities react to other parties’ policy changes and to the capability of other parties to win seats. Statistical analysis verifies this hypothesis. In addition, I discuss the Baltic States–Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania--as case studies. Although these three countries share a similar history, experience with minority issues and a common institutional design, their party systems indicate significant differences. -
The Relations Between Ukraine and Romania: Old and New Perceptions
The Relations between Ukraine and Romania: Old and New Perceptions. Cooperation Outlooks Analysis Paper 1. Background and Purpose of this Analysis Paper Strengthening cooperation between Ukraine and Romania is a key issue of the European Neighborhood and Partnership Policy, as well as of the international cooperation in the Black Sea Region and the Wider Eastern European region. The recent years have seen positive developments in the relations between these two countries, despite the relapses of prejudices. Overall, the current relations can be assessed as constructive, aiming at finding solutions to sensitive problems, overcoming a certain state of idleness, and further building cooperation. Still, the potential of such bilateral cooperation is far from being exhausted, and the historical viewpoint of good neighborly relations remains high on the agenda. This Analysis Paper aims to foster cooperation between Romanian and Ukraine by putting first on the table the issues of a sensitive nature. First and foremost, this Paper provides a set of useful information for all stakeholders of the relations between Romanian and Ukraine. It was collected in qualitative interviews conducted by an Ukrainian analyst with Romanian experts, and by a Romanian analysts with experts in Ukraine, both applying the same set of tools. Our hope is that we will be able to add to the pool of information about relevant and important matters, and thus help strengthening the cooperation between experts, NGOs and governmental representatives concerned with this field, having one single ultimate goal in mind: enhancing cooperation in the Black Sea Region. The poor cooperation between these two countries must be construed in the light of the traditional lack of a common international cooperation agenda between the Black Sea states and, the consequent tendency of these states to ignore the pursuit of common goals. -
Ana-Teodora Kurkina Department of History Graduate School for East and Southeast European Studies Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich / University of Regensburg
East European Quarterly Vol. 44, No. 1-2, pp. 53-76, March-June 2016 © Central European University 2016 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) WORDS AND WITS: A TERRITORIAL DEBATE AND THE CREATION OF AN EPISTEMIC COMMUNITY IN INTERWAR DOBRUJA (1913-1940) Ana-Teodora Kurkina Department of History Graduate School for East and Southeast European Studies Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich / University of Regensburg Abstract This article establishes a link between a creation of an epistemic community and a territorial debate while addressing the Romanian-Bulgarian dispute regarding Dobruja. Moving beyond approaches centered on an investigation of similar territorial debates over contested lands and their immediate outcomes, the paper primarily analyses the potential of a political conflict for generating a community of intellectuals who become involved in propagating their respective state and nation-building causes. Putting the case of interwar Dobruja into the context of “entangled history”, the study clarifies its place within the framework of similar debates regarding other borderlands. Relying on the publications of the participants of the debate, the article claims that a conflict over a territory and the possibilities of its integration binds together influential public actors, various representatives of the local intellectual elite, uniting them in an unlikely epistemic community. Keywords: epistemic community, social networking, state-building, Dobruja Introduction A borderland is not only a contact zone (Pratt 1992, p. 4), but a constant source of political creativity for the local public actors. Territorial frames of an idealized nation-state are usually vague, contested, based on various interpretations of multiple historical legacies and their application to practice.