Jewish-Israelis in Britain Negotiating ’Na- Tional Identity’ Between Zionist Ideology and Diasporic Reality
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ORBIT-OnlineRepository ofBirkbeckInstitutionalTheses Enabling Open Access to Birkbeck’s Research Degree output What do we talk about when we talk about ’national identity’? : Jewish-Israelis in Britain negotiating ’na- tional identity’ between Zionist ideology and diasporic reality https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/40123/ Version: Full Version Citation: Moshkovitz, Yuval (2014) What do we talk about when we talk about ’national identity’? : Jewish-Israelis in Britain negotiating ’na- tional identity’ between Zionist ideology and diasporic reality. [Thesis] (Unpublished) c 2020 The Author(s) All material available through ORBIT is protected by intellectual property law, including copy- right law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Deposit Guide Contact: email What do we talk about when we talk about ‘national identity’? Jewish-Israelis in Britain negotiating ‘national identity’ between Zionist ideology and diasporic reality Yuval Moshkovitz The Department of Psychosocial Studies A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Birkbeck College, University of London September 2013 I certify that the work submitted herewith is my own and that I have duly acknowledged any quotation from the published or unpublished work of other persons Yuval Moshkovitz 1 Abstract This is a psychosocial research project investigating ‘national identity’ amongst middle class Jewish-Israelis in Britain. Its aim is to map key contents and highlight social categories that subjects draw on in their construction of ‘national identity’ and to study how they negotiate these categories and contents when narrating a story of ‘who they are’ as Israelis in Britain. The first part of the thesis provides historical and theoretical background to the study of national identities, with a focus on Jewish-Israeli identity in the context of Zionism. An empirical study is then presented, in which twelve Israelis living in London were interviewed in depth about their views on Israeli national identity, what it meant personally to them to be ‘an Israeli’, and what it meant to be ‘an Israeli in London’. Interviews were transcribed and a critical narrative approach was used to analyze the resulting texts, taking account of reflexive interview processes as well as exploring links with the broader cultural and political context. The findings reveal the elasticity and fluidity of ‘Israeli identity’. Subjects drew on a shared cultural reservoir - Zionist images, preconceptions and signifiers - to describe their personalized experience of belonging to or alienation from an acceptable notion of ‘Israeliness’ while living abroad. ‘Israeli identity’ was constructed against stereotypical images of ‘the others’ which, at times, applied racist discourse. Subjects constructed ‘Israeliness’ differently depending on the context they referred to (e.g. Israeli or British society). Each context had its distinct ‘others’. Within the British context Israeliness was constructed against the images of ‘the local Jews’, the ‘English’ and the ‘local Arabs and Muslims’. Constructing an Israeli identity was also influenced by the social position that subjects were implicated in, in relation to their class, ethnicity, gender, or occupation. This also shaped their experience of dislocation in Britain. Most of the participants conformed with a mainstream perspective on Israeli nationalism and refrained from criticizing it. This was interpreted as a discourse reflecting their privileged socio-cultural position in Israel and their commitment to a Zionist ethos which condemns emigration. Such a portrayal of Israeliness 2 both initiated and contributed to a sense of unsettledness characteristic of this middle-class group. Subjects moved back and forth between two identificatory positions (‘Ha’aretz’ and ‘Israel’) as their points of identification constantly changed. The research contributes to the analysis of nationalism phenomena and associated concepts such as diaspora and belonging among a middle class group of migrants. It outlines cultural, material and political forces that sustain nationalism yet also demonstrates ways through which subjects negotiate or resist the discourses and social categories offered to them for the construction of a ‘national identity’. 3 Acknowledgments Uncountable numbers of people accompanied me on this long journey, some of whom I would like to thank by name. I would like to thank my supervisors Prof. Stephen Frosh and Dr. Lisa Baraitser who saw this project through from its inception back in January 2008 to its completion and have helped me get the financial help I needed. They have contributed their wise and careful comments, extensive knowledge, critical thinking and, when needed, emotional support, and have accompanied me through the inevitable hurdles of this long PhD odyssey. I would also like to thank the Psychosocial Department in general and Paula Fortune specifically for the administrative support that helped me get through this project. Deepest thanks go to the Israeli participants in this study whose names cannot be disclosed. They chose to share with me their thoughts, emotions and concerns around the life away from our wounded and troubled ‘homeland’. All of the encounters produced moments of intimacy and disclosure and for their willingness to open their hearts I am indebted. Special thanks to my PhD peers and friends, Dr. Girish Jivaji, Dr. Polona Curk and Dr. Bahar Tanyas who constituted my initial support system in this country, and introduced me to the practicalities of British academia and its politics. I would also like to mention my very good friends at Goodenough College: Dr. Vicky Sentas, Edward Balke, Laura Shipler, Dr. Stephen Fay and Jason Xidias with whom I shared a monthly work group, ‘The Think Tank’, supporting each other in our academic endeavors around nationalism. Special thanks to Stephen Fay who was always responsive and quick when reviewing my written work and who carried out the final editing of this thesis. I would like to mention the Goodenough College community - the institution, its staff and the families who lived there with us - which was our home away from home for the past 5 years; a sheltered, green heaven right in the centre of London which we will never forget. 4 A big hug goes to my children, Yoav, Tamar and Maya whom I carried with me on this journey, with or against their intention. The love and care for you supported me through its most challenging parts. Tamar deserves special thanks for giving me a hand in the final stages. To my partner in life, and my best friend, Vered, who was always a source of strength, support and wisdom for being willing to go along with me on this journey. And finally, I would like to dedicate this work to my parents Ada and Simon Moshkovitz, a source of inspiration who established the family tradition of living in London back in 1976 and whose footsteps I always follow. 5 Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................. 2 Acknowledgments ............................................................................................. 4 Contents............................................................................................................ 6 Chapter one: Introduction................................................................................ 15 1.1. Nationalism today ........................................................................ 16 1.2. Diaspora ...................................................................................... 18 1.3. Subjectivity and Identity ............................................................... 20 1.4. My personal engagement with the topic ...................................... 23 1.5. Researching identities using a psychosocial methodology .......... 26 1.6. The structure of this thesis .......................................................... 28 1.7. Why is this research needed? ..................................................... 29 Chapter two: Theorizing nationalism ............................................................... 31 2.1. Introduction.................................................................................. 31 2.2. Defining nationalism .................................................................... 31 2.3. Sociological approaches to nationalism ...................................... 32 2.3.1. Primordialism............................................................................... 32 2.3.2. Modernism................................................................................... 32 2.3.3. Criticism of the modernist approach ............................................ 33 2.3.4. Ethnosymbolism .......................................................................... 34 2.4. Nationalism as an imagined community ...................................... 36 2.5. The troubled imagined community: Psychoanalysis and nationalism .................................................................................. 38 2.5.1. The libidinal nation – How the imagined community maintains its attraction...................................................................................... 38 2.5.2. Bhabha and the troubled nation .................................................. 39 2.5.3. The role of the ‘other’ in the construction of a troubled national imagination .................................................................................