Myanmar's Constitution of 2008
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1 Myanmar Update
Myanmar Update – 15 February 2021 Summary • The Myanmar coup will likely lead to escalating civil resistance and a consequent heavy- handed military response. • The military will continue to expand control over the internet – leading to frequent “blackouts” • Monitoring the human rights situation as well as providing aid and development support will become increasingly difficult in the months ahead. Background to the November 2020 Elections Myanmar experienced five years of relative political stability after the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) handed power to State Counsellor (a position roughly analogous to Prime Minister) Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) following the November 2015 elections – which ended almost 50 years of military rule. Even then, however, the Tatmadaw retained substantial power, including the right to appoint a quarter of parliamentarians and control of key ministries. Elections to both Myanmar’s upper house - Amyotha Hluttaw - and lower house - Pyithu Hluttaw – took place on 8 November 2020. Suu Kyi’s NLD won a popular landslide, taking 161 (of the 224) seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw and 315 (of the 440) in the Pyithu Hluttaw, an even larger margin than in 2015. This equated to 83% of the available seats, while the Tatmadaw’s proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won a total of just 33 seats. The USDP immediately began making accusations of fraud after the vote although the Union Election Commission said there was no proof to support these claims and there has been little or no independent evidence either. The Tatmadaw also disputed the results, claiming that the vote was fraudulent, perhaps fearing that the NLD, with its majority, would amend the constitution to reduce the Tatmadaw’s political influence – a longstanding NLD campaign pledge. -
Democratization in Myanmar: Prospects, Possibilities and Challenges Md
International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (IJTSRD) Volume 4 Issue 5, July-August 2020 Available Online: www.ijtsrd.com e-ISSN: 2456 – 6470 Democratization in Myanmar: Prospects, Possibilities and Challenges Md. Abdul Hannan Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP), Dhaka, Bangladesh ABSTRACT How to cite this paper: Md. Abdul This paper endeavors to provide a comprehensive overview of the Hannan "Democratization in Myanmar: democratization process in Myanmar. As today’s reality in Myanmar cannot be Prospects, Possibilities and Challenges" well understood without referral to its history of democratic struggle, it starts Published in with a brief history of Myanmar that gives an account of several significant International Journal incidents that the country experienced from the pre-independence period to of Trend in Scientific the last democratic election in 2015. The next section discusses about some Research and specific features of the incumbent government of Myanmar which gives an Development understanding of how much democratic the government has been actually. In (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456- the subsequent section, identifying some important areas whose proper 6470, Volume-4 | IJTSRD33125 management or utilization can take the democracy in Myanmar to the next Issue-5, August level, it concludes. 2020, pp.1368-1372, URL: www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd33125.pdf KEYWORDS: democracy, military, ethnic-groups, media, human-rights groups Copyright © 2020 by author(s) and International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Journal. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0) (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by /4.0) INTRODUCTION Democracy, by many, is said to be the best form of twenty five percent preserved seats for the military in the government to install and sustain peace and stability in both parliament, requirement of more than 75 percent domestic and international spheres. -
Proposals for Constitutional Change in Myanmar from the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Amendment International Idea Interim Analysis
PROPOSALS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN MYANMAR FROM THE JOINT PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT INTERNATIONAL IDEA INTERIM ANALYSIS 1. Background, Purpose and Scope of this Report: On 29 January Myanmar’s Parliament voted to establish a committee to review the constitution and receive proposals for amendments. On July 15 a report containing a catalogue of each of these proposals was circulated in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Legislature). This International IDEA analysis contains an overview and initial assessment of the content of these proposals. From the outset, the Tatmadaw (as well as the Union Solidarity and Development Party - USDP) has objected to this process of constitutional review,i and unless that opposition changes it would mean that the constitutional review process will not be able to proceed much further. Passing a constitutional amendment requires a 75% supermajority in the Union Legislature, which gives the military an effective veto as they have 25% of the seats.1 Nevertheless, the report provides the first official public record of proposed amendments from different political parties, and with it a set of interesting insights into the areas of possible consensus and divergence in future constitutional reform. The importance of this record is amplified by the direct connection of many of the subjects proposed for amendment to the Panglong Peace Process agenda. Thus far, the analyses of this report available publicly have merely counted the number of proposals from each party, and sorted them according to which chapter of the constitution they pertain to. But simply counting proposals does nothing to reveal what changes are sought, and can be misleading – depending on its content, amending one significant article may bring about more actual change than amending fifty other articles. -
Law Relating Amyotha Hluttaw
The Union of Myanmar Chapter I The State Peace and Development Council Title, Enforcement and Definition The Law Relating to the Amyotha Hluttaw 1. (a) This Law shall be called the Law relating to the Amyotha ( The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 13 /2010 ) Hluttaw, The 13th Waxing Day of Thadinkyut , 1372 M.E. (b) This Law shall come into force throughout the country ( 21st October, 2010 ) commencing from the day of its promulgation. Preamble 2. The following expressions contained in this Law shall have the meanings Since it is provided in Section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic given hereunder: of the Union of Myanmar that the State Peace and Development Council shall (a) Constitution means the Constitution of the Republic of the carry out the necessary preparatory works to implement the Constitution, it has Union of Myanmar; become necessary to enact the relevant laws to enable performance of the legislative, administrative and judicial functions of the Union smoothly, to enable (b) Hluttaw means the Amyotha Hluttaw formed under the performance of works that are to be carried out when the various Hluttaws come Constitution for the purpose of this Law; into existence and to enable performance of the preparatory works in accord (c) Chairperson means the Hluttaw representative elected to with law. supervise the Hluttaw session until the Hluttaw Speaker and As such, the State Peace and Development Council hereby enacts this the Deputy Speaker are elected when the first session of a Law in accord with section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union term of Hluttaw commences; of Myanmar, in order to implement the works relating to Hluttaw smoothly in (d) Speaker means the Hluttaw representative elected as the convening the sessions of the Amyotha Hluttaw in accord with the Constitution Speaker of the Hluttaw for a term of the Hluttaw; of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. -
Constitution of Myanmar the Constitution of The
CONSTITUTION OF MYANMAR THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF BURMA 1974 Printed by Printing and Publishing Corporation Rangoon The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma CONTENTS PREAMBLE CHAPTER I THE STATE CHAPTER II BASIC PRINCIPLES CHAPTER III STATE STRUCTURE CHAPTER III STATE STRUCTURE CHAPTER V COUNCIL OF STATE CHAPTER VI COUNCIL OF MINISTERS CHAPTER VII COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S JUSTICES CHAPTER VIII COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S ATTORNEYS CHAPTER IX COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S INSPECTORS CHAPTER X PEOPLE'S COUNCILS CHAPTER XI FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AN DUTIES OF CITIZENS CHAPTER XII ELECTORAL SYSTEM CHAPTER XIII RECALL, RESIGNATION AND REPLACEMENT CHAPTER XIV STATE FLAG, STATE SEAL, NATIONAL ANTHEM, AND STATE CAPITAL CHAPTER XV AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION CHAPTER XVI GENERAL PROVISIONS CHAPTER XVI GENERAL PROVISIONS We, the people residing in the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma have throughout history lived in harmony and unity sharing joys and sorrows in weal or woe. The people of the land have endeavored with perseverance and undaunted courage, for the attainment of independence, displaying throughout their struggles for national liberation against imperialism an intense patriotism, spirit of mutual help and sacrifice and have aspired to Democracy and Socialism. After attaining independence, the power and influence of the feudalists, landlords, and capitalists had increased and consolidated due to the defects in the old Constitution and the ill-effects of capitalistic parliamentary democracy. The cause of Socialism came under near eclipse. In order to overcome this deterioration and to build Socialism, the Revolutionary Council of the Union of Burma assumed responsibility as a historical mission, adopted the Burmese Way to Socialism, and also formed the Burma Socialist Programme Party. -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
En En Motion for a Resolution
European Parliament 2019-2024 Plenary sitting B9-0128/2021 8.2.2021 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION to wind up the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy pursuant to Rule 132(2) of the Rules of Procedure on the situation in Myanmar (2021/2540(RSP)) Michael Gahler, Billy Kelleher, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Miriam Lexmann, Daniel Caspary, Antonio Tajani on behalf of the PPE Group RE\1224307EN.docx PE688.990v01-00 EN United in diversityEN B9-0128/2021 European Parliament resolution on the situation in Myanmar (2021/2540(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 10 December 1948, – having regard to its previous resolutions on Myanmar, in particular those of 19 September 20191, 14 June 20182, 14 December 20173, 22 November 20124, 20 April 20125,20 May 20106 and of 25 November 20107, – having regard to Articles 18 to 21 of the UDHR, – having regard to Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of 1966, – having regard to the joint statement by diplomatic missions in Myanmar of 29 January 2021 on support for Myanmar’s democratic transition and efforts to promote peace, human rights, and development in the country, – having regard to the statement of 1 February 2021 by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative (VP/HR) of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on Myanmar, – having regard to the G7 Foreign Ministers’ statement of 3 February 2021 on condemning the coup in Myanmar, – having regard to the UN Security Council’s press statement of 5 February 2021 on Myanmar, – having regard to the press statement of 4 February 2021 by UN Secretary-General António Guterres, – having regard to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Chair’s statement of 1 February 2021 on the developments in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, – having regard to the ICCPR, 1Texts adopted, P9_TA(2019)0018. -
Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto. -
Evaluation of the Attitudes Between the Constitutional Tribunal and the Parliament in Myanmar
Evaluation of the Attitudes Between the Constitutional Tribunal and the Parliament in Myanmar 【Special Features:The Role of Constitutional Review Bodies in the Asian Post- Authoritarian Democratization Process. A Comparative Perspective】 Evaluation of the Attitudes Between the Constitutional Tribunal and the Parliament in Myanmar MAKINO Emi Abstract This paper examines the role of the Constitutional Tribunal of the Union, Republic of the Union of Myanmar (hereafter, the Tribunal), primarily focusing on parliamentary interactions and independence in political deliberations. The Tribunal was established in 2011, and it was the first independent organization for constitutional review in Myanmar. After half a century of the military authoritarian regime and in the circumstances of complicated transition, the newly established Tribunal has been expected to adjust the power among three branches of power; executive, legislative and judicial. A closer look at the Tribunal’s recent activities and progress in adjudicating political issues and acting as an independent referee between relevant political actors reveals this body’s inability to perform adequately the role it has been assigned. In 2012, the parliament widely opposed the Tribunal’s decision and initiated the impeachment of all nine members. In 2013, the parliament also amended the Constitutional Tribunal Law which limited the effectiveness to apply the decisions of Tribunal only to all cases transferred from ordinary courts. The amendments increasingly weakened the scope of the Tribunal and eventually, questioned whether it might play any positive role in the democratization of Myanmar as stipulated by the 2008 Constitution. After the impeachment of all members, the Tribunal has been facing the lack of judicial independence and cannot function as a referee among the political actors. -
Asian-Parliaments.Pdf
Asian Parliaments Bangladesh Government type: parliamentary democracy unicameral National Parliament or Jatiya Sangsad; 300 seats elected by popular vote from single territorial constituencies (the constitutional amendment reserving 30 seats for women over and above the 300 regular parliament seats expired in May 2001); members serve fiveyear terms elections: last held 1 October 2001 (next to be held no later than January 2007) Bhutan Government type: monarchy; special treaty relationship with India unicameral National Assembly or Tshogdu (150 seats; 105 elected from village constituencies, 10 represent religious bodies, and 35 are designated by the monarch to represent government and other secular interests; members serve threeyear terms) elections: local elections last held August 2005 (next to be held in 2008) Burma Government type: military junta (leader not elected) Unicameral People's Assembly or Pyithu Hluttaw (485 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve fouryear terms) elections: last held 27 May 1990, but Assembly never allowed by junta to convene Cambodia Government type: multiparty democracy under a constitutional monarchy established in September 1993 Bicameral, consists of the National Assembly (123 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve fiveyear terms) and the Senate (61 seats; 2 members appointed by the monarch, 2 elected by the National Assembly, and 57 elected by parliamentarians and commune councils; members serve fiveyear terms) elections: National Assembly last held 27 July 2003 (next to be -
The Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law
The Union of Myanmar The State Peace and Development Council The Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law ( The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 3 / 2010 ) The 9th Waning Day of Taboung, 1371 M.E. ( 8th March, 2010 ) The State Peace and Development Council, in order to elect Pyithu Hluttaw representatives by holding free and fair Multi- party Democracy General Election, hereby enacts the following law in accord with Section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Chapter I Title and Definition 1. This Law shall be called the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law. 2. The following expressions contained in this Law shall have the meaning given hereunder: (a) Constitution means the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar; (b) Hluttaw means the Pyithu Hluttaw; (c) Hluttaw representative means the person who has been elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw or Defence Services personnel Pyithu Hluttaw representative nominated by the Commander- in-Chief Explanation: The expression, member of religious of the Defence Services in accord with the Constitution; order, applies to a religious monk or a (d) Election means the Pyithu Hluttaw Election; member of the religious order while he or she is serving temporarily as such; (e) Constituency means the Pyithu Hluttaw constituency; (ii) in the case of Christians, persons who have been (f) Region or State means the existing respective Division or respective recognized and ordained or assigned duties by the relevant State ; Churches as persons who have dedicated themselves mainly (g) -
Myanmar (Burma): a Reading Guide Andrew Selth
Griffith Asia Institute Research Paper Myanmar (Burma): A reading guide Andrew Selth i About the Griffith Asia Institute The Griffith Asia Institute (GAI) is an internationally recognised research centre in the Griffith Business School. We reflect Griffith University’s longstanding commitment and future aspirations for the study of and engagement with nations of Asia and the Pacific. At GAI, our vision is to be the informed voice leading Australia’s strategic engagement in the Asia Pacific— cultivating the knowledge, capabilities and connections that will inform and enrich Australia’s Asia-Pacific future. We do this by: i) conducting and supporting excellent and relevant research on the politics, security, economies and development of the Asia-Pacific region; ii) facilitating high level dialogues and partnerships for policy impact in the region; iii) leading and informing public debate on Australia’s place in the Asia Pacific; and iv) shaping the next generation of Asia-Pacific leaders through positive learning experiences in the region. The Griffith Asia Institute’s ‘Research Papers’ publish the institute’s policy-relevant research on Australia and its regional environment. The texts of published papers and the titles of upcoming publications can be found on the Institute’s website: www.griffith.edu.au/asia-institute ‘Myanmar (Burma): A reading guide’ February 2021 ii About the Author Andrew Selth Andrew Selth is an Adjunct Professor at the Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University. He has been studying international security issues and Asian affairs for 45 years, as a diplomat, strategic intelligence analyst and research scholar. Between 1974 and 1986 he was assigned to the Australian missions in Rangoon, Seoul and Wellington, and later held senior positions in both the Defence Intelligence Organisation and Office of National Assessments.