Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: Burma/Myanmar's
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1 Myanmar Update
Myanmar Update – 15 February 2021 Summary • The Myanmar coup will likely lead to escalating civil resistance and a consequent heavy- handed military response. • The military will continue to expand control over the internet – leading to frequent “blackouts” • Monitoring the human rights situation as well as providing aid and development support will become increasingly difficult in the months ahead. Background to the November 2020 Elections Myanmar experienced five years of relative political stability after the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) handed power to State Counsellor (a position roughly analogous to Prime Minister) Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) following the November 2015 elections – which ended almost 50 years of military rule. Even then, however, the Tatmadaw retained substantial power, including the right to appoint a quarter of parliamentarians and control of key ministries. Elections to both Myanmar’s upper house - Amyotha Hluttaw - and lower house - Pyithu Hluttaw – took place on 8 November 2020. Suu Kyi’s NLD won a popular landslide, taking 161 (of the 224) seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw and 315 (of the 440) in the Pyithu Hluttaw, an even larger margin than in 2015. This equated to 83% of the available seats, while the Tatmadaw’s proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won a total of just 33 seats. The USDP immediately began making accusations of fraud after the vote although the Union Election Commission said there was no proof to support these claims and there has been little or no independent evidence either. The Tatmadaw also disputed the results, claiming that the vote was fraudulent, perhaps fearing that the NLD, with its majority, would amend the constitution to reduce the Tatmadaw’s political influence – a longstanding NLD campaign pledge. -
Proposals for Constitutional Change in Myanmar from the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Amendment International Idea Interim Analysis
PROPOSALS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN MYANMAR FROM THE JOINT PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT INTERNATIONAL IDEA INTERIM ANALYSIS 1. Background, Purpose and Scope of this Report: On 29 January Myanmar’s Parliament voted to establish a committee to review the constitution and receive proposals for amendments. On July 15 a report containing a catalogue of each of these proposals was circulated in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Legislature). This International IDEA analysis contains an overview and initial assessment of the content of these proposals. From the outset, the Tatmadaw (as well as the Union Solidarity and Development Party - USDP) has objected to this process of constitutional review,i and unless that opposition changes it would mean that the constitutional review process will not be able to proceed much further. Passing a constitutional amendment requires a 75% supermajority in the Union Legislature, which gives the military an effective veto as they have 25% of the seats.1 Nevertheless, the report provides the first official public record of proposed amendments from different political parties, and with it a set of interesting insights into the areas of possible consensus and divergence in future constitutional reform. The importance of this record is amplified by the direct connection of many of the subjects proposed for amendment to the Panglong Peace Process agenda. Thus far, the analyses of this report available publicly have merely counted the number of proposals from each party, and sorted them according to which chapter of the constitution they pertain to. But simply counting proposals does nothing to reveal what changes are sought, and can be misleading – depending on its content, amending one significant article may bring about more actual change than amending fifty other articles. -
Law Relating Amyotha Hluttaw
The Union of Myanmar Chapter I The State Peace and Development Council Title, Enforcement and Definition The Law Relating to the Amyotha Hluttaw 1. (a) This Law shall be called the Law relating to the Amyotha ( The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 13 /2010 ) Hluttaw, The 13th Waxing Day of Thadinkyut , 1372 M.E. (b) This Law shall come into force throughout the country ( 21st October, 2010 ) commencing from the day of its promulgation. Preamble 2. The following expressions contained in this Law shall have the meanings Since it is provided in Section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic given hereunder: of the Union of Myanmar that the State Peace and Development Council shall (a) Constitution means the Constitution of the Republic of the carry out the necessary preparatory works to implement the Constitution, it has Union of Myanmar; become necessary to enact the relevant laws to enable performance of the legislative, administrative and judicial functions of the Union smoothly, to enable (b) Hluttaw means the Amyotha Hluttaw formed under the performance of works that are to be carried out when the various Hluttaws come Constitution for the purpose of this Law; into existence and to enable performance of the preparatory works in accord (c) Chairperson means the Hluttaw representative elected to with law. supervise the Hluttaw session until the Hluttaw Speaker and As such, the State Peace and Development Council hereby enacts this the Deputy Speaker are elected when the first session of a Law in accord with section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union term of Hluttaw commences; of Myanmar, in order to implement the works relating to Hluttaw smoothly in (d) Speaker means the Hluttaw representative elected as the convening the sessions of the Amyotha Hluttaw in accord with the Constitution Speaker of the Hluttaw for a term of the Hluttaw; of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. -
Anti-Rohingya Laws Timeline
Materials ANTI-ROHINGYA LAWS TIMELINE A police checkpoint with closed-off Rohingya area, Rakhine State, 2014. (WikiCommons/Adam) 1942 1948 1962 1978 1982 1988 1992 - 1997 2012 1942 January 4, 1948 March 2, 1962 1978 October 15 August 8 Attempts by Burmese and June 2-14 and October Bangladesh governments British Burma is occupied Burma’s Independence from Myanmar becomes a “Operation Dragon King”: Citizenship Law: the “8888 Uprising”: failed Rakhine State Riots: a series to repatriate Rohingya from by the Imperial Japanese Great Britain. dictatorship ruled by the Tatmadaw launches a Rohingya are no longer pro-democracy protests of riots in the state of Rakhine Bangladesh refugee camps Army. Muslim Rohingya in the military (Tatmadaw). “clearance operation” against recognised as one of the bring Aung San Suu Kyi, after a local ethnic Rakhine to Myanmar. More Rohingya Rakhine (formerly Arakan) the Rohingya causing 135 “national races” and daughter of Burmese woman was allegedly raped and flee Myanmar at the same time State are armed in support more than 200,000 to flee become stateless. independence leader murdered by three Rohingya and as conditions there have not of the British, while the Myanmar and go to refugee Aung San and leader a Rakhine mob murdered ten improved. Buddhists of Rakhine support camps in Bangladesh. of the newly formed Muslims in response. the Japanese. National League for Democracy, into the public spotlight. 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2013 2014 May 23 October 9 August 25 March 2018 A law prohibiting inter- Census: A nationwide Population Control Healthcare Law: women 2016 “Clearance Operation”: Villages are burnt: Human Rights Watch Satellite imageries ethnicity and inter-faith census is held for the in some regions are subjected to three- Tatmadaw launches a “clearance “Clearance Operation”: after confirm the Burmese government is bulldozing the burned marriages is passed. -
New Crisis Brewing in Burma's Rakhine State?
CRS INSIGHT New Crisis Brewing in Burma's Rakhine State? February 15, 2019 (IN11046) | Related Author Michael F. Martin | Michael F. Martin, Specialist in Asian Affairs ([email protected], 7-2199) Approximately 250 Chin and Rakhine refugees entered into Bangladesh's Bandarban district in the first week of February, trying to escape the fighting between Burma's military, or Tatmadaw, and one of Burma's newest ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the Arakan Army (AA). Bangladesh's Foreign Minister Abdul Momen summoned Burma's ambassador Lwin Oo to protest the arrival of the Rakhine refugees and the military clampdown in Rakhine State. Bangladesh has reportedly closed its border to Rakhine State. U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee released a press statement on January 18, 2019, indicating that heavy fighting between the AA and the Tatmadaw had displaced at least 5,000 people. She also called on the Rakhine State government to reinstate the access for international humanitarian organizations. The Conflict Between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw The AA was formed in Kachin State in 2009, with the support of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). In 2015, the AA moved some of its soldiers from Kachin State to southwestern Chin State, and began attacking Tatmadaw security bases in Chin State and northern Rakhine State (see Figure 1). In late 2017, the AA shifted more of its operations into northeastern Rakhine State. According to some estimates, the AA has approximately 3,000 soldiers based in Chin and Rakhine States. Figure 1. Reported Clashes between Arakan Army and Tatmadaw Source: CRS, utilizing data provided by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). -
Listening to Voices Perspectives from the Tatmadaw’S Rank and File
Listening to Voices Perspectives From the Tatmadaw’s Rank and File Listening to Voices – Perspectives From the Tatmadaw’s Rank and File 1 Methodology and training: Soth Plai Ngarm Project coordinaton and writng: Amie Kirkham Writng and editng support: Raymond Hyma, Amelia Breeze, Sarah Clarke Layout by: Boonruang Song-ngam Published by: The Centre for Peace and Confict Studies (CPCS), 2015 Funding Support: The Royal Norwegian Embassy, Myanmar, Dan Church Aid ISBN: 9 789996 381768 2 Contents Acknowledgements .............................................................. 4 Preface ................................................................................. 5 A Brief History of the Tatmadaw ........................................... 9 Implementaton and Method ............................................. 14 Findings in Brief .................................................................. 20 Expanding Main Themes .................................................... 23 Peace and the peace process .............................................. 23 Development needs included in negotatons .................... 32 Life in the rank and fle ........................................................ 34 The future: challenges and needs ....................................... 36 Overcoming Prejudice – insights from the listeners ............. 40 Conclusions and Opportunites ........................................... 43 Bibliography ....................................................................... 45 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The young men and -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
Democracy in the Age of Pandemic – Fair Vote UK Report June 2020
Democracy in the Age of Pandemic How to Safeguard Elections & Ensure Government Continuity APPENDICES fairvote.uk Published June 2020 Appendix 1 - 86 1 Written Evidence, Responses to Online Questionnaire During the preparation of this report, Fair Vote UK conducted a call for written evidence through an online questionnaire. The questionnaire was open to all members of the public. This document contains the unedited responses from that survey. The names and organisations for each entry have been included in the interest of transparency. The text of the questionnaire is found below. It indicates which question each response corresponds to. Name Organisation (if applicable) Question 1: What weaknesses in democratic processes has Covid-19 highlighted? Question 2: Are you aware of any good articles/publications/studies on this subject? Or of any countries/regions that have put in place mediating practices that insulate it from the social distancing effects of Covid-19? Question 3: Do you have any ideas on how to address democratic shortcomings exposed by the impact of Covid-19? Appendix 1 - 86 2 Appendix 1 Name S. Holledge Organisation Question 1 Techno-phobia? Question 2 Estonia's e-society Question 3 Use technology and don't be frightened by it 2 Appendix 1 - 86 3 Appendix 2 Name S. Page Organisation Yes for EU (Scotland) Question 1 The Westminster Parliament is not fit for purpose Question 2 Scottish Parliament Question 3 Use the internet and electronic voting 3 Appendix 1 - 86 4 Appendix 3 Name J. Sanders Organisation emergency legislation without scrutiny removing civil liberties railroading powers through for example changes to mental health act that impact on individual rights (A) Question 1 I live in Wales, and commend Mark Drakeford for his quick response to the crisis by enabling the Assembly to continue to meet and debate online Question 2 no, not until you asked. -
Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto. -
Asian-Parliaments.Pdf
Asian Parliaments Bangladesh Government type: parliamentary democracy unicameral National Parliament or Jatiya Sangsad; 300 seats elected by popular vote from single territorial constituencies (the constitutional amendment reserving 30 seats for women over and above the 300 regular parliament seats expired in May 2001); members serve fiveyear terms elections: last held 1 October 2001 (next to be held no later than January 2007) Bhutan Government type: monarchy; special treaty relationship with India unicameral National Assembly or Tshogdu (150 seats; 105 elected from village constituencies, 10 represent religious bodies, and 35 are designated by the monarch to represent government and other secular interests; members serve threeyear terms) elections: local elections last held August 2005 (next to be held in 2008) Burma Government type: military junta (leader not elected) Unicameral People's Assembly or Pyithu Hluttaw (485 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve fouryear terms) elections: last held 27 May 1990, but Assembly never allowed by junta to convene Cambodia Government type: multiparty democracy under a constitutional monarchy established in September 1993 Bicameral, consists of the National Assembly (123 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve fiveyear terms) and the Senate (61 seats; 2 members appointed by the monarch, 2 elected by the National Assembly, and 57 elected by parliamentarians and commune councils; members serve fiveyear terms) elections: National Assembly last held 27 July 2003 (next to be -
Environmental Law in Myanmar Download
Rule of Law Handbook for Environmental Law 2019 © Copyright by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Ltd., Myanmar ISBN - 978 - 99971 - 954 - 2 - 5 Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Ltd. Myanmar Representative Office Yangon, Myanmar [email protected] www.kas.de/myanmar/en/ All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publisher. The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily represent those of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Ltd. Table of Contents 1 About the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 3 Acknowledgements 5 Introduction – Rule of Law Handbook for Environmental Law Jonathan Liljeblad 15 Myanmar’s Legal System Kyaw Min San 31 Summary of International Environmental Law and Adoption by Myanmar’s Legal System William (BJ) Schulte 43 Myanmar Laws on Forests, Biodiversity and Ecosystems in Myanmar Su Yin Htun 57 Myanmar Laws & Mechanisms to Address Cases Involving Flora & Fauna Trafficking Marla Bu 73 Myanmar’s Legal Framework for Air and Water Pollution Control William (BJ) Schulte 85 Participatory Mechanisms in Myanmar for Environmental Impact Assessment Matthew Baird About the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung The basic principles underlying the work of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) are freedom, justice and solidarity. KAS is a political foundation, closely associated with the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU), named after the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Konrad Adenauer (1876-1967), who united Christian-social, conservative and liberal traditions. -
2017 Myanmar By-Elections IEOM Report
1 2017 Myanmar By-Elections: A Path to Myanmar’s 2020 General Election Final Report of the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) of the 2017 By-Elections in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar 2 Written by : Ryan D Whelan, Dr. Aulina Adamy, Amin Iskandar, Ichal Supriadi, Chandanie Watawala Edited by : Ryan D Whelan, George Rothschild, Karel J Galang Layout by : Sann Moe Aung Book cover designed by : Sann Moe Aung Printer : Mr.Print (Design & Printing) Photos without credits are courtesy of ANFREL mission observers The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) 105, Susthisarnwinichai Road, Samsennok, Huaykwang, Bangkok 10310, Thailand. Tel: (+66 2) 26931867 Email : [email protected] Website : www.anfrel.org ISBN : 978-616-90144-61 2017, Yangon, Myanmar This report reflects the holistic findings of the ANFREL Observation Mission in Myanmar and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of any of ANFREL’s individual observers, staff, donors, or CSO partners. No institution, nor a person acting on its behalf, shall be held responsible for the information contained herein. Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. 3 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The mission would like to thank the committed International Election Observers, whose hard work informed the production of this report. Their dedication to both their observation and our democratic mission is an encouraging sign for democracy’s continued growth in Asia. ANFREL is similarly grateful for the dozens of local staff members who generously gave their time and energy to make the mission a success, often having to overcome significant challenges encountered along the way. ANFREL would also like to thank the Union Election Commission of Myanmar, government officials, as well as candidates and representatives of political parties, civil society groups, and the media in Myanmar for the warm welcome and cooperation provided to ANFREL and its observers.