New Crisis Brewing in Burma's Rakhine State?
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Important Facts About the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - Emref
Important Facts about the 2015 Myanmar General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation (EMReF) 2015 October Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF 1 Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF ENLIGHTENED MYANMAR RESEARCH ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABSTRACT FOUNDATION (EMReF) This report is a product of the Information Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation EMReF is an accredited non-profit research Strategies for Societies in Transition program. (EMReF has been carrying out political-oriented organization dedicated to socioeconomic and This program is supported by United States studies since 2012. In 2013, EMReF published the political studies in order to provide information Agency for International Development Fact Book of Political Parties in Myanmar (2010- and evidence-based recommendations for (USAID), Microsoft, the Bill & Melinda Gates 2012). Recently, EMReF studied The Record different stakeholders. EMReF has been Foundation, and the Tableau Foundation.The Keeping and Information Sharing System of extending its role in promoting evidence-based program is housed in the University of Pyithu Hluttaw (the People’s Parliament) and policy making, enhancing political awareness Washington's Henry M. Jackson School of shared the report to all stakeholders and the and participation for citizens and CSOs through International Studies and is run in collaboration public. Currently, EMReF has been regularly providing reliable and trustworthy information with the Technology & Social Change Group collecting some important data and information on political parties and elections, parliamentary (TASCHA) in the University of Washington’s on the elections and political parties. performances, and essential development Information School, and two partner policy issues. -
Myanmar/Burma - Kachin
Myanmar/Burma - Kachin minorityrights.org/minorities/kachin/ June 19, 2015 Profile The Kachin encompass a number of ethnic groups speaking almost a dozen distinct languages belonging to the Tibeto-Burman linguistic family who inhabit the same region in the northern part of Burma on the border with China, mainly in Kachin State. Strictly speaking, these languages are not necessarily closely related, and the term Kachin at times is used to refer specifically to the largest of the groups (the Kachin or Jingpho/Jinghpaw) or to the whole grouping of Tibeto-Burman speaking minorities in the region, which include the Maru, Lisu, Lashu, etc. The exact Kachin population is unknown due to the absence of reliable census data in Burma for more than 60 years. Most estimates suggest there may in the vicinity of 1 million Kachin in the country. The Kachin, as well as the Chin, are one of Burma’s largest Christian minorities: though once again difficult to assess, it is generally thought that between two-thirds and 90 per cent of Kachin are Christians, with others following animist practices or Buddhists. Historical context It is generally thought that the Kachin gradually moved south from their ancestral land on the Tibetan plateau through Yunnan in southern China to arrive in the northern region of what would become Burma sometime during the fifteenth or sixteenth centuries, making the Kachin relative newcomers. Their position in this borderland part of South-East Asia meant that the Kachin were often outside of the sphere of influence of Burman kings. Their strength was such by the Third Anglo-Burmese War of 1885 that, while the British were taking Mandalay, the Kachin were getting ready to take advantage of the Burman kingdom’s weakness to attack and take over Mandalay themselves. -
Analysis of the FPNCC/Northern Alliance and Myanmar Conflict Dynamics
Analysis of the FPNCC/Northern Alliance and Myanmar Conflict Dynamics acleddata.com/2018/07/21/analysis-of-the-fpncc-northern-alliance-and-myanmar-conflict-dynamics/ Elliott Bynum July 21, 2018 With the Myanmar military pressuring all ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), non-signatory EAOs have responded by forming a loose military alliance, called the Northern Alliance, to strengthen their position against the military. As with many alliances in Myanmar’s history, the cohesiveness and long-term viability of the alliance is uncertain. Increased military operations by the Myanmar military against the groups in this alliance, particularly the increased use of remote violence, has resulted in the alliance groups shifting their tactics both politically and militarily. In 2016, four EAOs formed the Northern Alliance. The driver behind the formation of the Northern Alliance was the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) which has been in conflict with the Myanmar military for several decades. From 1994-2011, the KIA had a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar military which held. The conflict reignited in 2011 after the KIA rejected the military’s Border Guard Force (BGF) scheme which would have placed the KIA under the control of the military. At the time, the Myanmar military also had increased its presence in the Kachin region to guard the Chinese construction of the Myitsone Hydropower Dam which exacerbated tensions, leading eventually to the start of the current war. The KIA has since sought to strengthen its position by providing training and support to the Arakan Army (AA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). -
U.S. Relations with Burma: Key Issues in 2019
Updated May 8, 2019 U.S. Relations with Burma: Key Issues in 2019 In 2018, the 115th Congress was generally critical of the Figure 1. Map of Burma (Myanmar) Trump Administration’s Burma policy, particularly its limited response to atrocities committed by the Burmese military, intensifying conflict with ethnic insurgencies, and rising concerns about political repression and civil rights. In December 2018, Congress passed the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-409), which prohibits funding for International Military Education and Training (IMET) and Foreign Military Financing (FMF) Program in Burma for fiscal years 2019 through 2023. Major Developments in Burma At the end of 2018, an estimated one million Rohingya, most of whom fled atrocities committed by Burma’s military (Tatmadaw) in late 2017, remained in refugee camps in Bangladesh, unable and unwilling to return to Burma’s Rakhine State given the current policies of the Burmese government. Also in 2018, fighting between Burma’s military and various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) escalated in Kachin and Shan States, and spread into Chin, Karen (Kayin), and Rakhine States, while efforts to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire stalled. The Rohingya Crises Continue More than 700,000 Sunni Rohingya fled to Bangladesh in late 2017, seeking to escape Tatmadaw forces that destroyed almost 400 Rohingya villages, killed at least 6,700 Rohingya (according to human rights groups and Doctors Without Borders), and sexually assaulted hundreds of Rohingya women and girls. Repatriation under an October 2018 agreement between the two nations is stalled as the Burmese government is unable or unwilling to Source: CRS establish conditions that would allow the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of the Rohingya. -
1 Myanmar Update
Myanmar Update – 15 February 2021 Summary • The Myanmar coup will likely lead to escalating civil resistance and a consequent heavy- handed military response. • The military will continue to expand control over the internet – leading to frequent “blackouts” • Monitoring the human rights situation as well as providing aid and development support will become increasingly difficult in the months ahead. Background to the November 2020 Elections Myanmar experienced five years of relative political stability after the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) handed power to State Counsellor (a position roughly analogous to Prime Minister) Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) following the November 2015 elections – which ended almost 50 years of military rule. Even then, however, the Tatmadaw retained substantial power, including the right to appoint a quarter of parliamentarians and control of key ministries. Elections to both Myanmar’s upper house - Amyotha Hluttaw - and lower house - Pyithu Hluttaw – took place on 8 November 2020. Suu Kyi’s NLD won a popular landslide, taking 161 (of the 224) seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw and 315 (of the 440) in the Pyithu Hluttaw, an even larger margin than in 2015. This equated to 83% of the available seats, while the Tatmadaw’s proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won a total of just 33 seats. The USDP immediately began making accusations of fraud after the vote although the Union Election Commission said there was no proof to support these claims and there has been little or no independent evidence either. The Tatmadaw also disputed the results, claiming that the vote was fraudulent, perhaps fearing that the NLD, with its majority, would amend the constitution to reduce the Tatmadaw’s political influence – a longstanding NLD campaign pledge. -
Please Copy and Paste the Following Text Into Your E-Mail
Please copy and paste the following text into your e-mail To: UN Human Rights Council Member States’ foreign ministers and their country missions in Geneva On 1 February, the Myanmar military seized power in a military coup d'etat and arbitrarily detained President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders. A year-long state of emergency was declared, installing Vice-President and former lieutenant- general Myint Swe as the acting President, who immediately handed over power to commander- in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The coup has been met with nationwide peaceful demonstrations by the people of Myanmar demanding that the Military respects the outcomes of the November 2020 elections, restores the elected civilian government and releases all those who are arbitrarily detained, and that the Military be held accountable for its atrocities. The junta has responded to these protests with systematic and violent crackdowns. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has described the junta’s crackdown on peaceful protestors as crimes against humanity. Since the coup, over 755 people, including at least 43 children, women and medical workers have been killed so far in the junta’s violence. Also, over 4,496 people, including human rights defenders and journalists documenting the military’s atrocities, civil society and political activists, and civilian political leaders have been arbitrarily arrested and detained and raided their offices and homes. Whereabouts of many who have been arrested remain unknown while several others have reported torture, sexual violence and ill treatment in detention. -
India-Myanmar Joint Statement During State Visit of President to Myanmar (10-14 December 2018)
Media Center Media Center India-Myanmar Joint Statement during State Visit of President to Myanmar (10-14 December 2018) December 13, 2018 1. At the invitation of the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, His Excellency U Win Myint and the First Lady Daw Cho Cho, the President of the Republic of India, His Excellency Shri Ram Nath Kovind and the First Lady Smt. Savita Kovind paid a State Visit to Myanmar from 10 to 14 December 2018. The visit reinforces the tradition of high-level interaction between the leaders of the two countries in recent years. 2. A ceremonial welcome was accorded to President Kovind at the Presidential Palace in Nay Pyi Taw on 11 December, 2018. President U Win Myint and President Kovind held a bilateral meeting and President U Win Myint hosted a State Banquet for the visiting President in his honour. President Kovind also met with State Counsellor, Her Excellency Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The discussions between the leaders were held in a cordial and constructive atmosphere that is the hallmark of the close and friendly relations between the two countries. President U Win Myint and President Kovind also witnessed the signing of MoUs between the two sides in the areas of judicial and educational cooperation. The Indian side also handed over the first 50 units of prefabricated houses built in Rakhine State under the Rakhine State Development Programme funded by the Government of India. Furthermore, both sides agreed to sign at the earliest the MoU for Cooperation on Combating Timber Trafficking and Conservation of Tigers and Other Wildlife and the MoU on Bilateral Cooperation for Prevention of Trafficking in Persons; Rescue, Recovery, Repatriation and Re-integration of Victims of Trafficking, on which negotiations are nearing completion. -
Anti-Rohingya Laws Timeline
Materials ANTI-ROHINGYA LAWS TIMELINE A police checkpoint with closed-off Rohingya area, Rakhine State, 2014. (WikiCommons/Adam) 1942 1948 1962 1978 1982 1988 1992 - 1997 2012 1942 January 4, 1948 March 2, 1962 1978 October 15 August 8 Attempts by Burmese and June 2-14 and October Bangladesh governments British Burma is occupied Burma’s Independence from Myanmar becomes a “Operation Dragon King”: Citizenship Law: the “8888 Uprising”: failed Rakhine State Riots: a series to repatriate Rohingya from by the Imperial Japanese Great Britain. dictatorship ruled by the Tatmadaw launches a Rohingya are no longer pro-democracy protests of riots in the state of Rakhine Bangladesh refugee camps Army. Muslim Rohingya in the military (Tatmadaw). “clearance operation” against recognised as one of the bring Aung San Suu Kyi, after a local ethnic Rakhine to Myanmar. More Rohingya Rakhine (formerly Arakan) the Rohingya causing 135 “national races” and daughter of Burmese woman was allegedly raped and flee Myanmar at the same time State are armed in support more than 200,000 to flee become stateless. independence leader murdered by three Rohingya and as conditions there have not of the British, while the Myanmar and go to refugee Aung San and leader a Rakhine mob murdered ten improved. Buddhists of Rakhine support camps in Bangladesh. of the newly formed Muslims in response. the Japanese. National League for Democracy, into the public spotlight. 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2013 2014 May 23 October 9 August 25 March 2018 A law prohibiting inter- Census: A nationwide Population Control Healthcare Law: women 2016 “Clearance Operation”: Villages are burnt: Human Rights Watch Satellite imageries ethnicity and inter-faith census is held for the in some regions are subjected to three- Tatmadaw launches a “clearance “Clearance Operation”: after confirm the Burmese government is bulldozing the burned marriages is passed. -
Arakan Army, AA)
Division de l’information, de la documentation et des recherches – DIDR 9 avril 2021 Myanmar / Birmanie : L’Armée de l’Arakan (Arakan Army, AA) Avertissement Ce document, rédigé conformément aux lignes directrices communes à l’Union européenne pour le traitement de l’information sur le pays d’origine, a été élaboré par la DIDR en vue de fournir des informations utiles à l’examen des demandes de protection internationale. Il ne prétend pas faire le traitement exhaustif de la problématique, ni apporter de preuves concluantes quant au fondement d’une demande de protection internationale particulière et ne doit pas être considéré comme une position officielle de l’Ofpra. La reproduction ou diffusion du document n’est pas autorisée, à l’exception d’un usage personnel, sauf accord de l’Ofpra en vertu de l’article L. 335-3 du code de la propriété intellectuelle. Myanmar / Birmanie : L’Arakan Army, (AA) Table des matières 1. Principales caractéristiques de l’Arakan Army ................................................................................ 3 1.1. Une organisation liée à la KIA et à l’UWSA ............................................................................. 3 1.2. Relations avec les autres organisations politico-militaires ...................................................... 3 2. Les opérations armées de l’AA ont entraîné des représailles massives ......................................... 4 3. Les interventions de l’AA à des fins logistiques dans les villages ................................................... 5 4. Enlèvements -
“Pre-Election Monitoring Study in Rakhine State”
“Pre-Election Monitoring Study in Rakhine State” Table of Contents KEY FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................... 2 1. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 5 1.1. POLITICAL PARTY LANDSCAPE IN RAKHINE STATE............................................................................ 7 1.2. INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ON FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS .............................................................. 8 1.3. ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN MYANMAR ................................................................................................. 10 2. OBJECTIVE AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 11 1. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................ 11 1.1. SAMPLING ...................................................................................................................................... 11 1.2. RESEARCH PROCESS ........................................................................................................................ 12 1.3. LIMITATION OF STUDY .................................................................................................................... 12 2. FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................ -
Listening to Voices Perspectives from the Tatmadaw’S Rank and File
Listening to Voices Perspectives From the Tatmadaw’s Rank and File Listening to Voices – Perspectives From the Tatmadaw’s Rank and File 1 Methodology and training: Soth Plai Ngarm Project coordinaton and writng: Amie Kirkham Writng and editng support: Raymond Hyma, Amelia Breeze, Sarah Clarke Layout by: Boonruang Song-ngam Published by: The Centre for Peace and Confict Studies (CPCS), 2015 Funding Support: The Royal Norwegian Embassy, Myanmar, Dan Church Aid ISBN: 9 789996 381768 2 Contents Acknowledgements .............................................................. 4 Preface ................................................................................. 5 A Brief History of the Tatmadaw ........................................... 9 Implementaton and Method ............................................. 14 Findings in Brief .................................................................. 20 Expanding Main Themes .................................................... 23 Peace and the peace process .............................................. 23 Development needs included in negotatons .................... 32 Life in the rank and fle ........................................................ 34 The future: challenges and needs ....................................... 36 Overcoming Prejudice – insights from the listeners ............. 40 Conclusions and Opportunites ........................................... 43 Bibliography ....................................................................... 45 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The young men and -
7 Publicversion Myanmar Janv2018
The Strategy and Tactics of Myanmar COIN Strategy since 2010 note OBSERVATOIRE ASIE DU SUD-EST 2017/2018 OBSERVATOIRE Note d’actualité n°7/8 de l’Observatoire de l’Asie du Sud-Est, cycle 2017-2018 Janvier 2018 Along with the recent democratization, the ongoing peace process has transformed the Counter Insurgency (COIN) strategy and tactics of the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw). Political reforms after 2010 created the new dynamic of civil-military relation, shifting paradigm in the COIN activities. Taking off from the old strategy of four-cut policy, COIN tactics vary, depend ing on the regions. From the conventional tactics with peace process as leverage in Kachin state, use of militia with the four-cut policy is also active in Shan States. Although militias still remain the backbone of the COIN operations, as the result of the Standard Army reform process, their role has soon to change. Maison de la Recherche de l’Inalco 2 rue de Lille 75007 Paris - France Tél. : +33 1 75 43 63 20 Fax. : +33 1 75 43 63 23 ww.centreasia.eu [email protected] siret 484236641.00037 List of the acronyms & abbreviations Introduction 1. Militias – Backbone of the COIN Introduction 2. COIN Operations in the Kachin State Insurgency and independence are two sides of the same Background of the conflict coin. Since 2010, the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) Tatmadaw’s Tactics in Kachin State has adopted numbers of Counter Insurgency (COIN) Tatmadaw’s types of operations in Kachin strategies and tactics to expand the government State control area and reduce the contested areas controlled Resources by non-state actors: the ethnic and communist insurgents.