DOCSLIB.ORG

Palestinians Around the World Remember Dr. George Habash (PFLP) by Edward Campbell

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Palestinians Around the World Remember Dr. George Habash (PFLP) by Edward Campbell Palestinians around the world remember Dr. George Habash (PFLP) By Edward Campbell MISSOULA, Jan. 29 (Al-Masakin)—Dr. ruling out a normalization of ties with the George Habash (Al-Hakim) former Jewish state and accusing him of making too Secretary General of the Popular Front for many concessions. He opposed Arafat’s the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) was 1993 Oslo autonomy deal and refused to mourned by Palestinian’s the world over return to the Palestinian territories after the after he was lain to rest after an open casket launch of autonomy in 1994, while insisting funeral at a on the right of Greek return of Palestinian Orthodox refugees to their Church in former homes in Amman, Israel. Jordan Jan. 28. Mr. Habash His funeral was died of natural attended by causes in the prominent capitol, where Palestinian leaders, he had been friends, family, and living since comrades such as 1992, Jan. 27. his daughters and He retired from the leadership of the PFLP his widow Hilda Habash, longtime friend in July 2000 after having led the leftist and comrade Leila Khaled, DFLP leader faction which is a key component of the Nayef Hawatmeh, PFLP politburo leader Palestine Liberation Organization for more Maher Taher, Israeli Knesset member than 30 years. He was 80 years of age. Ahmad Tibi, head of the Palestinian National Council Saleem al-Za’anoun and His successor Abu Ali Mustafa was Fatah leader Faruq Qaddumi, inter alios. assassinated by Israel in Ramallah one year later. Ahmed Saadat, the current PFLP Abu Mazen, lame duck Palestinian President, secretary general, is held in Israeli prison on declared three days of mourning and the charges of planning the assassination of Palestinian flag lowered to half-mast in former tourism minister Rahba’am Ze’evi in recognition of this great leader. Islamic retaliation to the murder of Abu Ali Mustafa. Jihad organization expressed deep sorrow at the loss. The movement said losing Habash Mr. Habash was a fierce opponent of the meant losing a major symbol of the policy of compromise of PLO chief Arafat, Palestinian and Arab people. Islamic Jihad praised Habash for a lifetime leader” the Ma’an news agency reported on of resistance and struggle against the Israeli Monday. occupation, for rejecting American views With PFLP SG Ahmad Sadaat imprisoned, towards the Palestinian question, and for his the prominence of Maher Taher at the role in founding funeral suggests that he will the Arab very likely be taking a National greater role in the leadership Movement. of the party, not a leadership crisis as some may have The Secretary anticipated. That the funeral General of the of a recognized Marxist Palestinian leader took place, however, National in a Greek Orthodox Church Initiative, flies in the face of ham-fisted Mustafa pundits of atheism within the Barghouthi, ICM underscores how that also the former Palestinian minister of movement has persistently information, traveled to Amman to attend misunderstood the Palestinian cause and the the funeral. Barghouthi said Habash was a critical nature of understanding the phrase symbol of the Palestinian struggle and a “Holy Land” in relation to it. Who has not tireless advocate of Palestinians’ rights. eulogized this great man with in the left have said as much as those who have. There were several symbolic funerals in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in which Indeed on the level of metaphysical mourners took to the streets carrying Habash ontology, the persistent use of the word posters. Speaking at a rally in Jenin in the “Arab” by the PFLP, and others within the northern West Bank, Jenin Governor Arab Nationalist movement, particularly the Qaddora Mousa said that with the death of PLO, signifies how that movement, and Habash, Palestinian national unity has lost those on the left united with them, have one of its pillars. Also in Jenin, Amir As- sought to conceal much deeper and Sa’di spoke on behalf of the Palestinian fundamental ties to Christianity and, National and Islamic Forces by Amir As- moreover, with its principal architects of Sa’di who promised that the Palestinian Communism having themselves been forces will follow in Habash’s steps until Christians, how Christianity has played a they achieve Palestinian national goals. role in the ideological development of Socialism and indeed made the development The political bureau of a PFLP offshoot, the of communist ideology even possible. Popular Front for the Liberation of Understanding the fundamentally religious Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC) nature of this land and this conflict is issued a statement expressing their sadness imperative for those who seek to unite with for the departure of Al-Hakim as well as it. pride for being under his command before they established the General Command as a God bless you Mr. Habash. Best wishes to separate faction. The Union of UNRWA the PFLP and the Palestinian people. employees in Lebanon also expressed sorrow for the loss of “a historic Palestinian Al-Masakin News Agency .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • An Unusual Revolution: the Palestinian Thawra in Lebanon, C
    Durham Middle East Papers AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Dr Anne Irfan Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 Durham Middle East Papers Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Durham University Al-Qasimi Building Elvet Hill Road Durham AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: Durham Middle East Papers No. 103 DH1 3TU ISSN 1476-4830 THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Tel: +44 (0)191 3345680 September 2020 The Durham Middle East Papers series covers all aspects of the economy, politics, social science, history, literature and languages of the Middle East. Authors are invited to submit papers to the Editorial Board for consideration for publication. Dr Anne Irfan The views expressed in this paper are the author(s) alone and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher or IMEIS. All Rights Reserved. This paper cannot be photocopied or reproduced without prior permission. Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 © Dr Anne Irfan and Durham University, 2020 About The Institute Editorial Board The Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (IMEIS), within the Professor Anoush Ehteshami Dr Colin Turner School of Government & International Affairs, is a Social Science-focused Exofficio member Reader in Islamic Thought in academic institute of excellence, research-led in ethos, with a track-record of Professor of International Relations the School of Government and internationally acclaimed research outputs across all sub-areas of its activity. in the School of
    [Show full text]
  • The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences
    The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences The June 1967 War was a watershed moment in the history of the mod- ern Middle East. In six days, the Israelis defeated the Arab armies of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan and seized large portions of territory includ- ing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights. With the hindsight of four decades and access to recently declassified documents, two veteran scholars of the Middle East bring together some of the most knowledgeable experts in their fields to reassess the origins of the war and its regional reverberations. Each chapter takes a different perspective from the vantage point of a different participant, those that actually took part in the war, and the world powers – the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and France – that played important roles behind the scenes. Their conclusions make for sober reading. At the heart of the story was the incompetence of the Egyptian high command under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the rivalry between various Arab players who were deeply suspi- cious of each other’s motives. Israel, on the other side, gained a resound- ing victory for which, despite previous assessments to the contrary, there was no master plan. Wm. Roger Louis is the Kerr Professor of English History and Cul- ture at the University of Texas at Austin and Honorary Fellow of St. Antony’s College, Oxford. A past President of the American His- torical Association, he is the editor-in-chief of The Oxford History of the British Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
    The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov 2010 Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies – Study no. 406 Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov The statements made and the views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Israel 6 Lloyd George St. Jerusalem 91082 http://www.kas.de/israel E-mail: [email protected] © 2010, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St., 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org E-mail: [email protected] This publication was made possible by funds granted by the Charles H. Revson Foundation. In memory of Professor Alexander L. George, scholar, mentor, friend, and gentleman The Authors Yehudith Auerbach is Head of the Division of Journalism and Communication Studies and teaches at the Department of Political Studies of Bar-Ilan University. Dr. Auerbach studies processes of reconciliation and forgiveness . in national conflicts generally and in the Israeli-Palestinian context specifically and has published many articles on this issue. Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov is a Professor of International Relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and holds the Chair for the Study of Peace and Regional Cooperation. Since 2003 he is the Head of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. He specializes in the fields of conflict management and resolution, peace processes and negotiations, stable peace, reconciliation, and the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular. He is the author and editor of 15 books and many articles in these fields.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnicity, Rebel Diplomacy, and State Support for Insurgency
    University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2016 Their Brothers' Keepers? Ethnicity, Rebel Diplomacy, and State Support for Insurgency Connor Somgynari University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Somgynari, Connor, "Their Brothers' Keepers? Ethnicity, Rebel Diplomacy, and State Support for Insurgency" (2016). Honors Theses. 224. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/224 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THEIR BROTHER’S KEEPERS? ETHNICITY, REBEL DIPLOMACY, AND STATE SUPPORT FOR INSURGENCY ©2016 By C. J. Somgynari A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies Croft Institute for International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississsippi May, 2016 Approved Advisor: Dr. Yael Zeira Second Reader: Dr. Kees Gispen Third Reader: Dr. Benjamin Jones ii ©2016 C. J. Somgynari ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I cannot begin to thank the following individuals enough; without their help, support, and patience, this project would have not been possible. My thesis committee members, Yael Zeira, Kees Gispen, and Ben Jones, provided me with invaluable feedback that helped me develop my paper into the refined product it is today. I am in gratitude to each of them.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Movements in the West Bank and Gaza
    At a glance November 2015 Political movements in the West Bank and Gaza Political movements in the West Bank and Gaza are divided into factions of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) which accept the Oslo Accords, and non-PLO factions which reject a two state solution and Israel's right to exist. Fatah and Hamas are the largest Palestinian political movements. Background The Palestinian National Authority, or Palestinian Authority (PA), was granted limited rule in the Gaza Strip and parts of the West Bank in agreements signed in 1994 and 1995, following the Oslo Accords. The Palestinian Basic Law functions as a quasi-Constitution (attempts to draft a Permanent Constitution were abandoned). The PA has its own executive, legislative and judicial bodies, with Ramallah as its de facto seat. The executive branch has a President, currently Mahmoud Abbas (Fatah) and a Prime Minister, presently Rami Hamdallah. Legislative power is represented by the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), elected by Palestinians in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Jerusalem. The PLC is a unicameral parliament, consisting of 132 members, last elected to the PLC in 2006. The formation of a Hamas government led to international sanctions against the PA, and to subsequent negotiations between the two largest political movements, Fatah and Hamas, to form a unity government. The unity government formed in February 2007 collapsed shortly after, in June 2007, when Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip. This led to dissolution of the government by the President; appointment of a Fatah-led 'caretaker' government in the West Bank; and suspension of the PLC.
    [Show full text]
  • Hamas' Terrorism Strategy: Operational Limitations and Political Constraints
    HAMAS’ TERRORISM STRATEGY: OPERATIONAL LIMITATIONS AND POLITICAL CONSTRAINTS By Ely Karmon* From 1996 to 1999, Hamas used suicide bombings and then relative restraint in order to derail the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. In recent years, although Hamas has desired to perpetrate more terrorist attacks, its capabilities have been limited by stepped up security operations and coordination by Israel and the Palestinian Authority. What will Hamas leaders do next? The September 1999 incident in is contrary to the interests of Palestinians which Hamas recruited Israeli Arabs to and with its long-term objectives of building bomb two buses in the central Israel towns an Islamic state in the whole of Palestine. Its of Haifa and Tiberias suggests that the low profile terrorist activity in the 1996- organization has taken a strategic decision to 1999 period was sometimes interpreted as a derail the on-going negotiations between strategy intended to facilitate the Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). continuation of Netanyahu’s rule and, The prospect of progress in the implicitly, the continuation of the crisis in political process, together with the likely relations between the Palestinian Authority establishment of a Palestinian state in only and Israel. part of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, is unacceptable to the Hamas leadership. The OPERATIONAL DIFFICULTIES FOR election of a new Israeli government in May HAMAS’ TERRORIST ACTIVITY 1999 did not dampen the movement’s support for continuing the armed struggle In reality, the sharp decline in against Israel. Hamas has expressed fierce terrorist attacks, particularly the bloody opposition to the PA’s policies, hoping that suicide bombings, was due to the combined “jihad” operations will sabotage the peace preventive counter-terrorist policy of the PA process.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Making of The
    THE MAKING OF THE PLO 1946: In May 1946, the first conference of Arab Kings and Presidents, according to the system of the League of Arab States, was held in Anshas near Cairo; the meeting decided: “Palestine is the heart of the Arab Group and the fate of Jerusalem is linked to the fate of the entire League of Arab States and what happens to the Arabs in Palestine affects all the Arab peoples… and the Arab countries and peoples have to protect the Arab features of Palestine”. 1948: Following the UN Partition Resolution 181,1947, the announcing of the end of the British Mandate, and the entry of the Arab troops into Palestine, the League of Arab States Political Commission decided on July 10, 1948, to establish a temporary Palestinian administration to manage the affairs of the Arab controlled territory. The first Palestinian conference was held in October 1948 in the presence of 90 figures representing the mayors of municipalities, heads of chambers of commerce, and representatives of national commissions and parties upon invitation by the Arab Higher Commission. The conference ratified the establishment of All-Palestine Government headed by Ahmad Hilmi Abdul Baqi; the members of the government consisted of the following: Jamal al-Husseini, Rajai al-Husseini, Awni Abdul Hadi, Akram Zuaiter, Dr. Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi, Ali Hasna, Michel Abkarius, Yousef Sahyoun, and Amin Aqel. The conference decided that the flag of Palestine would be the flag of the Arab Revolt of 1916. Arab governments and the Arab League recognized the All-Palestine Government as soon as it was declared with the exception of Jordan.
    [Show full text]
  • Terror on the Horizon? Renewed Activism by Anti-Peace Radicals
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 113 Terror on the Horizon? Renewed Activism by Anti-Peace Radicals Dec 24, 1996 Brief Analysis s efforts continue to broker a long-sought Israeli-Palestinian deal on Hebron redeployment by year's end, A Middle East radicals and rejectionists from secular groups like the Damascus-based Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) to Islamic militant organizations like Hamas and Islamic Jihad appear to be energizing their activity and preparing for a re-emergence on the regional scene. The PFLP and Iraq: A few weeks before the PFLP's December 11 killing of an Israeli mother and her son near Ramallah on the West Bank, a PFLP delegation paid a highly unusual visit to Baghdad to meet with Iraqi officials. Three reasons not mutually exclusive may explain this unusual PFLP-Iraq connection. First, the PFLP may have decided to step up its terrorist activities and is seeking to broaden its base of financial and tactical support. Second, Iraq may be seeking to reactivate its role in Middle Eastern terrorism with a focus on the Arab-Israeli peace process. Indeed, shortly before the PFLP delegation arrived in Baghdad, an Iraqi newspaper ominously called on all like- minded opponents of U.S. Middle East policy to "launch a jihad... and hit at anything that is American or anything that represents the Americans." A third theory, based on the idea that George Habash's PFLP would not visit Baghdad without the prior approval of the Syrian Government, holds that the visit suggests Damascus is actively considering a modus vivendi with its Baghdad rival, at least as far as tactical coordination against the peace process is concerned.
    [Show full text]
  • Permission to Perform: Palestinian Theatre in Jerusalem (1967-1993)
    Permission To Perform: Palestinian Theatre in Jerusalem (1967-1993) Samer Al-Saber A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Thomas E. Postlewait, Chair Sarah Bryant-Bertail Daniel Chirot Terri Lynn Deyoung Michael Vincente Perez Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Drama University of Washington Abstract Permission To Perform: Palestinian Theatre in Jerusalem (1967-1993) Samer Al-Saber Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Thomas E. Postlewait School of Drama In the period of 1967 to 1993, Palestinian theatre became a major platform for the expression of the Palestinian identity. This dissertation asks the following question: Why and how did Palestinian theatre thrive in Jerusalem during this period? I begin this study by outlining all the laws and regulations that influenced the development of Palestinian theatre practices since the Ottoman period. Then I focus on the practices and aesthetics of the theatre troupes which successfully established theatre buildings in Jerusalem. In surveying both the state-imposed laws and the grassroots theatrical practices, I document examples of the interactions between the theatre artists and the Israeli authorities. Since Palestinian theatre artists had to apply for the permission to perform from the civilian censorship council in West Jerusalem and the military governors of various regions in the Occupied territories, the Palestinians developed various strategies and tactics in order to assert their identity and maintain their livelihood under occupation. By documenting examples of Palestinian theatre in ! ""! Jerusalem, I argue that the permission to perform shaped the way theatre flourished and eventually declined in the city.
    [Show full text]
  • Second Intifada” and Asymmetric Warfare
    CSIS_______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3270 [email protected] Israel versus the Palestinians: The “Second Intifada” and Asymmetric Warfare Working Draft Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Center for Strategic and International Studies July, 2002 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. No quotation, reference, or further reproduction is permitted without the author’s express written permission in each single case. Peace and War: The Israeli-Palestinian Balance 8/21/2002 Page ii Introduction This report is a draft that expands upon the content of a chapter prepared for a book on the Arab-Israeli Balance to be published by Praeger in 2001. The reader should be aware that this text is being circulated for comment and will be extensively revised over time, and reflects the working views of the author and not the CSIS. Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. No further reproduction is permitted without the author’s express written permission. Quotation or reference is permitted with proper attribution. Peace and War: The Israeli-Palestinian Balance 8/21/2002 Page iii Acknowledgements The Author would like to thank Haylee Cohen for her help in researching and editing this book. Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. No further reproduction is permitted without the author’s express written permission. Quotation or reference is permitted with proper attribution. Peace and War: The Israeli-Palestinian Balance 8/21/2002 Page iv Table of Contents ISRAEL VERSUS THE PALESTINIANS: THE “SECOND INTIFADA”......................................................... I AND ASYMMETRIC WARFARE.........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Palestinian Revolution/The Right to Self
    THE PALESTINIAN REVOLUTION THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION AND THE INDEPENDENT STATE THE PALESTINIAN REVOLUTION THE RIGHT TO SELF- DETERMINATION AND THE INDEPENDENT STATE D.F.L.P. • DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS CONTENTS Foreward 5 PART I : THE EIGHTH ANNIVERSARY The Revolution, the Right to Self-determination and an Independent State 9 Unity under the Transitional Program 39 Acknowledgments of Greetings 46 Celebrations in Foreign Countries ,-. .47 Comrade Majed Abdel-Rida Salutes the DFLP 51 Firm Adherence to Palestinian National Independeace 55 The Anniversary Celebration in Lebanon 58 AKEL-DFLP Communique 60 PART II : THE PALESTINIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL Challenges Confronting the Palestinian National Council 67 The Task Facing the Palestinian National Council: An Explicit, United Political Stand 73 Address of the DFLP Delegation before the Palestinian National Council 79 An Overwhelming Victory for the Revolutionary Nationalist Line 89 Text of the Decisions of the Thirteenth Palestinian National Council . .92 FOREWORD As the forces and organizations of the Revolution prepared for the convening of the thirteenth Palestinian National Council, the Martyr Kamal Junblatt session, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine marked the eighth anniversary of its foundation February 22, 1969, the birth of the independent Palestinian left. With this anniversary the DFLP celebrates the passage of eight glorious years in the life of our Palestinian people and Revolution, years rich in the experiences of the struggle to end the Occupation and affirm the national independent Palestinian identity, on the road to national independence and the foundation of the national independent Palestinian state. In observance of these two occasions, the thirteenth National Council and the eighth anniversary of our Front, Jhe Department of International Relations of the Central Committee of the DFLP publishes this report.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 09/27/2021 12:09:53PM Via Free Access 33
    32 2 Letters and declarations The nature of this melancholy becomes clearer, once one asks the question, with whom does the historical writer of historicism actually empathize. The answer is irrefutably with the victor. Those who currently rule are however the heirs of all those who have ever been victorious. Empathy with the victors thus comes to benefit the current rulers every time. Walter Benjamin, Illuminations The development of a political community is an inherently exclusionary project based upon a particular vision of the organisation of life. The establishment of bureaucratic structures that facilitate the regulation of life flows from the enactment of this idea. As we have seen, definitions of statehood and sovereignty differ greatly, but it is evident that in order for a state to be considered as such, a number of characteristics must be met, including the existence of a people residing within a particular territorial area with a shared identity and a system of governance to facilitate the survival of their project. Fundamentally, as Khaldun suggested, politics is the survival of the species. This chapter engages with attempts to establish political projects, driven by actors both within and beyond territorial borders. In many cases, such efforts were revolutionary, violent dislocations between past and future that radically altered the ordering of space within a particular area. Yet such transformations also possessed an economic dimension as foreign powers sought to capitalise on opportunities provided by domestic upheaval, while political elites began processes of modernisation as they sought to forge states from the embers of uncertainty. The neo-lib eral modernity that underpins Agamben’s spatialisation of the exception shapes the local manifestations of nomos and while context and contingency create unique peculiarities, there are underlying structural similarities that shape the exception.
    [Show full text]