2014/03 Slovakia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

2014/03 Slovakia EUDO CITIZENSHIP OBSERVATORY ACCESS TO ELECTORAL RIGHTS SLOVAKIA Jana Kazaz December 2014 CITIZENSHIP http://eudo-citizenship.eu European University Institute, Florence Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies EUDO Citizenship Observatory Access to Electoral Rights Slovakia Jana Kazaz December 2014 EUDO Citizenship Observatory Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Access to Electoral Rights Report, RSCAS/EUDO-CIT-ER 2014/3 Badia Fiesolana, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy © Jana Kazaz This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the authors. Requests should be addressed to [email protected] The views expressed in this publication cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Union Published in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Research for the EUDO Citizenship Observatory Country Reports has been jointly supported, at various times, by the European Commission grant agreements JLS/2007/IP/CA/009 EUCITAC and HOME/2010/EIFX/CA/1774 ACIT, by the European Parliament and by the British Academy Research Project CITMODES (both projects co-directed by the EUI and the University of Edinburgh). The financial support from these projects is gratefully acknowledged. For information about the project please visit the project website at http://eudo-citizenship.eu Access to Electoral Rights Slovakia Jana Kazaz 1. INTRODUCTION The Constitution of the Slovak Republic in Article 30 guarantees for Slovak citizens ‘the right to participate in the administration of public affairs directly or through freely elected representatives.’ After accession to the European Union (EU), Article 30 was complemented with a sentence allowing aliens with permanent residence in Slovakia to have the right to vote and to be elected in regional elections. Slovakia currently has five types of regular elections and one type of referendum, at national level: • Elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic (parliamentary elections) • Elections to Self-Territorial Units (STUs – regional elections) • Elections to Municipalities (local elections) • Elections to the European Parliament (European elections) • Election of the President of the Slovak Republic (presidential elections) • Referendum Until May 2014, all of the above mentioned elections were governed by a legislative act that regulated electoral rights, voter registration, voting, candidacy and electoral campaigns for each election separately. The oldest electoral law was from 1990, the most recent one from 2004, and all laws were amended multiple times. Leaving substantive discussion of the electoral system aside, the most problematic feature of electoral legislation in Slovakia was its terminological inconsistency, different regulation of the procedures, electoral campaign rules and financing. While political parties have advocated a single electoral code on several occasions, there had not been a specific draft submitted to parliament on that matter until August 20131. On October 24, 2013 the Government requested to transfer the bill to the next parliamentary session in 2014. The new Act 180/2014 on Conditions of Exercise of Voting Right 1 Legislative draft No. 659 delivered to the National Council on August 16, 2013. RSCAS/EUDO-CIT-ER 2014/3 - © 2014 Author 1 Jana Kazaz (“Electoral Code”) was together with the new Act on Electoral Campaign 181/2014 adopted by parliament on May 29, 2014. An important fact about the two new acts is that they do not substantially change the existing electoral systems but merely unify procedural aspects of elections. The Electoral Act unifies conditions for all six elections. It consists of nine parts, the first part introducing general principles and rules common to all elections, parts two to eight on specific types of elections, and the ninth part on provisional articles2. Perhaps the greatest novelty lies in the creation of a permanent commission to oversee elections, political party finances and campaigns. The commission will be composed of fourteen members, ten nominated by parliamentary political parties and four by the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, the General Prosecution, and the Supreme Audit Office. Unfortunately, the law does not introduce alternative methods of voting (by internet or embassy), which would enfranchise a considerable number of Slovak citizens residing or travelling abroad. Until the new legislation had been adopted, voting by mail was allowed only in parliamentary elections. The new law introduced voting by mail also for referendums. However, the remaining four types of elections (European, regional, local and presidential) remain out of reach for Slovaks living or traveling abroad. The Electoral Code also introduced a controversial requirement for mayoral candidates in local elections. Candidates for the post of mayor in local elections as of July 2014 must have completed at least a secondary level of education. Several Members of Parliament already announced their intention to challenge the constitutionality of this provision in the Constitutional Court3. Lastly, from time to time, politicians open a discussion on more substantial changes to the electoral system. Usually this happens before parliamentary elections, when candidates promise to change the electoral system in order to strengthen the ties between voters and representatives. One example would be by redistricting Slovakia into multiple electoral constituencies. Unfortunately, the new Electoral Code does not change the fact that the Slovak Republic is one electoral constituency for the purpose of national and European parliamentary elections, nor does it introduce any other measure that would bring representatives closer to voters. 2 There are seven specific parts, each devoted to one type of election; on the other hand, there are only six election types. The seventh type is a vote on the dismissal of the President of Slovakia. It was introduced at the same time as a popular vote for President. In 1999, citizens were not only given the right to directly elect a President, but also the right to initiate and vote for his or her dismissal. 3 A group of parliamentary opposition MPs led by former Minister of Justice Daniel Lipsic petitioned the Constitutional Court on July 18, 2014. Lipsic said that the education level requirement is not constitutional, since democracy means that all people can elect whomever they desire. Article available at: http://m.teraz.sk/slovensko/stredoskolske-vzdelanie-starostovia-ussr/91833-clanok.html (only in Slovak). Last accessed on August 22, 2014. 2 RSCAS/EUDO-CIT-ER 2014/3 - © 2014 Author Access to Electoral Rights: Slovakia 2. ELIGIBILITY: Who has electoral rights under national law? Every citizen of the Slovak Republic, who is 18 years of age on the day of the election, has a right to vote in parliamentary, regional, European, local and presidential elections. In European, regional and local elections, foreign citizens with permanent residence are entitled to vote and be elected. 2.1. Citizen residents 2.1.1. Age The voting age in all types of elections in Slovakia is 18 years. Legislation specifies that a person turning 18 on the day of the election has a right to vote. The age limit for an elected official is 21 years for parliamentary and European elections, 40 years for presidential candidates and 25 years for mayors of cities and presidents of Self-Territorial Units. The age limit of candidates for deputies of local and regional councils is 18 years. 2.1.2. Mental Disabilities Persons with mental disabilities have the right to vote or be elected, provided that they have not been found legally incapacitated by the decision of a court of law. This is a general rule for all voters. If mental disability precludes a person from marking and casting the vote, he or she may be assisted by another eligible voter, provided that the latter does not serve on an electoral committee. For example, if someone is blind, or has a different disability that prevents him or her from reading or writing, another voter may help him or her mark and cast the vote. In case a voter cannot come to vote at the designated polling place, especially because of health reasons, he or she can request the option to cast a vote into a “mobile” ballot box. This option may be activated by a voter, or his or her relative or neighbor, by informing the local electoral committee. 2.1.3. Persons convicted of criminal offences In general, persons convicted of criminal offences have the right to vote in all elections. Pursuant to the Electoral Code, persons serving a prison sentence for a particularly serious crime as defined by the Criminal Code are disqualified from voting in all types of elections. Persons serving a prison sentence are precluded from exercising their right to be elected. In February 2009 the Constitutional Court of the Slovak Republic delivered a decision, according to which citizens who, at the time of the elections, are imprisoned have a right to vote in parliamentary and European elections4. The Constitutional Court in the above mentioned decision stated that only imprisonment for particularly serious crimes may restrict the right to vote in parliamentary elections. The Court also confirmed that imprisonment or detention did not automatically deprive persons of their right to vote. However, imprisonment 4 No. PL US 6/08 RSCAS/EUDO-CIT-ER 2014/3 - © 2014 Author 3 Jana Kazaz did deprive them of the right to be elected, since, in case of election, it precludes the exercise of the mandate. The Court also declared that the right to vote for persons serving a prison sentence does not apply to local and regional elections, since people serving a sentence could not be present in their districts at the time of elections and are consequently not affected by the decisions of local councils and mayors5. 2.2. Citizens abroad 2.2.1.
Recommended publications
  • Election Observation Table of Contents
    Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 25 AND 26 SEPTEMBER 1998 ODIHR ELECTION OBSERVATION TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION II SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS III THE LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK III.1 General III.2 The Electoral System III.3 Some Legal Issues IV THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION V VOTER AND CIVIC EDUCATION VI VOTER REGISTRATION VII CANDIDATE REGISTRATION VIII THE PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN IX THE MEDIA X OBSERVATION ON POLLING DAY XI OBSERVATION OF COUNTING XII AGGREGATION AND VERIFICATION OF RESULTS XIII RECOMMENDATIONS 2 I. INTRODUCTION Upon invitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic of 18 August 1998, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe=s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) established an Election Observation Mission in Slovakia for the 25 and 26 September Parliamentary elections. Ms. Helle Degn, President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and Chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee of the Danish Parliament, was designated by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office as his Representative for the Election in Slovakia. Mr. Kåre Vollan was appointed by the ODIHR as the OSCE On-site Co-ordinator and Head of the ODIHR Election Observation Mission, and Ms Siri Skåre as Deputy Head upon being seconded by the Government of Norway. The OSCE was involved at an early stage in the pre-election process including a visit by the ODIHR Director, Ambassador Stoudmann, on February 6 and May 5-6, and a visit by the former President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Mr. Javier Ruperez on May 4-5.
    [Show full text]
  • Discussion Paper
    Zentrum für Europäische Integrationsforschung Center for European Integration Studies Rheinische Friedrich Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Discussion Paper Eva Slivková Slovakia’s Response on the Regular report form the European Commission on Progress towards Accession C 57 1999 Eva Slivková, Born 1971, works for the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, division of chief negotiations. After receiving a degree in Translation (German and English), she worked as a journalist for the Slovak newspa- per Slovensky Dennik in 1990/91. As a member of the Slovak Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), she worked in the field of Public Relations within the KDH from 1992 to 1994. In 1993 she started working as a Public Relations Assistant of the Iowa-State- University-Foundation until 1996. 1996 she completed an in- ternship at the German parliament in the office of Rudolf Seiters (MP CDU). In 1997/98 Ms. Slivková was a Project Manager at the Centre for European politics and worked as a freelance Translator. Eva Slivkova Slovakia’s Response on the Regular Report from the European Commission on Progress towards Accession Introduction Looking at today’s Slovakia one can get the feeling of being in the Phoe- nix fairy-tale. It seems as if Slovakia needed to go through a purifying fire in order to shine in the full beauty of the Phoenix. The result of the last four years is a country, where the lie was a working method, human dignity was trampled, and citizens played only a minor role in issues that influenced their lives. Constantly-repeated statements about freedom, hu- man rights, democracy and a flourishing economy became untrustworthy and empty phrases.
    [Show full text]
  • Information Campaign for the 2014 Elections to the European Parliament in Slovakia
    INFORMATION CAMPAIGN FOR THE 2014 ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN SLOVAKIA 16 September 2013 - 25 May 2014 Presidential Debate (p5;25) Mr. Schulz visit (p2;22) Election Night (p3;27) European Parliament Information Office in Slovakia started the official information campaign for the 2014 Elections to the European Parliament in Slovakia in September 2013. Since then, almost 60 events, discussion forums, outdoor activities and dialogues took place in more than 20 towns and cities across the Slovak Republic. In addition, 6 nationwide competitions focusing on the European Elections were initiated. The most significant and interesting moments of our information campaign were definitely the visit of the EP President Martin Schulz in the Celebration of the 10th Anniversary of the EU membership in Bratislava on 30 April 2014, Election Night dedicated to the official announcement of the results of the 2014 Elections to the European Parliament in Slovakia on 25 May 2014 in the EPIO´s office in Bratislava, four outdoor events dedicated to the Celebration of the 10th Anniversary of the Slovak membership in the EU accompanied by the information campaign to the EE2014 taking place from April to May in four largest Slovak towns (Bratislava, Košice, Banská Bystrica and Žilina) and the watching of live stream of the Presidential Debate accompanied by analytical discussions on 15 May 2014. These activities caught the attention of hundreds of Slovaks who directly participated in them and other thousands of citizens who expressed their interest for our activities through social media. CONTENT I. Most significant moments of the EE2014 Information Campaign in Slovakia.............................
    [Show full text]
  • Scott Burchill Et Al.: Theories of International Relations, Third Edition
    Book Reviews ¶ Scott Burchill et al.: Theories of International Relations, Third Edition. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, pp. 310. ISBN: 978-1403948663 (1403948666). Reviewed by Oldřich Bureš Like its two predecessors, the third edi- ory. After a brief exploration of the founda- tion of Theories of International Relations tions of International Relations as a separate provides a comprehensive survey of leading academic discipline they offer some explana- theoretical perspectives in the field. In con- tions for the ever-increasing diversity of IR trast to the second edition, the reviewed text Theories. They point out that until today, contains an entirely new chapter on Real- practitioners in the field ‘…do not agree ism written by Jack Donnelly, the chapter about what is involved in theorizing interna- on Rationalism has been has been replaced tional relations’ (pp. 12). As in many other with a chapter on the English School, and social sciences, IR has been traditionally di- the Feminism and Introduction chapters vided on the very basic question of its subject have been substantially revised. Perhaps most matter and fundamental differences persists importantly, however, all chapters have been regarding the appropriate methodology. Un- updated to take into account the recent de- like in other social sciences, however, the velopment in the ‘real world’, especially con- end of the Cold War and more recently the cerning the impact of the events of ‘9/11’ on 9/11 attacks, have led to a proliferation of International Relations theory. As such, the competing epistemological and ontological book makes a worthy contribution to the standpoints, as well as the importance of eth- burgeoning literature in the field.
    [Show full text]
  • Referendum As a Party Tool: the Case of Slovakia
    Referendum as a Party Tool: The Case of Slovakia Miroslav Nemčok Peter Spáč Masaryk University Masaryk University Abstract: Referendums are widely regarded as a way of enhancing democracy as they provide a further arena for citizens to affect public policy outcomes. In this regard, Slovakia represents a deviant case that contradicts such an expectation. Since its emergence in 1993, the country implemented mechanisms of direct democracy into its political system. This article analyses referendums in Slovakia and it shows how political parties use the employment of this tool solely for their own purposes. Our study provides evidence that Slovak political parties use referendums either as a way to mobilize their own supporters for upcoming national elections or to harm their opponents. Hence, a referendum in Slovakia serves as a tool for expanding the power of political parties rather than as a way of increasing the public engagement of citizens in the democratic system. Keywords: referendum, political parties, voter mobilization, visibility, Slovakia. This article has been published in East European Politics and Societies 2019, 33(3): 755-777. Introduction The use of referendums and related institutions has been continuously growing throughout the last couple of decades.1 This trend is partly supported by the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms within newly established democracies.2 From the group of Visegrad countries that are usually used as a referential case for each other, Slovakia is the system with the richest tradition of referendum use. The eight referendum events conducted thus far surpass Hungary by one, while being significantly above the five Polish cases and the one carried out in the Czech Republic.3 While the consequences of referendums are studied with respect to the functioning of the whole political system, despite the frequent usage, the effects of referendums in Slovakia are studied very rarely.4 From a theoretical perspective, the way a referendum is approached by political parties makes it a deviant case worth studying.
    [Show full text]
  • Slovakia and Slovenia 1989-1998
    THE ROLE OF NATIONALISM IN TIIE DEMOCRATISATION PROCESS: SLOVAKIA AND SLOVENIA 1989-1998 Erika Harris Submitted in accordance with the requirements of degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds Institute for Politics and International Studies May 2000 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to work of others ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to the numerous individuals who supported the development of this thesis and made the experience much more pleasurable than it would have been otherwise. I wish to thank in particular my supervisors, Prof. David Beetham and Dr. John Schwarzmantel for their unreserved support. This thesis would not have been possible without their encouragement, their always helpful advice and their knowledge which they so generously shared with me. I extend a note of thanks to the Economic and Social Research Council for their funding and to the Department of Politics at the University of Leeds for giving me an opportunity to teach which proved an enriching experience. My appreciation also goes to the academic and library staff at the University of Ljubljana who have helped me with my research. I wish to thank Prof. Rudi Rizman for making my research visits to Ljubljana easier and for his interest in my work and to Alenka Krasovec for showing me the beautiful countryside of Slovenia. I wish to pay a special tribute to the Institute of Philosophy at the Slovak Academy ot Science in Bratislava, for funding a part of my research visit, with the help of the British Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding European Solidarity Through Political Discourse in Slovakia
    Understanding European Solidarity Through Political Discourse in Slovakia By Jakub Kostolny Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts . Supervisor: Borbála Kovács CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 Abstract The European Union proposal to relocate refugees based on quotas in 2015 brought turmoil into the debates about how to react to the migration crisis. The idea of solidarity, with the refugees and among EU member states became one of the central topics. In Slovakia, these debates took place during the ongoing political campaign leading up to the parliamentary election in March 2016. The aim of this thesis is to study the notion of solidarity in the Slovak political discourse with regards to the refugee quota policy proposal, and to theorize how and when solidarity discourses are deployed. The thesis relies on the conceptual framework developed by Vivien Schmidt, discourse institutionalism, which operates with ideas, actors, interactions and institutional context. Based on the quantitative text analysis and qualitative discourse analysis of a selection of media articles, findings suggest that politicians in Slovakia frame the notion of solidarity instrumentally as a tool rather than a value. They use the term solidarity to argue both for or against accepting the quotas. This thesis contributes to debates about how politicians use topics, such as refugee quotas, strategically in periods of crisis. CEU eTD Collection i I would like to thank my supervisor, Bori Kovács, for invaluable advice and guidance CEU eTD Collection during the entire thesis writing process. I was extremely lucky to have a supervisor who cared about my work, responded to all my questions and had infinite patience.
    [Show full text]
  • Populist Voting in the 2019 European Elections Gilles Ivaldi
    Populist Voting in the 2019 European Elections Gilles Ivaldi To cite this version: Gilles Ivaldi. Populist Voting in the 2019 European Elections. Totalitarismus und Demokratie, Van- denhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage, 2020, 17 (1), pp.67-96. 10.13109/tode.2020.17.1.67. halshs-02558851 HAL Id: halshs-02558851 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02558851 Submitted on 29 Apr 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial| 4.0 International License Populist­Voting­in­the­2019 European­Elections Gilles Ivaldi Prof. Dr. Gilles Ivaldi, Abstract geb. 1967 in Monaco. CNRS-Forschungs- Der Beitrag analysiert die Wahlergebnisse beauftragter in der der populistischen Parteien bei den Europa- Abteilung für Human- wahlen 2019 und geht der Frage nach den und Sozialwissenschaf- Hauptfaktoren der populistischen Stimmab- ten an der Universität gabe nach. Zum einen zeigt sich, dass die Nizza. Studium der populistischen Wähler nicht durchgängig Politikwissenschaft dem Modell der „Globalisierungsverlie- an der Universität rer“ entsprechen. Zweitens erscheint die Grenoble. 2016–2019 populistische Wahl in ein breiteres Gefüge französischer Verant- politisch-sozialer Konflikte und Identitäten wortlicher für das internationale Forschungs- programm Open Research Area in the Social eingebettet, das bei verschiedenen Trägern Sciences (ORA) der Europäischen Union: SCoRE des Populismus stark variiert.
    [Show full text]
  • Results of Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia
    BULLETIN No. 90 (166) June 15, 2010 © PISM COMMENTARY Editors: Jacek Foks (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Łukasz Kulesa, Marek Madej, Beata Wojna, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Results of Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia by Rafał Morawiec The parliamentary elections held in Slovakia on 12 June were won by the right-wing opposi- tion parties. They will probably be able to form a new government, which is likely to introduce changes in Slovak foreign policy that are expected to be beneficial from Poland’s point of view. The party that gained the greatest support in the elections—34.79% of the vote and 62 seats in the 150-seat single-chamber Slovak Parliament—was Prime Minister Robert Fico’s SMER-SD, while the true winner is the right-wing opposition, which jointly gained 43.2% of the vote and 79 seats. SMER is not expected to be in a position to form a government, because one of the parties forming the current government coalition— former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar’s Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS)—did not cross the 5% parliamentary threshold. Only 5.07% of voters supported Fico’s other coalition partner, the nationalist Slovak National Party (SNS), which won nine seats. It is true that President Ivan Gašparovič invited Fico—as the formal winner of the election—to form a government, but there are reasons to believe that none of the right-wing parties want to enter into a coalition with SMER. Hence a new government will most likely be formed by: the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ), the Christian-Democratic Movement (KDH) and two new parties: the liberal Freedom and Solidarity party (SaS) and Most-Híd, which is one of two parties representing the Hungarian minority.
    [Show full text]
  • Slovak Parliamentary Election 2020: Liberalism As a Threat, Facebook As a Battlefield GLOBSEC
    Slovak parliamentary election 2020 Liberalism as a threat, Facebook as a battlefield Slovak parliamentary election 2020: Liberalism as a threat, Facebook as a battlefield GLOBSEC FB pages with problematic Table of content received half a million contents interactions More on the page 10 04 Introduction Who was 06 Key findings accused of election 08 Recommendations interference? for Facebook, national & EU authorities More on the page 12 10 Whose posts received the most interactions? Stories 12 Popular narratives promoting the far-right Election interference extremist ĽSNS 16 party were winning on open FB groups systematically shared on FB 20 Content amplification pages and on Facebook groups 22 Role of Facebook More on the page 20 in the Elections 18 24 Authors and methodology Facebook measures were highly inadequate Slovak parliamentary election 2020 Slovak parliamentary election 2020 Slovak parliamentary More on the page 22 2 3 Slovak parliamentary election 2020: Liberalism as a threat, Facebook as a battlefield GLOBSEC Online battlefield he period of election For five months prior to the campaigning is naturally elections held on February 29, Tcharacterised by fighting. 2020, the analysts from the Fighting occurring between team of GLOBSEC’s Strategic political parties, its leaders, Communication Programme candidates and their supporters, monitored the online information all of it for gaining more voters space. The monitoring results fall in and consequent power. While line with a growing global trend of in an ideal, rational world, the divisive, harmful and manipulative debate should be focused on narratives being spread on the programme, solutions and websites and social platforms. policies, the real world—full of As a result, we are witnessing an emotions and feelings—is more increasing polarisation, hatred about accusations, attacks and the against, and attacks on, different alienation of specific individuals groups of society, mainly the and groups in society.
    [Show full text]
  • Nations in Transit 2021
    NATIONS IN TRANSIT 2021 The Antidemocratic Turn NATIONS IN TRANSIT 2021 TABLE OF CONTENTS Nations in Transit 2021: The Antidemocratic Turn ................................. 1 Instability and Repression in Russia ................................................. 5 Managing Expectations about Breakthrough Elections ....................... 7 Standing In and Standing Up ......................................................... 10 Nations in Transit 2021 Map ........................................................... 12 Media Matters ............................................................................. 14 Hope and Pushback: How Citizens and Political Leaders Can Band Together to Counter Repression ...................................... 15 Recommendations ............................................................................. 18 Nations in Transit 2021: Scores ............................................................ 22 Nations in Transit 2021: Overview of Score Changes .............................. 24 Methodology .................................................................................... 25 Nations in Transit 2021: Category and Democracy Score Summary ......... 26 Nations in Transit 2021: Democracy Score History by Region .................. 27 This booklet was made possible through the generous support of the US Agency for International Development and the Lilly Endowment. Freedom House is solely responsible for the report’s content. RESEARCH AND EDITORIAL TEAM Elisha Aaron, David Meijer, Shannon O'Toole, and Tyler
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
    SLOVAKIA European Elections monitor General Elections in Slovakia 12th June 2010 ANALYSIS On 12th June next the Slovaks will be renewing the 350 members of the National Council of the 1 month before Republic, the only Chamber in Parliament. 2,041 candidates from 18 political parties and move- the poll ments will take part in this election. 7,900 prisoners will be able to take part for the first time; before this they were only allowed to vote in the presidential election. Finally one million Slovaks living abroad (mostly in the UK) will be able to fulfil their civic duty by mail. Four years ago 3,427 of them did so. The Slovakian Political System Robert Fico’s Domination The National Council of the Republic comprises 150 Outgoing Prime Minister Robert Fico is undeniably the members elected for 4 years by proportional represen- strong man in Slovakian politics. Taking office on 17th tation. In order to stand in the elections any party or June 2006, the head of Government enjoy a high rate movement has to deliver a declaration certifying that it of popularity amongst the population. In spite of what has rallied at least 10,000 members. If these numbers might be said the SMER-SD leader did not modify the are inferior to this a party can however hand in a sup- economic structure of the country when he took power port petition bearing a number of signatures enabling nor did he undo most of the reforms set in motion by it to reach the correct figure. A deposit of 16,500 € is his predecessor Mikulas Dzurinda (SDKU), Prime Minis- obligatory for each list.
    [Show full text]