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Arabic Alphabet Etymology Hamzat Waṣl
Hamza 1 Hamza Arabic alphabet ﻱ ﻭ ﻩ ﻥ ﻡ ﻝ ﻙ ﻕ ﻑ ﻍ ﻉ ﻅ ﻁ ﺽ ﺹ ﺵ ﺱ ﺯ ﺭ ﺫ ﺩ ﺥ ﺡ ﺝ ﺙ ﺕ ﺏ ﺍ Arabic script • History • Transliteration • Diacritics • Hamza • Numerals • Numeration • v • t [1] • e is a letter in the Arabic alphabet, representing the glottal stop [ʔ]. Hamza is not (ء) (hamzah ,ﻫَﻤْﺰﺓ :Hamza (Arabic one of the 28 "full" letters, and owes its existence to historical inconsistencies in the standard writing system. It is derived from the Arabic letter ‘ayn. In the Phoenician and Aramaic alphabets, from which the Arabic alphabet is descended, the glottal stop was expressed by aleph ( ), continued by alif ( ) in the Arabic alphabet. However, alif was used to express both a glottal stop and a long vowel /aː/. To indicate that a glottal stop, and not a mere vowel, was intended, hamza was added diacritically to alif. In modern orthography, under certain circumstances, hamza may also appear on the line, as if it were a full letter, independent of an alif. Etymology hamaz-a meaning ‘to prick, goad, drive’ or ‘to provide (a letter or word) with ﻫَﻤَﺰَ Hamzah is a noun from the verb hamzah’.[2] Hamzat waṣl that is, a phonemic glottal stop. Compared to ;(ﻫﻤﺰﺓ ﻗﻄﻊ) ‘The hamzah letter on its own always represents hamzat qaṭ is a non-phonemic glottal stop produced automatically at the (ﻫﻤﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻞ) this, hamzat waṣl or hamzat al-waṣl it is usually indicated by a ,ﭐ beginning of an utterance. Although it can be written as alif carrying a waṣlah sign regular alif without a hamzah. -
Helmut Satzinger What Happened to the Voiced Consonants of Egyptian?
Helmut Satzinger What happened to the voiced consonants of Egyptian!? Coptic has five voiced consonants, viz. the sonorants, b [B], r [r], l [l], m [m], and n [n]. Otherwise, Coptic has no voiced consonants: neither stops, nor fricatives (W. H. WORRELL, Coptic Sounds. University of Michigan Studies Humanistic Series XXVI (Ann Arbor, 1934), 17-23 et passim). Delta Coptic (Bohairic): Stops and fricatives are found at four points of articulation: labial, alveolar, prepalatal, and velar. The stops are of two modes of articulation: 1) voiceless, aspirated, fortis; 2) voiceless, unaspirated, lenis. Labials: f [ph] p [b]8 w [!] Alveolars: u [th] t [d8] s [s] h Prepalatals: q [c ] è [Ô8] é [S] h Velars: x [k ] k [g8] ; [x] — — à [h] Valley Coptic (dialects1 K, F, V, M, N, L, S, P, I, A, etc.): Stops and fricatives are found at five points of articulation: labial, alveolar, prepalatal, palatal, and velar. The stops are of but one mode of articulation: voiceless, unaspirated, lenis. Labial: p [b]8 w [!] Alveolars: t [d8] s [s] Prepalatal è [Ô8] é [S] Palatal q [g8] P µ, I ! [ç] Velar k [g8] A $ [x] (double vowel) [/] à [h] The assumed voiced stops of Egyptian are emphatic, rather than voiced. Is the lack of voiced stops and fricatives a feature only of Coptic, or is it already found in older stages of the language? The transcription of Egyptian creates the impression that it possessed voiced plosives and affricates, viz. b, d, D, and g: 1 Cf. A. S. ATIYA (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia (New York 1991), vol. -
Alif and Hamza Alif) Is One of the Simplest Letters of the Alphabet
’alif and hamza alif) is one of the simplest letters of the alphabet. Its isolated form is simply a vertical’) ﺍ stroke, written from top to bottom. In its final position it is written as the same vertical stroke, but joined at the base to the preceding letter. Because of this connecting line – and this is very important – it is written from bottom to top instead of top to bottom. Practise these to get the feel of the direction of the stroke. The letter 'alif is one of a number of non-connecting letters. This means that it is never connected to the letter that comes after it. Non-connecting letters therefore have no initial or medial forms. They can appear in only two ways: isolated or final, meaning connected to the preceding letter. Reminder about pronunciation The letter 'alif represents the long vowel aa. Usually this vowel sounds like a lengthened version of the a in pat. In some positions, however (we will explain this later), it sounds more like the a in father. One of the most important functions of 'alif is not as an independent sound but as the You can look back at what we said about .(ﺀ) carrier, or a ‘bearer’, of another letter: hamza hamza. Later we will discuss hamza in more detail. Here we will go through one of the most common uses of hamza: its combination with 'alif at the beginning or a word. One of the rules of the Arabic language is that no word can begin with a vowel. Many Arabic words may sound to the beginner as though they start with a vowel, but in fact they begin with a glottal stop: that little catch in the voice that is represented by hamza. -
Origins of NZ English
Origins of NZ English There are three basic theories about the origins of New Zealand English, each with minor variants. Although they are usually presented as alternative theories, they are not necessarily incompatible. The theories are: • New Zealand English is a version of 19th century Cockney (lower-class London) speech; • New Zealand English is a version of Australian English; • New Zealand English developed independently from all other varieties from the mixture of accents and dialects that the Anglophone settlers in New Zealand brought with them. New Zealand as Cockney The idea that New Zealand English is Cockney English derives from the perceptions of English people. People not themselves from London hear some of the same pronunciations in New Zealand that they hear from lower-class Londoners. In particular, some of the vowel sounds are similar. So the vowel sound in a word like pat in both lower-class London English and in New Zealand English makes that word sound like pet to other English people. There is a joke in England that sex is what Londoners get their coal in. That is, the London pronunciation of sacks sounds like sex to other English people. The same joke would work with New Zealanders (and also with South Africans and with Australians, until very recently). Similarly, English people from outside London perceive both the London and the New Zealand versions of the word tie to be like their toy. But while there are undoubted similarities between lower-class London English and New Zealand (and South African and Australian) varieties of English, they are by no means identical. -
Standard Southern British English As Referee Design in Irish Radio Advertising
Joan O’Sullivan Standard Southern British English as referee design in Irish radio advertising Abstract: The exploitation of external as opposed to local language varieties in advertising can be associated with a history of colonization, the external variety being viewed as superior to the local (Bell 1991: 145). Although “Standard English” in terms of accent was never an exonormative model for speakers in Ireland (Hickey 2012), nevertheless Ireland’s history of colonization by Britain, together with the geographical proximity and close socio-political and sociocultural connections of the two countries makes the Irish context an interesting one in which to examine this phenomenon. This study looks at how and to what extent standard British Received Pronunciation (RP), now termed Standard Southern British English (SSBE) (see Hughes et al. 2012) as opposed to Irish English varieties is exploited in radio advertising in Ireland. The study is based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a corpus of ads broadcast on an Irish radio station in the years 1977, 1987, 1997 and 2007. The use of SSBE in the ads is examined in terms of referee design (Bell 1984) which has been found to be a useful concept in explaining variety choice in the advertising context and in “taking the ideological temperature” of society (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985: 121). The analysis is based on Sussex’s (1989) advertisement components of Action and Comment, which relate to the genre of the discourse. Keywords: advertising, language variety, referee design, language ideology. 1 Introduction The use of language variety in the domain of advertising has received considerable attention during the past two decades (for example, Bell 1991; Lee 1992; Koslow et al. -
Arabic Alphabet - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Arabic Alphabet from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
2/14/13 Arabic alphabet - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Arabic alphabet From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia َأﺑْ َﺠ ِﺪﯾﱠﺔ َﻋ َﺮﺑِﯿﱠﺔ :The Arabic alphabet (Arabic ’abjadiyyah ‘arabiyyah) or Arabic abjad is Arabic abjad the Arabic script as it is codified for writing the Arabic language. It is written from right to left, in a cursive style, and includes 28 letters. Because letters usually[1] stand for consonants, it is classified as an abjad. Type Abjad Languages Arabic Time 400 to the present period Parent Proto-Sinaitic systems Phoenician Aramaic Syriac Nabataean Arabic abjad Child N'Ko alphabet systems ISO 15924 Arab, 160 Direction Right-to-left Unicode Arabic alias Unicode U+0600 to U+06FF range (http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/U0600.pdf) U+0750 to U+077F (http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/U0750.pdf) U+08A0 to U+08FF (http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/U08A0.pdf) U+FB50 to U+FDFF (http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/UFB50.pdf) U+FE70 to U+FEFF (http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/UFE70.pdf) U+1EE00 to U+1EEFF (http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/U1EE00.pdf) Note: This page may contain IPA phonetic symbols. Arabic alphabet ا ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش ص ض ط ظ ع en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arabic_alphabet 1/20 2/14/13 Arabic alphabet - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia غ ف ق ك ل م ن ه و ي History · Transliteration ء Diacritics · Hamza Numerals · Numeration V · T · E (//en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Arabic_alphabet&action=edit) Contents 1 Consonants 1.1 Alphabetical order 1.2 Letter forms 1.2.1 Table of basic letters 1.2.2 Further notes -
Multilingual Access to the European Cultural Heritage
Multilingual Access to the European Cultural Heritage Multilingual Websites and Thesauri “It is time to think multilingual” 1 Multilingual Access to the European Cultural Heritage Multilingual Websites and Thesauri General co-ordination Rossella Caffo (MINERVA and MINERVA Plus Project Manager) Antonella Fresa (MINERVA and MINERVA Plus Technical Coordinator) Pier Giacomo Sola (MINERVA and MINERVA Plus Organisation Manager) Secretariat Marzia Piccininno (Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali, Italy) Web version Maria Teresa Natale and Andrea Tempera http://www.minervaeurope.org/publications/multilingualismand thesaurus.htm © 2006 MINERVA Plus Project 2 Editorial Committee Stephan Conrad (Germany) Christophe Dessaux (France), Kate Fernie (United Kingdom), Antonella Fresa (Italy), Allison Kupietzky (Israel), Marzia Piccininno (Italy), Martina Rozman Salobir (Slovenia), Gabriella Szalóki (Hungary) Contributors (alphabetic order by countries) Jitka Zamrzlová (Czeck Republik) Marju Reismaa (Estonia) Minna Kaukonen (Finland) Véronique Prouvost (France) Dimitrios A. Koutsomitropoulos (Greece) Astrid Müller (Germany) Giuliana De Francesco (Italy) Domitilla Fagan (Ireland) Laila Valdovska (Latvia) Guy Frank (Luxembourg) Pierre Sammut (Malta) Jos Taekema (The Netherlands) Lars Egeland (Norway) Piotr Ryszewski (Poland) Maria Sliwinska (Poland) Ana Alvarez Lacambra (Spain) Martina Roznan Salobir (Slovenia) Elena Kuzmina (Russian Federation) Martin Katuscak (Slovak Republik) 3 Acknowledgements We dedicate this report to the memory of the late Stephen Conrad From February 2004 ten new member states (plus Russia and Israel) have been participating in the joint European initiative of MINERVA Plus working with MINERVA to coordinate digitization efforts and activities. Since then MINERVA Plus supplementary working groups (SWG) started operation and Hungary became the coordinator of SWG Multilingual thesauri. The issue of multilingualism is becoming more and more important in making the digital cultural heritage of Europe available. -
Immigration During the Crown Colony Period, 1840-1852
1 2: Immigration during the Crown Colony period, 1840-1852 Context In 1840 New Zealand became, formally, a part of the British Empire. The small and irregular inflow of British immigrants from the Australian Colonies – the ‘Old New Zealanders’ of the mission stations, whaling stations, timber depots, trader settlements, and small pastoral and agricultural outposts, mostly scattered along the coasts - abruptly gave way to the first of a number of waves of immigrants which flowed in from 1840.1 At least three streams arrived during the period 1840-1852, although ‘Old New Zealanders’ continued to arrive in small numbers during the 1840s. The first consisted of the government officials, merchants, pastoralists, and other independent arrivals, the second of the ‘colonists’ (or land purchasers) and the ‘emigrants’ (or assisted arrivals) of the New Zealand Company and its affiliates, and the third of the imperial soldiers (and some sailors) who began arriving in 1845. New Zealand’s European population grew rapidly, marked by the establishment of urban communities, the colonial capital of Auckland (1840), and the Company settlements of Wellington (1840), Petre (Wanganui, 1840), New Plymouth (1841), Nelson (1842), Otago (1848), and Canterbury (1850). Into Auckland flowed most of the independent and military streams, and into the company settlements those arriving directly from the United Kingdom. Thus A.S.Thomson observed that ‘The northern [Auckland] settlers were chiefly derived from Australia; those in the south from Great Britain. The former,’ he added, ‘were distinguished for colonial wisdom; the latter for education and good home connections …’2 Annexation occurred at a time when emigration from the United Kingdom was rising. -
English in Australia and New Zealand
English in Australia and New Zealand James Dixon, Narrative of a Voyage to New South Wales and Van Dieman’s Land in the Ship Skelton During the Year 1820 (1822) The children born in these colonies, and now grown up, speak a better language, purer, more harmonious, than is generally the case in most parts of England. The amalgamation of such various dialects assembled together, seems to improve the mode of articulating the words. Valerie Desmond, The Awful Australian (1911) But it is not so much the vagaries of pronunciation that hurt the ear of the visitor. It is the extraordinary intonation that the Australian imparts to his phrases. There is no such thing as cultured, reposeful conversation in this land; everybody sings his remarks as if he were reciting blank verse after the manner of an imperfect elocutionist. It would be quite possible to take an ordinary Australian conversation and immortalise its cadences and diapasons by means of musical notation. Herein the Australian differs from the American. The accent of the American, educated and uneducated alike, is abhorrent to the cultured Englishman or Englishwoman, but it is, at any rate, harmonious. That of the Australian is full of discords and surprises. His voice rises and falls with unexpected syncopations, and, even among the few cultured persons this country possesses, seems to bear in every syllable the sign of the parvenu. Walter Churchill (of the American Philological Society) The common speech of the commonwealth of Australia represents the most brutal maltreatment which has ever been inflicted upon the mother tongue of the English-speaking nations. -
Multilingual Practices and Identity Negotiation Among Multilingual Heritage Language Learners in New Zealand
Multilingual Practices and Identity Negotiation among Multilingual Heritage Language Learners in New Zealand By Mohammed Yousef Nofal A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2020 To Hanadi who will remember the time and place if not the people, Sara, Sireen, Mahamoud, and Salma who filled my life with joy, euphoria and love 2 Abstract While heritage languages (HLs) have been receiving much research attention, there is still a scarcity of studies conducted on local HL communities. However, researchers in New Zealand have been actively engaged with various community languages for over four decades, providing rich insights into the dynamics of language maintenance and language shift within these communities. Although New Zealand sociolinguistic scholarship has covered a wide range of languages and ethnicities, there is no known study on the Indian Hindi community, whose HL is the fourth most spoken language in the country (Statistics New Zealand, 2013). Additionally, previous research has traditionally examined the functional aspects of language use and language attitudes in determining whether language can be preserved, viewing HL communities often as homogeneously formed. In contrast, current trends in the field of sociolinguistics aim to examine the connections between individuals and their languages (i.e. identity), taking multilingualism as a norm and focusing on dynamism in intraspeaker and interspeaker language use. This thesis addresses these issues by exploring how the realities that heritage language learners (HLLs) live connect to identity negotiation and development in social interaction. In particular, this thesis focuses on a group of learners of Hindi as a heritage language in New Zealand – a group that is under-explored. -
What Language for Europe?
ELJ_2016-1__0 2017.03.13. 17:53 Page 103 Réka Somssich* What Language for Europe? Immediately after the final results of the Brexit referendum in June had been announced, politicians, both at the European and national level, raised their voices against the dominance of the English language in EU institutions and have even questioned its legitimacy and maintainability as official language of the European Union. In the early hours of 24 June 2016, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a left-wing MEP, tweeted that ‘English cannot be the third working language of the European parliament.’1 Among the statements in the same line, the one that received the most attention was without any doubt that of the Polish MEP and chair of the European Parliament’s constitutional affairs committee, Danuta Hübner, who argued that English should be deleted from the official languages of the EU as by virtue of the relevant Regulation each Member State has the right to notify only one language to the EU to become at the same time an official language of the Union.2 As a succinct consequence of the Brexit referendum and in a symbolic way, the President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, when assessing the outcome of the referendum at the plenary session of the European Parliament on 28 June, used exclusively German and French and avoided using English. Before then he had generally used all three languages in a balanced way when addressing this forum.3 The last news bringing the language issue to the fore again exploded in October 2016 when some anonymous sources from the EU administration reported that the chief negotiator of the Brexit process, Michel Barnier, wanted French to be the language of the divorce talks,4 although this information was declared false by the chief negotiator himself after the British prime minister, Theresa May, made it clear that her government will not accept the use of French language. -
University of Southampton
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON Faculty of Physical Sciences and Engineering School of Electronics and Computer Science Modern Standard Arabic Phonetics for Speech Synthesis Nawar Halabi Supervisor: Prof Mike Wald Internal Examiner: Dr Gary B Wills External Examiner: Assoc Prof Nizar Habash Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy July 2016 i ABSTRACT Arabic phonetics and phonology have not been adequately studied for the purposes of speech synthesis and speech synthesis corpus design. The only sources of knowledge available are either archaic or targeted towards other disciplines such as education. This research conducted a three- stage study. First, Arabic phonology research was reviewed in general, and the results of this review were triangulated with expert opinions – gathered throughout the project – to create a novel formalisation of Arabic phonology for speech synthesis. Secondly, this formalisation was used to create a speech corpus in Modern Standard Arabic and this corpus was used to produce a speech synthesiser. This corpus was the first to be constructed and published for this dialect of Arabic using scientifically-supported phonological formalisms. The corpus was semi-automatically annotated with phoneme boundaries and stress marks; it is word-aligned with the orthographical transcript. The accuracy of these alignments was compared with previous published work, which showed that even slightly less accurate alignments are sufficient for producing high quality synthesis. Finally, objective and subjective evaluations were conducted to assess the quality of this corpus. The objective evaluation showed that the corpus based on the proposed phonological formalism had sufficient phonetic coverage compared with previous work. The subjective evaluation showed that this corpus can be used to produce high quality parametric and unit selection speech synthesisers.