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Gender Inequalities and the Status of Women in the Labor Market in Transitional Serbia1 Marija Kolin, Institute for Social Sciences, Belgrade, Serbia Abstract This paper examines the social position and economic participation of women in the changed environment of the post-socialist transition of Serbia, with special emphasis on processes of policy adjustment to the new European integration trends. In the centre of analytical debate is the question: What has the exit from socialism brought to women in terms of economic activity, choice of profession, social status and lifestyle? The Serbian labor market is characterized by a downward rate of activity of women and a high unemployment rate, the latter being the crucial factor in their unequal position. The inherited, accumulated problems of women are transferred and enhanced in the periods of transition, and the economic insecurity, fear of loss of employment and decrease in living standards become a reality for a majority of families. The study shows that the level of education of women is almost equal to that of men, but still women fail to enjoy quality jobs and successful professional careers to the same extent as men. Women in Serbia are similar to the women in other post-socialist countries in their lower earnings, though it must be noted that women earn less than men even in the most developed countries of the European Union. Typically female jobs are losing in the market race where there are still gender-specific jobs. New tensions lead to the two-fold vulnerability of women – at work and at home. Introduction The consequences of exiting from socialism and transitioning to a market economy have not been the same for women and men. The gender-specific jobs that women held during socialist times, such as jobs in state administration, the textile industry, education and social welfare, were the first either to be lost or to become low-paying jobs. To succeed in today’s job market requires knowledge of modern technologies, and the mastery of specific skills often Anthropology of East Europe Review 28(1) Spring 2010 119 Anthropology of East Europe Review 28(1) Spring 2010 contrary to the inherited patterns of women’s employment. Women who lost their jobs during economic reconstruction in Serbia often found themselves in traditional roles at home: domestic duties, such as cooking and caring for children and the elderly, became a replacement for discrimination against women outside of the family. The process of accession to the European Union (EU) in recent years offers a new hope that women’s status in Serbia will be similar to that of women in EU countries. As a potential candidate for EU membership, the Serbian Government has initiated a process of harmonization of legal standards using the EU legal framework - acquis communautaire – of which a part refers to gender equality and the overall improvement of women’s position. This paper is a comparative analysis based on my research on women’s economic participation, with special emphasis placed on Serbian compliance with the EU integration process. I aim to show how the transition from socialism has affected women’s economic activity, employment options, social status, and general lifestyle. In addition, I will explore the other dimensions that are dependent on personal achievement in the market game. This analysis includes measures of women’s economic activity, the level of employment they have achieved, the shaping of gender-specific occupations, and the quality of employment, as well as gendered wage disparity. I will also discuss unemployment and poverty for women, including particularly vulnerable groups, such as the long-term unemployed, members of minority groups, and the rural population. In line with the European concept, gender equality is perceived as an integral part of social justice, inclusion and solidarity. My study coincides with the endorsement of important national documents in the area of gender equality, such as the Strategy for the Improvement of the Position of Women and Promotion of Gender Equality (2009) and the Action Plan for Improvement of Gender Equality, which propose concrete measures for the improvement of women’s position in society. 2 Low Employment Rates and Gender Stereotypes in Occupation Choice Male employment rates in Serbia are higher than female employment activity rates, since men traditionally worked while women were more likely to stay at home and take care of household duties (cooking, cleaning, tending to children, elderly parents and/or other 120 Anthropology of East Europe Review 28(1) Spring 2010 dependants). The Serbian labor market is characterized by generally low employment rates for women, while unemployment rates tend to remain high and are thus seen as the greatest factor of gender inequality. Women make up approximately 40% of the labor force (aged 15-64). Women’s activity rates in 2006 accounted for 54.6% of all women in the labor force (aged 15- 64). This figure is considerably lower than male activity rate, which was 72.7% of all men in the labor force (Table 1). Table 1: Activity, employment, and unemployment rates of population aged 15-64 by gender 2004-2006 (in thousands) Women Men 2004 2005 2006 2004 2005 2006 Activity rate 57,9 56,2 54,5 75,1 74,3 72,7 Employment rate 44,0 40,8 40,6 63,1 61,2 59,2 Unemployment rate 24,1 27,4 25,5 15,9 17,6 18,6 Source: Women and Men in Serbia, 2008. The Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia. Belgrade. The employment rate of women in Serbia is below the 2007 EU average of 58.3%. On average, the proportion of the economically active population aged 15-64 in the EU-27 is higher. The employment rates of women in these countries vary as they correspond to differences in tradition as well as in support initiatives of social programs. Only Malta had a lower employment rate (36.9%) in 2006 than Serbia did (40.6%). In comparison to other European countries outside the European Union, only Turkey had a lower employment rate (23.8%). The Scandinavian countries boasted the lowest difference between men’s and women’s employment rates (EUROSTAT 2008).3 Analysis of the legal framework regulating employment and activity in Serbia shows that equality in the labor market is legally guaranteed, but the principles have not been entirely defined. Consequently, the legal framework regulating the position of women in Serbia’s labor market on the whole is not aligned with the legal solutions as defined by the European Union. 4 For instance, the law explicitly prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender, ethnic affiliation, race, marital status, sexual orientation, and political orientation, and guarantees standards related to working conditions, education and other principles that need to be observed to achieve gender 121 Anthropology of East Europe Review 28(1) Spring 2010 equality. Still, certain legal regulations leave room for gender discrimination as, for instance, neither the role of labor inspectorate nor trade unions (which should monitor the implementation of employment standards) has been elaborated. Due to legal gaps, different forms of discrimination exist, such as unequal wages. Therefore, the legal system in this area is assessed as fragmented and inefficient (Kolin and Čičikarić 2010). In addition to the inadequate legal framework, women face other challenges in the workforce as well. This is indicated by data on women’s educational and professional options and their representation in managerial positions and “prestigious” jobs that bring higher earnings, as well as data on women’s capability to start their own businesses and become entrepreneurs. Taking into account the comparative data about primary, secondary and college and university level education, which are considered key factors for vertical mobility, women on average attain higher levels than men. (Table 2) Table 2: Level of education of population aged 25 and above, by gender, 2005 (%) Primary or lower Secondary Higher education education level education Total 39.5 46.4 14.1 Women 30.6 53.3 16.1 Men 47.8 40.0 12.2 Source: Bajec, et al. 2008. Social Protection and Social Inclusion in the Republic of Serbia. European Commission and Economic Institute, Belgrade. Though Serbian women have enjoyed overall success in education,5 their lack of technical skills limits their access to reliable and well-paid occupations. The selection of an occupation is often based on inherited stereotypes that women are not capable to work in technical occupations, and thus they are more often than men directed toward occupations requiring social science and humanities backgrounds. Female students comprise 65% of the students in social science and art departments and 50% in medical departments, yet only 25% of female students study in technical departments. From 2001 to 2005, most Serbian women were employed in the textile industry, where 85% of the workforce is female, followed closely by the health and social services (83%), and education (76%). At the other end of the spectrum, women made up only 14% of the workforce in electrical engineering. Female teachers are most common in low-income public educational institutions. For example, in primary schools, female teachers 122 Anthropology of East Europe Review 28(1) Spring 2010 outnumber male teachers by a ratio of up to three to one, and in secondary schools, they make up 50% of the teaching staff (Women and Men in Serbia 2008). Gender disparities are also evident in the number of women appointed as lecturers and professors in different departments. Women hold 64% of appointed lectureships in philology departments, and roughly 45% in law departments. However, they hold only 9% in electrical and mechanical engineering departments, where only 6% of all teaching staff is women.

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