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81560201008.Pdf Revista de Estudios Sociales ISSN: 0123-885X Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H. Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn* Revista de Estudios Sociales, no. 69, 2019, July-September, pp. 92-100 Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81560201008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative 92 Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn * Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos ** Received date: April 10, 2019· Acceptance date: April 29, 2019 · Modification date: May 10, 2019 https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 How to cite: Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H. 2019. “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”. Revista de Estudios Sociales 69: 92-100. https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 ABSTRACT | One hundred days have passed since Bolsonaro took office, and there are two salient aspects of his presidency: first, it is clear that he was not tailored for the position he holds; second, the lack of preparation of his entourage and the absence of parliamentary support has led the country to a permanent state of crisis. In this article, I make an initial assessment of a presidency that was the direct outcome of a pivotal election that fractured the Brazilian political landscape and catapulted an unknown Congressman to the highest political office in the republic. The first part of the article covers the 2018 elections as the critical juncture of the Nova República [New Republic]. The second part delves into the main events Jair Bolsonaro’s first three months in office. KEYWORDS | Bolsonaro; Brazil; democracy; realigning elections Realineamiento político en Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro y el giro a la derecha RESUMEN | Han pasado cien días desde la posesión de Bolsonaro, y existen dos aspectos centrales de su mandato hasta la fecha: primero, queda claro que no está hecho a la medida del cargo que ocupa; segundo, la falta de preparación de su séquito y la ausencia de base parlamentaria han llevado al país a un estado perma- nente de crisis. En este artículo, hago una evaluación inicial de una presidencia que fue el resultado directo de unas elecciones decisivas que fracturaron el panorama político brasileño y catapultaron a un diputado descon- ocido al principal cargo público de la república. La primera parte del artículo abarca las elecciones de 2018 y la coyuntura crítica de la Nova República. La segunda analiza los principales eventos de los primeros tres meses de la presidencia de Jair Bolsonaro. PALABRAS CLAVE | Bolsonaro; Brasil; democracia; realineamiento electoral Realinhamento político no Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro e o giro à direita RESUMO | Cem dias se passaram desde que Bolsonaro assumiu o cargo, e há dois aspectos importantes de sua presidência: primeiro, está claro que ele não foi talhado para a posição que ocupa; segundo, a falta de preparação de sua equipe e a ausência de uma base parlamentar levaram o país a um estado de crise permanente. Neste artigo, faço uma avaliação inicial de uma presidência que foi o resultado direto de uma eleição crítica que fracionou o cenário político brasileiro e catapultou um congressista desconhecido para o mais alto cargo político da república. A primeira parte do artigo trata das eleições de 2018 como um ponto crítico da Nova República. A segunda parte investiga os principais eventos dos três primeiros meses de Jair Bolsonaro na presidência da República. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Bolsonaro; Brasil; democracia; realinhamento eleitoral * The paper is part of my ongoing reflections on Brazilian politics over the past few years, and focuses on the 2018 presi- dential elections. ** Ph.D. in International Relations, University of São Paulo, Brazil. Research Fellow at The University of Melbourne’s School of Psychological Sciences, Australia. Latest publications: “The ‘Briefing Note’ as a Pedagogical Tool for Teaching Politics and Inter- national Relations” (Sean W. Burges, co-author). Journal of Political Science Education 15 (2): 237-246, 2019; “La invención de la inserción internacional: fundaciones intelectuales y evolución histórica del concepto.” Análisis Político 31 (94): 10-30, 2018. * [email protected] DEBATE 93 “Jabuti não sobe em árvore. Ou foi enchente ou foi mão de gente”1 Brazilian saying On 1 January 2019 Jair Messias Bolsonaro took office as (2019) can provide much greater detail than I cover in the 38th President of Brazil. Elected with 57.8 million this article. In this article, I make an initial assessment votes,1 the former Army captain inherited a country of a presidency that was the direct outcome of a critical with dismaying numbers. Upon his inauguration, 12.9 election that fractured the Brazilian political landscape million people were unemployed, and 27.5 million were and catapulted an unknown Congressman to the high- considered ‘underutilised labour force’ —while 37.3 est political office in the republic. The first part of the million were in the informal market with no labour article covers the 2018 elections as the critical juncture protection or social insurance (IBGE 2019). Brazil is of the Nova República2 [New Republic]. The second part the world leader in homicides with 63,380 per year. This delves into the main events Jair Bolsonaro’s first three means 30,8 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants (Ipea & months in office. FBSP 2018) —the world average is around 8 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. This is especially problematic I must warn the readers that due to the nature of the task when data show that 50.3% of deaths are young people and the ongoing political developments, the reflections between 15 and 19 years of age, and the rates for black recounted here are limited in scope, while they do follow people killed reached 40.2 per 100,000 —whereas for the recent literature (Barros 2019; Nobre 2018; 2019; Pin- the non-black people the proportion was 16 per 100,000 heiro-Machado & Scalco 2018; Ramos & Gontijo in press; inhabitants (Ipea & FBSP 2018). Those are just some of Singer 2012; 2018). The research uses primary sources the figures besetting the country the new Planalto Pal- found in the media and interviews3 conducted since Octo- ace tenant was elected to govern. ber 2018, complemented by some theoretical reflections. It should be read more like a puzzle with missing pieces Since Roosevelt coined the term ‘first 100 days’ in 1933, that will be parsimoniously added by history. it has become commonplace for the press, the Congress and the business community to scrutinize the first actions of the new president in office. It is not a perfect 2018 Presidential Elections: Critical Juncture measure, but for some analysts it is a useful one for gaug- and Political Realignment ing presidential effectiveness. Walsh (2009) observes that presidents “tend to be most effective when they The political structure that has dominated the Nova first take office, when their leadership style seems fresh República ended on 28 October 2018. Jair Bolsonaro, the and new, when the aura of victory is still powerful, and far-right candidate, was elected as Brazil’s president, when their impact on Congress is usually at its height”. putting an end to the social-democratic pact estab- lished after the generals left power. The reasons for his One hundred days have passed since Bolsonaro took ascension, however, are not surprising. office, and there are two salient aspects of his presi- dency: first, it is clear that he was not tailored for the Since the military coup that led to the establishment position he holds; second, the lack of preparation of his of the Republic in 1889, Brazilian politics has been entourage and the absence of parliamentary support indulgently paternalistic. Any conflict of ideas has has led the country to a permanent state of crisis. been avoided at all costs when it comes to leading and managing social interests (Souza 2009). Brazilian mass Within the first three months of his government, Bol- democracy was created in the 1930s, having the state sonaro has failed to show any real effectiveness, his as the mediator of conflicts between social interests leadership is virtually non-existent outside Twitter, the —with labour unions and patrons kept under the strong aura of victory faded away quickly and already seems arm of the state. This arrangement made it much easier stale, and his impact on Congress has never been very for those in power to ensure the re-election of allies, significant, and is still liable to drop further. and also became the leading cause of state inefficiency and corruption scandals in the country. Moreover, this If the readers are interested in a full account of the first practice was indulgently incorporated by both Fernando 100 days the Bolsonaro presidency, Gonzalez and Leme Henrique Cardoso’s Brazilian Social Democracy Party 1 The new president received support from only 1/3 of the 2 Nova República [New Republic] denotes the period in the country. Fernando Haddad, the runner-up, received 47.04 history of Brazil starting in 1985, when the civilian govern- million votes —out of 104.83 million valid votes. 89.49 ment was restored after a 21-year-long military regime. million casted a protest vote, abstained, or voted against Bolsonaro as follows: abstentions (31.37 million; 21.3%), 3 Given the sensitive nature of the political content in these null votes (8.60 million; 7.43%), blank votes (2.48 million; interviews, and the ongoing political process, the names of 2.14%) (TSE 2018).
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