The Vernacular of the Malay World: Cultural Interpretation of Islamic Aspirations

Harlina Md Sharif Hazman Hazumi

Abstract This study looks into the spatial arrangements provided by vernacular mosques of the Malay World and how they respond to the liturgical requirements of a in . Through an analytical study done on the form and function of over forty selected mosques across the Island , this paper summarises the findings which demonstrate the originality and ingenuity of indigenous designs which efficiently accommodate religious requirements using local architectural repertoire.

1. INTRODUCTION The Island Southeast Asia – historically known as the Malay World – is the region which spreads over 13,000 islands stretching around 3500 miles from the north-west tip of Sumatra to Irian Jaya. Set in between the Indian Ocean and the China Sea with mountains, jungles, rivers, sea and the humidity of the climate as part of the natural environment; this region produces a range of spectacular languages in vernacular architecture as a result of the harmony between human beings and the environment.

The vernacular architecture of the Malay World is characterized with extended line of the roof, often with outward sloping gables supported by timber posts which form the main structural components. This structural configuration generates a unique archetypal form consisting of a rectangular or square structure raised on main wooden posts with pitched roofs often culturally identifiable to the various ethnic groups of the region. The constructional system which emphasizes the timber framing is characterized by its sophisticated jointing techniques demonstrated in the absence of nails and intelligent methods of distributing dead loads of the building. Variations are also witnessed between regions which are prone to seismic activities such as Toraja and Nias; and non-volcanic regions such as the Malay Peninsula – in which massive columns and equally massive diagonal struts are used as stabilizers in

1 the first, while architecture of the later is distinguished for its slim and skeletal framing members (Figure 1 & 2).

(a) (b) Figure 1 (a): Traditional house of Toraja; (b) Traditional house of Nias

Edited from (Davison 1999: 8-9)

Figure 2 Traditional house in Pahang, Malay Peninsula

Edited from (Quirk 1998: 27)

Pile foundations and wooden posts have several advantages in the tropical climate of the Malay World. The pitched roofs cater for the heavy rainfalls during the monsoon seasons while the raised floor provides excellent under-floor ventilation system (Figure 3).

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Figure 3 Climatic design of a

(Source: Philips Gibbs, 1987)

The under-floor space is also used as storage spaces and as a pen for domestic animals (Davison 1999: 12). The raised floors protect the building from mud and flood waters although Lee (2003) proposes that such configuration has more to do with aesthetic considerations than mere pragmatic solutions to the environmental requirements.

2. VERNACULAR MOSQUES CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS

The emergence of Islamic centres in the coastal regions of the Malay World in the beginning of the fourteenth century was signified by the presence of mosques in the area. Although Pasai and Lamuri are known to have accepted Islam as early as the 11th century, none of the mosques built during the period survived. The earliest extant mosques of the Malay World are found in the northern coastal region of the Java Island. Although most of them have been extensively renovated over the years, original forms can still be detected. The Malay Peninsula – despite the flourishing of Melaka in the 15th century as an Islamic kingdom – lacks any archaeological evidence of that period. The earliest mosques which survived are the eighteenth century mosques of Melaka and the Kampung Laut Mosque in Kelantan which has been relocated and extensively renovated with new materials in place.

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Most of the mosques designed in the vernacular architectural language in Java are found built prior to the eighteenth century. However in other parts of the Malay World such as Sumatera, the Malay Peninsula and Kalimantan, vernacular mosques were still being built up to the early twentieth century. In general the vernacular mosque derived its form from two main archetypes: the first is the traditional house; the second which is more dominant in the Malay World is pre-Islamic religious house archetype presented in the mosque form which is often referred to as the Javanese mosque prototype.

2.1. TRADITIONAL HOUSE ARCHETYPE The traditional house archetype adopted for the mosque design is mainly found in the long roof construction (bumbung panjang) and its variations (Figure 4). The structural configuration is represented by a series of ‘A’ shaped timber frames forming the skeleton of the building. Using post and beam construction, the posts and roof frames form the loadbearing structural elements leaving the walls to be non- loadbearing. The weight of the roof is spread through the frames towards the wall plate level down to the posts or columns’ pedestals on the ground. This structural arrangement resulted in greater design flexibility with regards to the interior spaces as it allows for greater open plan design to be employed. Mosques built in domestic house archetype however are relatively few. The examples found in this study are Aur (Patani), Masjid Wadi Hussein or Telok Manok (Patani), Masjid Langgar (Kelantan) and Surau Tok Janggut (Kedah) (Figure 5 & 6).

Figure 4 Bumbung Panjang House Type with twelve pillars – section and elevations Edited from (Quirk 1998: 27)

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Figure 5 Masjid Langgar, Kota Bharu, Kelantan Bumbung Panjang traditional house prototype employing 16 pillars construction Edited from (Tajuddin Rasdi 1999)

A mosque built in the traditional house prototype in general demonstrates several unique characteristics. It has rectangular floor plan, often with the long side parallel to the (prayer) axis. The pillars supporting the long roof are often aligned further emphasizing the qibla axis. In Surau Tok Janggut for example, the is placed on the longer wall with the roof ridge aligned north-south. The floor level is raised from the ground level; thereby entrance to the prayer space is marked by the presence of stairs leading to the prayer hall. The entrance is sometimes found to the sides of the prayer hall (i.e. in the southern or northern wall such as the case with Masjid Teluk Manok); however – similar to traditional house spatial arrangement – the main entrance of the mosque is usually provided via staircase leading to the anjung (porche) or serambi (veranda). The serambi or anjung is often placed on the eastern of the prayer hall – opposite of the qibla wall in the west – such as in the case of Surau Aur, Surau Tok Janggut and Masjid Teluk Manok after renovation. The

5 mosque is a detached building with ample open spaces around the building and is usually found built near water source such as the sea or the river.

Surau Aur, Patani Long Roof House

Masjid Teluk Manok, Patani Long Roof House

Mosque Lubuk Bauk, Sumatera House at Karo Batak, Sumatera

Fig. 6 Mosque forms originating from traditional houses

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2.2. PRE-ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS HOUSE ARCHETYPE

The Javanese mosques prototype is built using a structural configuration made up of soko guru (main posts) located in the central zone of the floor plan with smaller perimeter columns supporting the roof span leaving the central prayer zone with minimum column interruption. This structural system determines the roof form (i.e. the height and the number of roof-tiers) and floor space (the area and shape) based on the employment of main pillars which range from one central pillar (soko tunggal) to four, twelve, sixteen, thirty six and forty eight.

Depending on the construction techniques and the final forms intended, the Javanese mosque pyramidal roof has at least ten types of variations known as limasan, sinom, , kutuk ngambang, tajug, kampung, dara gepak, klabang nyander, srotong and panggang epe (H.J. Wibowo 1987). The main types used for a mosque is usually tajug, although joglo and limasan types are sometimes found as additional structures to the main buildings.

This prototype is presented by the oldest extant wooden mosque in the region, Masjid Agung Demak (built end of the 15th century) (see figures 7 & 8); to the extent that mosques adhering to these forms are sometimes referred to in as ‘masjid Demakan’ (Demak-like mosque) (Roesmanto 2000: 79). The structural configuration of the Demakan mosques is characterized by the square floor plan with tiered roofs which are said to have been derived from joglo – the traditional Hindu-Javanese architecture (figure 9). W. F. Stutterheim in “Cultuur Geschiedents van Indonesie, De islam en Zijn Komst in III de Archipel” (1952) was of the opinion that the mosque form originated from , a cock-fighting arena which is found in Bali (Sartono et al. 1977: 210); G.F. Pijper however believed that the form was a local produce, as the have long recognised the tiered roof form as representing the magical Meru mountain as the abode of the deities (Pijper 1974: 17). H. J. De Graaf in his “De Oorsprong der Javanese Moskee” however suggested that the mosque forms were influenced by the mosque architecture in Malabar (Graaf 1963: 63).

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Figure 7 - Masjid Agung Demak in a photograph taken around 1800 A.D. before the inclusion of gateway (gapura – built in 1804) and (built 1932).

Figure 8 - Masjid Agung Demak – photograph taken in 1962; showing the gateway in gable roof construction, and the steel minaret to the left.

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A. Masjid Agung Yogjakarta B. Masjid Payung Agung, Bali

C. Masjid Saka Tunggal, Yogyakarta D. Masjidan Lambang Teplok, Bali

Figure 9 - Various roof forms derived from Java-Hindu temple designs (Source: Ismundar, 1986)

G.F Pijper (1985: 8) identified several unique characteristics possessed by the Javanese mosques. The floor plan is square – although in Bambang Setiabudi’s analysis on 127 Javanese mosques (2006) fourteen of them are built with rectangular plans. The mosques are also built on packed raised foundation as opposite to traditional house prototype which is raised on stilts. The pyramidal roof is multi- levelled with two to five tiers supported by four main central posts known as soko guru. The main prayer hall is often extended to its front (eastern side) by serambi (veranda) which is a partly opened structure and usually located to the front of the mosque and sometimes to its sides. The serambi is usually built with gable roof construction employing a series of main pillars arranged parallel to the roof ridge

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(see figure 10). Similar to the traditional house prototype, Javanese mosque is a detached building with ample open spaces surrounding it.

Figure 10 - Sectional view of Masjid Agung Demak – showing the soko guru roof construction and the adjoined serambi Adapted from (O'Neill 1994: 234)

3. ISLAMIC REQUIREMENTS AND CULTURAL RESPONSE

The only elemental requirement which defines a mosque is represented in the indication of the direction of qibla. As Hillenbrand (1994: 31) accurately pointed out that ‘no roof, no minimum size, no enclosing walls, no liturgical accessories are required’. Similarly Bougas in his study of Surau Aur (Patani) summarised his understanding of Southeast Asian mosques architecture as the following:

“Reduced to essentials, a mosque is no more than a wall at right angles to the kiblat axis and behind or before the wall there can be anything. In the absence of any strict prescriptions regarding mosque construction, peoples of Southeast Asia could and did use traditional architectural forms in building their first mosques. Patani Malays built their mosques in the form of wihan and Javanese based their square mosques on ancient Hindu designs”(Bougas 1992).

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The fact that a mosque in Islam is established merely with the presence of the qibla direction meant that the early mosques of the Malay World were developed based on indigenous solutions to the design problems. As this study will demonstrate, in many instances the vernacular mosques exhibit a significant level of innovative approaches and original interpretation of Islamic aspirations.

3.1. THE CALL FOR PRAYER Congregational prayers are held five times a day in a mosque and numerous traditions emphasize the importance of it such as: ‘The prayer which a man performs in congregation is worth twenty-five of his prayers in his home or in the market place’ (Al-Bukhari/ Adhan: 31; Muslim/ Masajid: 245-8). The Prophet even considered burning down the houses of those who were absent from the congregational prayers (Al-Bukhari/ Adhan: 29, 34; Muslim/ Masajid: 251-4). The importance of the congregational prayer is further stressed in a hadith narrated by Muslim on how a blind man asked the Prophet to be excused from attending the congregational prayer at the mosque by praying in his house, but the Prophet declined and insisted that he should attend the mosque since he can hear the call to prayer (Muslim 8/1374).

The act of gathering people for congregational prayers involves two parts - the first is connected to notifying the mass that it is time for prayer; the second is summoning people to the mosque for congregational prayer. During the time of the Prophet (s.a.w), his companion Bilal was the muezzin and he used to perform the adhan by standing on the roof of the mosque or from a house-top. The first adhan notifies people that the time for prayer has arrived; while a second adhan (or iqamat) signifies that the congregational prayer is about to begin. In Makkah, the second adhan was uttered from the roof. During the reign of al-Rashid a little hut (zulla) is built on top of the roof for this purpose. In Cairo, the adhan was uttered from a chamber (ghurfah) located on the roof. In the Mosque of Ibn Tulun, the adhan was proclaimed from the located in the (courtyard) (al-Maqrizi 1306/ 1888). It was during the time of Mu’awiya that the minaret gave the adhan its physical and monumental expression; almost in an effort to rival the existing fine stone church towers that existed in Syria during that time (EI/Manar: 361-2). The minaret has evolved over the time from being an instrument to proclaim adhan to become the

11 signature of the mosque, the visual marker of Muslim towns to a sign of power (EI; Minaret).

In the Malay World, the minaret was non-essential in the pre-eighteenth century mosques since the proclamation of adhan could be done by standing on the platforms provided under the roof space or in the serambi area. The or kentong (wooden drums) which has been in place in many Southeast Asian societies and used traditionally as a means of notifying and summoning people of important occasions was adapted to the task of gathering people for congregational prayers. The bedug is usually beaten a few times preceding the adhan in a specific rhythm to alert people of the oncoming prayer time.

The way in which the bedug is incorporated within the mosque design as a response to the task of summoning people can still be witnessed in many surviving traditional mosques today. In many of these mosques, the bedug is placed in the serambi (veranda) area such as in Masjid Agung Demak (b. 15th century). In Masjid Kuno Bayan Beleq, Nusa Tenggara (b. 16th century) and Masjid At-Taqwa Lerabaeng, Nusa Tenggara (b. 17th century) the bedug is hung from the centre of the roof top, and when beaten will produce reverberated sound due to its placement underneath the roof. In Masjid Sultan Ternate (b. 18th century), Masjid Kampung Hulu Melaka (b. 18th century) and Masjid Kampung Duyong Melaka (b. 18th century) the bedug house is incorporated within the main gateway structure of the mosque – posing as visual identifier for the mosques (figure 11).

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Figure 11 - The bedug house cum gateways

The need for the adhan to be heard has resulted in the introduction of . In the Malay World, the minarets were later addition to the mosque’s scheme and as such were often found detached from the main building and built in a different material than the mosque. However, in a few mosques surveyed in the region, transformation of part of the building to incorporate a place to proclaim the adhan has produced original interpretation of the liturgical requirement. Masjid Kuno Patinburak, Irian Jaya (b. 19th century) and Masjid Teluk Manok, Pattani (b. 18th century) accommodated a platform for the muezzin by opening up a portion of the roof top to provide a tower-like structure which allows the muezzin to ascend and proclaim the adhan (Figure 12).

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Figure 12 - (left) Masjid Teluk Manok; (right) Masjid Tua Patinburak

In Masjid Kampung Laut, Kelantan (b. 18th century), Masjid Tinggi Bagan Serai, Perak (b. 19th century) and Surau Tok Janggut, Kedah (b. 19th century) the minarets were built to echo the vernacular architecture and despite being free standing structures, they relate to the main buildings through their design, material and proportion (Figure 13).

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Figure 13 - the minarets of Masjid Kampung Laut (left); Masjid Tua Bagan Serai and Surau Tok Janggut (right).

3.2. SPATIAL ORGANIZATION FOR CONGREGATIONAL PRAYERS Congregational prayers are performed with the imam standing in front of the ma’mum (the followers) in the central space near the qibla wall, while the ma’mum stand in perpendicular rows (saf) to the qibla axis. This arrangement requires the prayer hall to accommodate for the expansion of the saf in linear directions by providing ample space either parallel to the saf lines (i.e. expansion of the length of the saf) or parallel to the qibla axis (accommodating more saf i.e. expansion in length, in the direction of the qibla axis). As the ma’mum are expected to stand in uninterrupted rows without any gaps in between them (where possible), the prayer hall is expected to have minimum physical obstructions that will break the saf. The saf requirements alone dictate that the prayer hall should ideally have several critical criteria such as an efficient floor plan and size; an open plan scheme with minimum column interruption; and convertible spaces that adapt to various socio-religious functions.

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3.2.1. The shape of an efficient floor plan

Qibla wall QIBLA 4

Basic square plan of Basic rectangular mosque floor plan

Qibla axis

Figure 14 Efficient forms for mosque’s floor plan

As the saf are made of ma’mum standing in straight rows, the shape of the floor plan which comfortably caters for such arrangement is either rectangular or square (figure 14). The early mosques in Islam are found to have square or rectangular floor plans as these are the most workable form that are able to accommodate for the linear arrangements required of the mosque’s spatial organization (see figures 15 to 18). The rectangular and square floor plans essentially alleviate any kind of confusion with regards to alignment of safs and functionality of spaces within the prayer hall. Floor plans in the forms of a circle or an octagon which emphasizes the centre- inner space are unsuitable and functions less-effectively. Masjid Ubudiah Kuala Kangsar (b. 20th century) and Masjid Zahir, Kedah (b. 20th century) (figure 19) which employ octagon within square floor design require extra efforts in defining the saf and qibla axis by means of arches or niches in walls; as well as introduction of carpet or prayer rugs with lines on the ground to assist in pointing out to the correct direction.

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Figure 15 The plan of the Prophet’s mosque

Edited from (Grabar 1987)

Figure 16 - Plan of mosque at Kufa with the adjacent Dar al-Imara (rebuilt 670)

Edited from (Frishman et al. 1994)

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Figure 17- The plan of the Prophet’s Mosque (after rebuilt in 707-709):

- the four minarets are placed at the corners of the mosque Edited from (Frishman et al. 1994)

Figure 18 - The Great Mosque of Damascus (b. 709-715)

With central nave which accommodated for the maksurah and mimbar

Source: (Frishman et al. 1994)

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Figure 19 – Masjid Zahir (left) and Masjid Ubudiah (right)

An octagon within a square arrangement for prayer hall floor plan poses challenges in identifying the qibla axis

A review on the shapes of traditional mosques plans demonstrates the pragmatic response to the design problem. Bambang Setiabudi in his studies on 127 Javanese mosques revealed that 81 mosques have square plans and 14 have rectangular plans (Bambang 2006) (figure 20). Similarly a survey carried out on vernacular mosques of the Malay Peninsula and other parts of the Malay World finds that all of the mosques have basic rectangular or square floor planes with minor variations (figure 21). The rectangular and square floor plans enable the saf to be arranged systematically. The arrangement also allows immediate recognition of the qibla axis as main entrance door is usually located opposite of the qibla wall thereby providing a clear sense of orientation.

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Figure 20 - Javanese mosques’ plans Adapted from (Bambang 2006)

Figure 21 Variations of Malay Traditional Mosques Floor Plans

3.2.2. Open plan with minimum column interruption

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The prayer hall requires a structural and constructional system which enables the roof to span over an open space plan with minimum column interruptions. The open plan concept – apart from accommodating for minimally interrupted saf – should also be designed to allow good audio and/or visual reception of the acts of the imam and the khatib (the one who gives sermons).

These design requirements are met by the vernacular mosques through the structural configurations employed in both of the prototypes studied. In mosques built using traditional house prototype such as Masjid Teluk Manok (Patani), Masjid Tinggi Bagan Serai (Perak) and Surau Aur (Patani) the rectangular plan resulted in elongated prayer space in the direction parallel to the qibla axis. The columns are found at the perimeter walls such as in the case of Masjid Teluk Manok, which provides uninterrupted prayer space for the congregation. In other schemes the linearity of the column arrangements further emphasise the qibla axis which consequently direct the ma’mum’s attention towards the qibla wall where the positions of the imam and the khatib are located. The elongated floor plan parallel to the direction of the qibla axis also ensures that both the imam and the khatib are in full view to the congregation members.

The floor spaces of Javanese mosque prototype are alleviated from unnecessary columns due to the existence of the main central pillars and perimeter columns which support the roof framing members. With such structural arrangements to distribute the deadload, the design of the roof framing members produces intricate detailing resulting in aesthetically pleasing interior as demonstrated especially in Masjid Merah Panjunan, Cirebon (b. 15th century) and Masjid Sultan Ternate, Maluku (b. 17th century) (see figure 22).

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Figure 22 – (top) Masjid Merah Panjunan, Cirebon; (bottom) Masjid Sultan Ternate, Maluku

3.2.3. Convertible Spaces

According to tradition, the command for the congregational prayer (salat al- jama’ah) was manifested in the year of 620-4 (EI). With the expansion of ritual obligations in the nature of salat from being a solitary act to a communal activity, the mosque’s developed from being merely a place for prostration to become the centre in which the community gathers and activities were performed on communal ground. The mosque therefore took the role of a community center – where Muslims gather around the Prophet (s.a.w) and he taught them religion and administered their daily activities. The architecture of this mosque was never pivotal according to the Prophet’s traditions since he was granted the whole world as his masjid, as reflected in the hadith ‘Wherever the hour of prayer overtakes you, you shall perform the salat and that is a masjid’ (Al-Bukhari/ Salat: 56; Muslim/ Masajid).

However, with the extended functions of the mosque physical adjustments are needed to appropriately cater for the demands of the space. The multi-functional aspect of the mosque is demonstrated in the functions performed by the Prophet’s mosque itself. It was a place where knowledge was taught and judiciary was held.

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The Prophet’s mosque was also used as a political and administrative center where the Prophet (s.a.w) received foreign delegations, conducted negotiations and passed judgments. After the battle of Uhud, the leaders of Medina spent the night there, where the Aws tended their wounded and one prisoner of war was tied up to one of the pillars. It was a place that housed a group of seventy newly converted Muslims that came to Medina with no money and nowhere to live. A portico (suffah) was built for them and they were known as Ahl al-Suffah. Their welfare was taken care of by the Prophet (s.a.w) and the mosque was the place that they learned about Islam (EI/Masdjid). The mosque was also the centre for distribution of the state’s funds (bayt al-mal) to those eligible (EI/Masdjid). Apart from learning, political, military and administrative related activities, the mosque was sometimes converted to become a cultural centre whereby in one occasion the Prophet’s wife A’isha described that she watched with the Prophet (s.a.w) and other Muslims a display with shield and lance performed by some Sudanese or Abyssinians in the mosque’s courtyard (EI/ Masdjid).

The socio-cultural elements of the mosque require that the spatial arrangements provide for both sacred and profane activities. In other words while the congregational prayer forms the core and elemental aspect of the mosque’s structure, the mosque is also expected to be able to be expanded to provide for other socio- religious activities without disrupting its fundamental core. From this perspective the spatial arrangement offered by the vernacular mosque architecture – especially seen in the soko guru construction - seems to respond efficiently to the upgraded functions (figure 23).

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QIBLA

Qibla wall

extension core extension

extension

Figure 23 – Flexible arrangement for expansion in soko guru construction

The soko guru configuration produces a pyramidal roof structure which is visually expressive in stating the space hierarchy with the prayer hall forming as the core of the mosque’s scheme. With the requirements of other socio-religious activities; the spaces around this core is expandable in linear directions by providing additional structures which complemented the main building in form and proportion without deforming the original scale and proportion.

In Javanese building tradition, the need for expansion in traditional house is often met with a number of methods. According to Tjahjono (1999: 34), the three types of Javanese house – the kampung, the limasan and the joglo types - have different ways of responding to the demand for extra space. The kampung-style house can be extended by adding a front and back porch, or by replicating the core unit a number of times. The limasan house is extended at its perimeter by introducing perimeter columns supporting an extended roof structure drawn from the central structure forming a two-tiered roof covering. The joglo type house similarly is extended by adding perimeter columns surrounding the external veranda of the house (see figure 24).

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b- Limasan house a- Kampung house

c- Joglo house

Figure 24 - Javanese traditional house types and extension methods

Adapted from (Tjahjono 1999)

The tajug structural configuration employed in the mosque design gives sufficient allowance for the mosque to be extended at the perimeter by covering the surrounding veranda with a roof layer below the original roof edges. However further expansion requires new structures to be built. A replication of the core unit - as seen in the method of expansion in the kampung style house although possible; will however produce a conflict in the space hierarchy –as there will be no difference between the original and the extension. In addition, the interior space will echo mosque type whereby rows of columns will cause interruption to the flow of space and intermittently break the saf. From aesthetic perspective, this option will cause additional volumes to the building mass and most likely to create a cluttered visual language.

The vernacular mosque – in its response to the design problem – has adopted the serambi or pendopo system as an extension to the core. As the name suggests, the serambi (veranda) or pendopo (pavilion) are inherited from the Javanese traditional

25 house spatial arrangements concept (figure 25). The Javanese traditional house consists of three main zones: the head (kepala), the body (badan) and the foot or bottom (kaki). Within these zones, the pendopo is located in the head zone with the core of the house – dalem or omah – placed in the centre (badan) and the services area such as kitchen placed at the foot (kaki).

Figure 25 - The variations of spatial planning in traditional Javanese house

Source: (Frick 1997: 87)

The pendopo serves as a reception hall, a place where the members of the house socialise with visitors; and organise traditional feasts and celebrations. It is placed in a semi-public zone and it serves as a marker to the status of the owner of the house (Maria 1999: 37-9). Similar concept finds its echo in the ‘anjung’ and its adjoining space ‘serambi’ of a traditional Malay house.

The multifunction nature of the pendopo is evidence in the several of the mosques surveyed. In the tomb mosque of Sunan Gunung Jati, Central Java the Pendopo Soka was originally used as an assembly hall but has now become a resting room for pilgrims performing the ziyarah (Muhaimin 1995: 181). In Surakarta for example, the annual gerebeg which involves processions taking place from the villages and end with the participants having public feasts at the serambi of the mosque (Lombard 2000). In principal mosques such as Masjid Agung Demak, Masjid Agung Banten and Masjid Agung Cirebon Kasepuhan which are found to be much bigger with greater roof heights and bigger areas allocated for public activities; the

26 provision of several vast size serambis in front and to the sides of the mosques are essential in accommodating for social interactions and activities without disturbing the haram areas of the mosques.

Its introduction to the Masjid Agung Cirebon Kasepuhan for example took several stages as the space increment of the mosque grows organically in response to the social needs. During the rule of Panembahan Ratu I (1568-1649) the southern serambi (Prabayaksa) and the eastern serambi (Pamandangan) were constructed adjoining the main prayer hall. In 1567, another serambi was built to the east of Pamandangan by Panembahan Girilaya from whom this serambi was named after (Serambi Girilaya). In 1679, Sultan Sepuh I added another serambi to the front of Serambi Girilaya. The final addition to the existing structure was made in 1934-5 under the rule of Sultan Sepuh XI to the side of Prabayaksa (see figure 26 & 27).

Figure 26 - Masjid Agung Cirebon – extensions of floor plan

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Figure 27 - Masjid Agung Cirebon Kasepuhan sectional view exhibiting hierarchy of functional areas – the core and the extensions

The adaptation of a serambi or a pendopo into a mosque scheme satisfies the demand for accommodation of socio-religious activities such as religious celebrations; socialising and resting place for wayfarers; and other activities which are related to the socio-cultural needs of the community. Public judgements were also traditionally carried out by the qadhi in the serambi (Sartono et al. 1977). The flexibility of this space is due to its architectural characteristics whereby it is usually opened on all sides with the exception of the side adjoining to the mosque’s core. The structural arrangement that utilises the soko guru configuration takes the form of a joglo or limasan (figure 28). The expansion system produces a low scale and human-friendly structures which at the same instance provides for the demarcation of functional activities into different zones. Visually it provides additional character to the mosque without rivalling the most essential and central functions at the core represented by the tiered roofs. As the pendopo or serambi concept is familiar to the Muslim people – both in its form and functions - the introduction of this space as an extension to the mosque is seen as an intelligent and sophisticated design decision made.

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Sectional view Lambang gantung construction

Joglo roof plan

A. Joglo extensions to main prayer hall

Sectional view Variation 1

Roof plan for limasan Variation 2

Variation 3

B. Limasan extensions

Figure 28- Extensions to main prayer hall in the forms of additional serambi in pendopo structure which either takes the form of joglo (A) or limasan (B) variants. Source: (Maria 1999)

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4. CONCLUSION

The study looks at the design of the mosque from the aspect of spatial arrangements by analyzing the architectural forms which produce the mosque’s scale and proportion, arrangement of spaces, design of circulation and aesthetic qualities. From an analysis done on more than forty mosques built from the 15th to the 20th century in major traditional city centers in the Malay World, the study finds that the mosques built in vernacular architecture offered original solutions to the design challenges posed by the mosque as a community and cultural centre. The popularity and widespread application of soko guru structural configuration across the archipelago, is probably indebted to the adaptive characteristics it offered especially in major mosques (masjid agung – such as the Sultanate or State Mosques) which accommodate larger congregation and are prone to further expansions. On the other hand, despite the rich variety of traditional house designs in the region, the long roof prototype is the mostly adopted mosque design usually found in traditional community mosques. The ingenuity demonstrated by the indigenous building tradition, and the abilities of the Muslim people to adopt and adapt the traditional building language to accommodate for Islamic requirements have produced architectural solutions which are unrivalled by many contemporary mosques today.

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