Copyright © 2015 by Texas State Historical Association
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, write to the publisher, addressed “Attention: Permissions,” at the address below.
Texas State Historical Association 3001 Lake Austin Blvd. Suite 3.116 Austin, TX 78703 www.tshaonline.org
IMAGE USE DISCLAIMER
All copyrighted materials included within the Handbook of Texas Online are in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107 related to Copyright and “Fair Use” for Non-Profit educational institutions, which permits the Texas State Historical Association (TSHA), to utilize copyrighted materials to further scholarship, education, and inform the public. The TSHA makes every effort to conform to the principles of fair use and to comply with copyright law.
For more information go to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond fair use, you must obtain permission from the copyright owner. TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter 1 – William Barret Travis
Chapter 2 – Joe
Chapter 3 – Anahuac Disturbances
Chapter 4 – Angelina Elizabeth Dickinson
Chapter 5 – Travis Guards and Rifes
Chapter 6 – Camp Travis
Chapter 7 – Travis: A Potential Sam Houston
1 William Barret Travis
William Barret Travis, Texas commander at the ba le of the Alamo, was the eldest of eleven children of Mark and Jemima (Stallworth) Travis. At the me of his birth the family lived on Mine Creek near the Red Bank community, which centered around the Red Bank Bap st Church in Edgefield District, near Saluda, Saluda County, South Carolina. There is some confusion regarding the date and circumstances of his birth. Many sources give the date as August 9, others as August 1, 1809. The family Bible, however, records the former date. Others have confused the date of his birth with that of his elder, and illegi mate, half-brother, Toliferro Travis. The first Travers, or Travis, to se le in North America landed in Jamestown, Virginia, in 1627. Edward Travers became a member of the house of burgesses and amassed Travis Family Bible. significant holdings of land. Subsequent genera ons of the family dri ed southward to the Carolinas, 4 where Barrick or Barrot Travers established a farm in the Edgefield District. Somewhere in the journey Travers became Travis, and Barrot came to be spelled Barret. Barrot Travis's sons, Alexander and Mark, became farmers, and Alexander also became a prominent clergyman.
Travis's boyhood centered around the work of the family farm, a endance at the Red Bank church, home schooling, and playing with area children. James Butler Bonham, who also served in the defense of the Alamo, was one of these, but it is difficult to establish a strong rela onship between Bonham and Travis in these early years. Alexander Travis, the family patriarch, traveled to Alabama in 1817 and decided to move the en re family to Conecuh County the next year. There they helped found the
The William B. Travis House at Perdue Hill, Monroe County, Alabama. Courtesy of Jeff Reed Photography.
communi es of Sparta and Evergreen. Travis a ended an academy in Sparta un l he learned all that was taught there; then Alexander Travis enrolled his nephew in a school in nearby Claiborne, Alabama. Travis eventually assisted in the instruc on of the younger students. James Dellet (Delle , Dele ), the 5 leading a orney in Claiborne, accepted Travis as an appren ce. Under his instruc on Travis became an a orney and partner, and for a brief me operated a joint office across the river at Gosport, Alabama. On October 26, 1828, Travis married Rosanna Cato, one of the students he had helped to teach, when he was twenty years old. Their first child, Charles Edward Travis, was born on August 8, 1829. For a year Travis gave every evidence that he intended to remain in Claiborne. He began the publica on of a newspaper, the Claiborne Herald, joined the Masonic order at Alabama Lodge No. 3, and accepted a posi on as adjutant of the Twenty-sixth Regiment, Eighth Brigade, Fourth Division, of the Alabama Mili a. A year later he abandoned his wife, son, and unborn daughter (Susan Isabella) and departed for Texas. The story has been told that Travis suspected his wife of infidelity, doubted his parenthood of her unborn child, and killed a man because of it. The story is probably correct, given its persistence, but hard evidence of it is lacking.
Travis arrived in Texas early in 1831, a er the Law of April 6, 1830, made his immigra on illegal. He arrived at San Felipe de Aus n, and on May 21 obtained land from Stephen F. Aus n. He listed his marital status as single, although he was s ll married. He established a legal prac ce in Anahuac, a significant port of entry located on the eastern end of Galveston Bay. The purpose of the move there was to establish himself in an area where there were few a orneys while he learned the official language, Spanish. He traveled the country doing legal work and became associated with a group of militants who opposed the Law of April 6,
6 1830, Bradburn, a Kentuckian in the service of Mexico. Bradburn enforced the an -immigra on law, refused to allow state officials to alienate land to American se lers arriving a er the passage of the law, and allegedly used materials and slaves belonging to the se lers to build his camp.
The principal dispute at Anahuac occurred in 1832, when William M. Logan of Louisiana engaged Travis to secure the return of runaway slaves being harbored by Bradburn. Logan returned to Louisiana for proof of ownership and threatened Bradburn that he also would return with help. Travis alarmed Bradburn with a note passed to a sentry that Logan had returned with a large force. Bradburn turned out his en re garrison to search for Logan, who, of course, was nowhere near the area. Suspec ng Travis as the perpetrator of the prank, Bradburn sent soldiers to his law office to arrest Travis and his partner, Patrick C. Jack. They were held in a guardhouse and later in two brick kilns. Word of their arrest spread, and men assembled to demand their release. The group dra ed the Turtle Bayou Resolu ons, which pledged their loyalty to the states' rights Cons tu on of 1824, but not to the current Centralist regime, and demanded the release of the prisoners. John Aus n traveled to Velasco to obtain a cannon to force Bradburn to comply. Col. José de las Piedras, commander at Nacogdoches, hurried to Anahuac. Although in sympathy with Bradburn, he realized that the Mexican forces were outnumbered. He ordered Travis and Jack released to civil authori es, who soon released them altogether. This incident began the Anahuac Disturbances of 1832, which resulted in armed clashes at Velasco and Nacogdoches later that 7 summer and produced the conven ons of 1832 and 1833 with their pe ons for repeal of the Law of April 6, 1830, and separate statehood. Travis moved his legal prac ce to San Felipe in the a ermath of the clash at Anahuac. In 1834 he was elected secretary to the ayuntamiento there and was accepted, despite his youth, into the councils of government. He also met Rebecca (Rebeca) Sites of Major Events in the Cummings, who lived at Mill Texas Revolu on. Creek, and began a courtship that resulted in a decision to marry once Travis was divorced. Rosanna Travis began divorce proceedings against her husband in 1834, charging him with deser on. They were divorced in the fall of 1835, and she remarried early the next year. She had permi ed Charles Edward Travis to move to Texas, where he lived with the family of David Ayers, so that he could be near his father. Travis may not have known when the divorce became final, for he became embroiled in the rapidly moving events of the Texas Revolu on in July 1835, and was constantly occupied un l his death. In any event, he made no a empt to marry Rebecca Cummings.
8 A er Stephen F. Aus n carried the pe on of the Conven on of 1833 to the government in Mexico City and was incarcerated, fears for his safety cooled poli cs in Texas un l the summer of 1835. By then Antonio López de Santa Anna had asserted full Centralist authority and reestablished a customhouse and military garrison at Anahuac under the command of Capt. Antonio Tenorio. A war group led by James B. Miller met and authorized Travis to return to Anahuac to expel Tenorio. In late June, Travis led some twenty-five men by way of Harrisburg and Galveston Bay on an amphibious assault on Tenorio's posi on and captured the Mexican soldiers easily. The ac on alarmed the peace party, and for several months Travis was regarded by many Texans as a troublemaker. Gen. Mar n Perfecto de Cos, Mexican military commander in the north, moved his command to San Antonio. He branded Travis and the other par sans at Anahuac outlaws and demanded that the Texans Mar n Perfecto de Cos. surrender them for military trial.
9 Replica of Gonzales Cannon at the Gonzales Memorial Museum
When Cos demanded the surrender of the Gonzales "come and take it" cannon in October 1835, Travis joined the hundreds of Texans who hastened there, but arrived too late to take part in the ac on. He remained with the mili a and accompanied it to besiege Bexar. He served as a scout in a cavalry unit commanded by Randal Jones and later commanded a unit himself. He did not remain at San Antonio through the final assault in early December, but returned to San Felipe. He advised the Consulta on on the organiza on of cavalry for the army but turned down a commission as a major of ar llery. He later accepted a commission as a lieutenant colonel of cavalry and became the chief recrui ng officer for the army. Governor Henry Smith ordered Travis to recruit 100 men and 10 reinforce Col. James C. Neill at San Antonio in January 1836. Travis was able to recruit only twenty-nine men, and because he was embarrassed he requested to be relieved. When Smith insisted, Travis reported to Neill and within a few days found himself in command of about fi y men when Neill took leave. When James Bowie arrived with 100 volunteers, he and Travis quarreled over command. They were able to effect an uneasy truce of joint command un l Bowie's illness and injury from a fall forced him to bed.
Travis directed the prepara on of San Antonio de Valero Mission, known as the Alamo, for the an cipated arrival of Santa Anna and the main command of the Mexican army. With engineer Green B. Jameson he strengthened the walls, constructed palisades to fill gaps, mounted cannons, and stored provisions inside the fortress. He also wrote le ers to officials reques ng reinforcements, but only the thirty-five men came from Gonzales to his relief, thus raising the number of the Alamo's defenders to approximately 183. Travis's le er addressed "To the People of Texas and All Americans in the World," wri en on February 24, two days a er Santa Anna's advance arrived in San Antonio, brought more than enough help to Texas from the United States, but it did not arrive in me. When Santa Anna had his forces ready, he ordered an assault on the Alamo. This occurred just before dawn on March 6, 1836. The Mexicans overpowered the Texans within a few hours. Travis died early in the ba le from a single bullet in the head. His body and those of the other defenders were burned. The nature of Travis's death elevated him from a
11 Layout of the Alamo mission prior to the Ba le of the Alamo on March 2, 1836. mere commander of an obscure garrison to a genuine hero of Texas and American history.
12 2 Joe
Joe, slave of William B. Travis and one of the few Texan survivors of the ba le of the Alamo, was born about 1813. He was listed as a resident of Harrisburg in May 1833. Joe claimed that when Gen. Antonio López de Santa Anna's troops stormed the Alamo on March 6, 1836, he armed himself and followed Travis from his quarters into the ba le, fired his gun, then retreated into a building from which he fired several more mes. A er the ba le, Mexican troops searched the buildings within the Alamo and called for any blacks to reveal themselves. Joe did so and was struck by a pistol shot and bayonet thrust before a Mexican captain intervened. Sam, James Bowie's slave, was also reported to have survived the ba le, but no further record of him is known to exist. Joe was taken into Bexar, where he was detained. He observed a grand review of the Mexican army before being interrogated by Santa Anna about Texas and its army. Accounts of his departure from the Alamo differ, but he later joined Susanna W. Dickinson and her escort, Ben, Santa Anna's black cook, on their way to Gen. Sam Houston's camp at Gonzales. On March 20, Joe was brought before the Texas Cabinet at Groce's Retreat and ques oned about events at the Alamo. William F. Gray reported that Joe impressed those present with the modesty, candor, and clarity of his account. A er his report to the Texas Cabinet, Joe was returned to Travis's estate near Columbia, where he remained un l April 21, the first anniversary of the ba le of San Jacinto. On that day, accompanied by an uniden fied Mexican man and taking two fully equipped horses with him, he escaped. A no ce offering fi y dollars for his return was published by the executor of Travis's estate in the Telegraph and Texas Register on May 26, 1837. Presumably Joe's escape was successful, for the no ce ran three months before it was discon nued on August 26, 1837. Joe was last reported in Aus n in 1875.
14 3 Anahuac Disturbances
Two major events at Anahuac, in 1832 and 1835, upset those who wanted to maintain the status quo with Mexican authori es and thus helped to precipitate the Texas Revolu on. Both difficul es centered around the collec on of customs by the na onal government of Mexico.
Col. Juan Davis Bradburn and approximately forty officers and men landed at the bluff overlooking the mouth of the Trinity, called Perry's Point, on October 26, 1830, with orders to establish a garrison and a town. The garrison was originally chosen as a protected, strategic point from which to prevent smuggling on the Trinity and San Jacinto rivers; accordingly, it also aided the collector of customs, George Fisher, a er he arrived in November 1831, to collect na onal tariffs and prevent smuggling. Bradburn was also charged with preven ng the entrance of immigrants from the United States in accord with the recently passed Law of April 6, 1830, which was designed to encourage Mexican and European se lement of Texas and to restrict Anglo-American se lement.
The first trouble for Bradburn came in January 1831, when a state- appointed land commissioner, José Francisco Madero, arrived to issue tles to those residents of the lower Trinity who had se led prior to 1828. Although both the state and na onal governments had previously approved gran ng tles, Bradburn believed that the Law of April 6, 1830, had annulled the earlier grants. The ma er was complicated by poli cs because Bradburn represented the Centralist administra on, which believed in a strong central government and weak states, and Madero stood for the opposi on, the states'-rights-minded Federalists of northern Mexico. Bradburn arrested Madero, but he was soon released by the state authori es, who appealed to Bradburn's superiors, and the land commissioner quickly issued more than fi y tles to local residents before he returned to his home near the Rio Grande. Madero also organized an ayuntamiento at the Atascosito Crossing of the Trinity and named it Villa de la San sima Trinidad de la Libertad, shortened to Liberty by Anglo se lers (see LIBERTY, TEXAS [Liberty County]). Although this was an act within his powers, it roused the ire of Bradburn and the Centralists, who saw it as a challenge to the na onal government's control of the area.
Another crisis followed the visit of Gen. Manuel de Mier y Terán, the commandant of the eastern interior provinces, in November 1831. He did not want the ayuntamiento at Liberty and ordered it moved to Anahuac. Because he did not approve of Anglo-American lawyers prac cing before the court without cer fica on from Mexican authori es, he ordered
16 Bradburn to inspect their licenses. The general also ordered an inspec on of land tles. But his greatest offense, as far as the colonists were concerned, was ordering George Fisher to begin collec ng du es from all ships already in the Brazos River and Galveston Bay. The ship captains complained about retroac ve laws. Moreover, the assistant collector for the Brazos had not yet arrived, and all vessels would have to clear their papers at Anahuac for the me being. This arbitrary decision was inconvenient for Brazos captains. Several le the river without stopping for clearance at the mouth, where a small number of soldiers were garrisoned, and shots were exchanged between the ships and the troops.
Further trouble stemmed from Anglo-American animosity against Bradburn and his troops, some of whom were former convicts sent to the fron er to do heavy construc on work in order to earn their freedom. At peak strength, Bradburn had fewer than 300 men under his command both at Anahuac and at Fort Velasco on the Brazos, and of these probably fewer than twenty were convicts. But Anglo neighbors a ributed pe y thievery and an a ack against a woman to the presence of prisoners among the military. Bradburn had also incorporated two or three runaway slaves from Louisiana into his garrison. Mexico allowed no slavery but had permi ed Aus n's colonists to bring blacks in as indentured servants; thus Bradburn acted correctly when the fugi ves applied for asylum. A slave catcher arrived but was unsuccessful in his efforts to recover the Louisiana runaways, and he hired William B. Travis to a empt to recover the escaped slaves. Travis and his law partner, Patrick C. Jack, had already 17 antagonized Bradburn by star ng a civil mili a, contrary to Mexican law, to fight the "Indians," a euphemism for Mexican soldiers. Bradburn briefly incarcerated Jack for parading this mili a. Later Travis decided to trick Bradburn into releasing the runaway slaves. A man, perhaps Travis, wrapped in a concealing cloak, delivered a note purportedly from an acquaintance of the commander warning that a force of Louisianans was on the march to recover the fugi ves he was harboring. When he realized that he had been given false informa on, Bradburn arrested Jack and Travis; because the jail was not adequately secure he placed them in an empty brick kiln. Brazos valley hotheads organized a rescue force of perhaps 200 men, who reached Turtle Bayou, six miles north of Anahuac, on June 9, 1832. On their way, they captured Bradburn's en re cavalry force of nineteen men and held them hostage, planning to exchange them for Travis and Jack and a couple of others Bradburn had arrested. A er a day of skirmishing, an exchange was arranged by the rebels, most of whom withdrew to Turtle Bayou, where they released the captured cavalrymen. When Bradburn discovered that not all the insurgents had evacuated as they had promised, he refused to release his prisoners and instead announced that he would fire on the town. A er a skirmish between Bradburn's men and the remaining Anglos, the la er also fell back to Turtle Bayou to await the arrival of ar llery. A large party bringing the ordnance up from the Brazos se lements met Mexican troops in a major engagement at the ba le of Velasco. Meanwhile, the party on Turtle Bayou composed and signed the Turtle Bayou Resolu ons, which explained their rebellion against Bradburn as part of the reform
18 movement of Federalist general Antonio López de Santa Anna, who had recently won a victory over administra on forces at Tampico. The ma er was resolved when Col. José de las Piedras, Bradburn's immediate superior, arrived from Nacogdoches and, thinking he was outnumbered, bowed to the wishes of the insurgents. He removed Bradburn, reinstalled the ayuntamiento at Liberty, and turned over the Anglo-American prisoners to this body. The prisoners were soon released, and a er Piedras le , Travis, Jack, and the others returned to Anahuac, where they incited the garrison to rebel against its Centralist officers. A Federalist officer, Colonel Subarán, assumed command of the troops and, within a month, boarded the garrison on ships and moved to the Rio Grande. Merchants returned to Anahuac, and business con nued without na onal tariffs un l 1835, when the government sent collectors and support troops back to Texas. The na onal government depended en rely upon customs du es for revenue, and Texas had to pay its share. Andrew Briscoe, a local merchant, complained that the du es were not collected uniformly in all the ports and refused to cooperate at Anahuac. He inten onally tricked the new commander, Capt. Antonio Tenorio, by loading his boat in such a manner as to excite curiosity, while stowing bricks, not smuggled goods, in the hull. Tenorio, much aggravated, arrested Briscoe and his associate, DeWi Clinton Harris, on June 12, but Tenorio's force of some forty troops was no match for the Anglo response. When Travis learned of Briscoe's arrest, he raised volunteers who marched to Harrisburg from the Brazos and commandeered a vessel to sail for Anahuac. Tenorio surrendered on June 20, to twenty-five Anglo
19 insurgents, who disarmed the government troops and returned with them to Harrisburg. But Travis had acted without real community support. He felt the necessity to make a public apology for his rash ac ons in order to keep from endangering Stephen F. Aus n, who was in Mexico City.
20 Angeline Elizabeth 4 Dickinson
Angelina Dickinson, called the Babe of the Alamo, daughter of Almeron and Susanna (Wilkerson) Dickinson (also spelled Dickerson), was born on December 14, 1834, in Gonzales, Texas. By early 1836 her family had moved to San Antonio. On February 23, as the forces of Gen. Antonio López de Santa Anna entered the city, Dickinson reportedly caught up his wife and daughter behind his saddle and galloped to the Alamo, just before the enemy started firing. In the Alamo, legend says William B. Travis ed his cat's-eye ring around Angelina's neck. Angelina and Susanna survived the final Mexican assault on March 6, 1836. Though Santa Anna wanted to adopt Angelina, her mother refused. A few days a er the ba le, mother and child were released as messengers to Gen. Sam Houston.
At the end of the revolu on, Angelina and her mother moved to Houston. Between 1837 and 1847 Susanna Dickinson married three mes. Angelina and her mother were not, however, le without resources. For their par cipa on in the defense of the Alamo, they received a dona on cer ficate for 640 acres of land in 1839 and a bounty warrant for 1,920 acres of land in Clay County in 1855. In 1849, a resolu on by Representa ve Guy M. Bryan for the relief of "the orphan child of the Alamo" to provide funds for Angelina's support and educa on failed. At the age of seventeen, with her mother's encouragement, Angelina married John Maynard Griffith, a farmer from Montgomery County. Over the next six years, the Griffiths had three children, but the marriage ended in divorce. Leaving two of her children with her mother and one with an uncle, Angelina dri ed to New Orleans. Rumors spread of her promiscuity.
Before the Civil War she became associated in Galveston with Jim Bri on, a railroad man from Tennessee who became a Confederate officer, and to whom she gave Travis's ring. She is believed to have married Oscar Holmes in 1864 and had a fourth child in 1865. Whether she ever married Bri on is uncertain, but according to Flake's Daily Bulle n, Angelina died as "Em Bri on" in 1869 of a uterine hemorrhage in Galveston, where she was a known courtesan.
22 Travis Guards and 5 Rifles
Several military units in Texas history have been named for William B. Travis. The Travis Guards were organized at Aus n on March 1, 1840, for home protec on and speedy campaigns against the Indians. Officers were elected annually, and the first roster listed as officers a captain, two lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, a secretary, and a treasurer. In 1840, the group was called to San Antonio to repel Indians. On December 8, 1841, the Guards escorted Sam Houston into Aus n for his second inaugura on as president of the Republic of Texas. In August 1851, a er disintegra on of the original unit, a volunteer infantry company called the Travis Guards was organized at Aus n to protect the fron er. John S. Ford was its captain. During the Civil War, in November 1861, an infantry company called the Travis Rifles was recruited in Travis County by Samuel Rhoads Fisher and was mustered into the Confederate Army at Victoria. The group formed Company G of the Sixth Texas Infantry. It was sta oned in Arkansas in 1862, was captured in January 1863, and was imprisoned in Ohio and Illinois un l May 1863, when the Texans were exchanged and a ached to Pat Cleburne's division. They were again captured and imprisoned from November 1864 un l July 1865. During the Coke-Davis controversy at the close of the Reconstruc on period, the Travis Rifles, organized at Aus n in January 1873, under M. D. Mathew, were called out to protect Edmund J. Davis, who refused to concede the elec on to Richard Coke. The company refused to obey the order to protect Davis and instead captured the legisla ve halls and protected the inaugura on of Coke as governor. Another group, organized on July 4, 1876, formed Company A of the Second Regiment of Infantry, Texas Volunteer Guard, in 1890. In that year it was known as the Travis Rifles, though the preceding year it had been known as the Aus n Greys.
24 6 Camp Travis
Shortly a er the United States entered World War I, the war department ordered the establishment of thirty-two divisional training camps-sixteen tent camps for the Na onal Guard and sixteen camps with wooden buildings for the United States Army. Since the South Texas climate was favorable to uninterrupted training, and since Camp Wilson could easily be prepared to handle a division, San Antonio was chosen as one of the sites. Camp Wilson was five miles northeast of downtown San Antonio on the northeastern adjacent boundary of Fort Sam Houston. In May 1916, it became the mobiliza on point for the Texas Na onal Guard during the Mexican border crisis. On July 15, 1917, a er its selec on as the training site for the Nine eth (Texas-Oklahoma) Division of the army, it was renamed Camp Travis, in honor of Alamo hero William B. Travis. The camp was ready for occupancy on August 25, 1917. Addi onal land was subsequently acquired for vital training facili es, and numerous structures were erected by the soldier welfare agencies. Camp Travis comprised 18,290 acres, of which 5,730 were on the main campsite adjoining Fort Sam Houston. The Nine eth Division was organized at Camp Travis in September and October of 1917. The ranking officers, including Maj. Gen. Henry T. Allen, the division and camp commander, were regular army officers. The junior officers were primarily Texas and Oklahoma graduates of the officer- training camp at Camp Funston. The enlisted personnel consisted of Texas and Oklahoma dra ees. Hispanics and Indians were intermixed with Caucasians in the new dra division, but blacks were assigned to the camp depot brigade. By mid-October 1917, the Nine eth Division numbered more than 31,000 officers and men. Equipment shortages, illness, and transfers to other commands interfered with training, however. At the me the division departed for Europe in June 1918, it was composed in considerable part of recent conscripts, many from states other than Texas and Oklahoma. During General Allen's absence in the late fall and winter of 1917–18, the division and camp were commanded successively by brigadier generals Joseph A. Gaston and William H. Johnston.
During the summer of 1918, Camp Travis served as an induc on and replacement center, with an average strength in July of about 34,000 white and black troops. In August and September the Eighteenth Division was formed of old and new units at the post under the command of Brig. Gen. George H. Estes. The Eighteenth was s ll in training when the war ended on November 11. On December 3, Camp Travis was named as a demobiliza on center. The facility was also designated a local recrui ng sta on and a regional recruit depot in March 1919. Some 62,500 troops
26 were discharged at Camp Travis in about eight months. The camp then became the home sta on of the Second Division. Its service as a separate en ty was terminated, however, upon its absorp on by Fort Sam Houston in 1922.
27 SPECIAL BONUS ARTICLE FROM THE
“Travis: A Potential Sam Houston” Written by Robert H. William Jr. Volume 40, No. 2, October 1936
28 Travis: A Potential 7 Sam Houston
Inves gators into the history of the Texas Revolu on during recent years have wri en voluminously about the Alamo and its leader, William Barret Travis; but an extensive search of history shelves has failed to reveal any introspec ve study of Travis, more than an occasional paragraph. This lack is easily explained: Travis, though at mes fiery and impulsive, apparently kept his own counsel on personal ma ers, exposing such emo ons as ambi on and disillusionment only to the more silent Bonham, if to anyone at all. Furthermore, Travis was scarcely to be called an outstanding figure ll the last few days of his life-and who was there to gather historical data about him in perturbed revolu onary Texas? Ruby Mixon, in her unpublished thesis in the Texas University Library, did a highly commendable job of gathering shreds of per nent data and compiling them into a biography from which the careful reader may reconstruct for himself a sketchy drama za on of Travis during his few years in Texas. Amelia Williams' admirable search into Alamo annals likewise presents salient facts about Travis. But not much has been found that directly exposes the aims, ambi ons and emo ons of Travis. From the above men oned sources and others it is my purpose to a empt briefly to define Travis' ambi on and probable reasons for his courses of ac on to meet rapidly changing condi ons during the last few months of his meteoric career. It is hoped that the limited informa on available will not be considered inadequate for the deduc ons, though some deduc ons depend on interpola on. In speaking of Travis' selfish ambi on no conflict is found with his patrio sm, and no in ma on of such conflict is intended.
A much published manuscript called "Crocke 's Diary" quotes Colonel William B. Travis as saying, when the handsome young Bee Keeper was presented to him at the Alamo, "Give me five hundred men like him and I'll march to Mexico City." While the last part of this so-called diary is rather generally considered spurious the remark nevertheless is worth inves ga ng, partly because a good case can be made out in support of such an ambi on on the part of Travis, and partly because the manuscript, if spurious, must have been wri en within a few years a er Travis' death, to be marketed in Europe while Alamo copy was s ll in demand, and, showing evidence of research by the author, may be accurate as to Travis' military dreams.
Did Travis, along with Aaron Burr and Sam Houston, dream of libera ng Texas and thereby establishing himself as the George Washington of a new country? Some data are per nent. One of the few available comments on the character of Travis by a personal acquaintance says he was very ambi ous but put Texas before self. The commentator doesn't say 30 1 whether Travis ambi on was poli cal or financial or social; but much of the man's ac vi es in Texas dealt with ma ers of colonial poli cs-and it was he more than any other Texan who brought about the rise of the war party. That he looked forward to wealth is indicated in his le er to a friend regarding the care of his li le son, "If the country should be saved, I may make him a splendid fortune. . . ." There is li le indica on that he had any social ambi on other than that a ending a good name.
A search of his le ers shows that he diploma cally concealed selfish ambi on, if such he had; but a glimpse of his manoeuvres during the Revolu on leads to a plausible conclusion. Travis was a peaceful young lawyer in Aus n's colony, rapidly climbing in clientele and influence, but speaking his mind more and more forcefully in opposi on to Mexican tyranny. In May, 1832, Colonel Bradburn's imposi ons irritated him to the point of outspoken opposi on; and from the me of his arrest and imprisonment, as the probable "tall man, covered with a cloak," he was a militant leader of the war party. In the spring of 1835 there was again fric on at Anahuac. On his own ini a ve Travis raised a small company of volunteers and took the fort. He unhesita ngly assumed authority to demand and accept the surrender of the military forces, to take their arms and send them back to Mexico on parole, like a duly appointed general. For a few weeks colonists were loud in denuncia on of his "rash" act, while Travis quietly, diploma cally went about reestablishing himself in the good graces of important men, without, however, compromising his stand for military opposi on.
1 31 Ruby Mixon, "Life and Le ers of Travis." Manuscript, University of Texas. In this colorful coup did Travis think he foresaw an opportunity to make himself military leader of the opposi on? And, believing as he did that military ac on, not councils, was the necessary course for Texas, did he look forward to poli cal leadership as the natural result of military success? Without going into detail it may be pointed out that he had been successful in building up a following, a strong personal following and a considerable law clientele; and that he had unbounded self-assurance. That he was "ambi ous" already has been men oned. To such a person, with a weather eye out for opportuni es, the foregoing deduc on would not be out of character and would not be illogical. In fact, it seems quite plausible. He could more easily have sided with older colonial leaders in protes ng to the Mexican governor, instead of boldly assuming military authority and rashly throwing the colonies into revolu on. And a er taking the fort he might at least have asked for a council of these leaders to authorize disposi on of the prisoners and their arms. At that early stage of the revolu on he must have felt heavily the responsibility for libera ng his countrymen.
If Travis had calculated to precipitate revolu on his aim was not too bad-- the explosion only being delayed. Rapidly growing fric on between the colonists and Mexican authority brought about a landslide for the war party, cri cism of Travis subsiding, and he finding himself in a more advantageous posi on than before, as the diligent sponsor of the armed opposi on movement for liberty. He lost no me in furthering the cause of the military. His posi on must have looked rosy. But when Aus n
32 returned from long imprisonment in Mexico and declared for military resistance, there was no name but Aus n on the lips of the colonists. There is no evidence that, when an army was raised in October, Travis objected to Aus n's selec on as commander-in-chief; it may be supposed that he favored it. At least, he gave up a seat in the consulta on, called for October 15, in order to go with the army as a captain of scouts under Aus n. In this capacity, by the way, records show him to have been extremely ac ve, accomplishing a remarkable feat of courage, endurance and determina on to win, in his pursuit and capture of a Mexican caballada of three hundred horses across the hard stretch of country past the Nueces.
There is no record of Aus n's having given his ac vi es any recogni on other than congratula ons in a le er ordering Travis back to headquarters camp; and it seems probable that Travis, like many others who craved ac on, became impa ent with the general's inac vity before Bexar. He may, quite conceivably, have been discouraged also at his lack of advancement or recogni on. At least he le the army on November 26. Not content, however, to go peacefully home and look a er private interests, as scores of other soldiers were doing, Travis immediately got in touch with some of the council members and "at their request" drew up and submi ed to Provisional Governor Henry Smith the proposal that a cavalry unit be organized. It is obvious, on reflec on, that such a proposal might have been submi ed by any one of the councilmen without wai ng to have Travis or any other soldier do it; and the assump on may
33 therefore be made that such a unit was originally Travis' proposal. The plan was submi ed early in December and on December 24, Governor Smith authorized crea on of the unit and commissioned Travis "Lieutenant Colonel of the Legion of Cavalry"-this tle going with him to the Alamo. What more potent bet could have been dreamed of as a conquering war machine in those days, for either defense or invasion, than a cavalry legion?
When the "Matamoras fever" began to rage, about the turn of the year, Travis favored the expedi on and was scheduled to par cipate; but by January 12, when Governor Smith authorized him to raise a hundred men and relieve Colonel Neill at the Alamo, Travis was glad to be out of the Matamoras business. It may be he saw no chance to make himself leader of the invasion; it wasn't his invasion; and there were already two leaders! A more probable reason for his sudden change of a tude may have been the fact that, holding his finger on the pulse of the colonists, he realized that without money and centralized command they were backing off from the revolu on. In his three January le ers to Governor Smith he pleads for money, declaring the cause could not be won without a regular army, properly provisioned and equipped. On January 28, a er trying for more than two weeks to raise the authorized hundred men, spending his own money and involving his credit in supplemen ng five hundred dollars sent him by Governor Smith, Travis wrote the Governor that he had succeeded in raising only thirty-five men. He added, "I shall, however, go on and do my duty, if I am sacrificed, unless I receive new orders to counter march.“
34 This is the brand of patrio sm which can never be ques oned in Travis. But it may be pointed out that he had not been overlooking his own opportuni es through recent manoeuvres; that he had not failed to ask for what he wanted. In the early fall he had "asked for and received a seat in the consulta on." In December he had proposed the organiza on of the cavalry unit and, it may be supposed, expected the appointment as its commanding colonel. Successively he had wanted to join the Matamoras expedi on and the Alamo stand as each looked to him like a favorable posi on; but in his le er of January 28, to the Governor, lamen ng the imprac cability of going to the support of Bexar with a handful of men, he all but pleaded to be relieved of the assignment. His plea throughout his January le ers was for sufficient money to raise a regular army. It may be noted that his correspondence was all addressed to Governor Smith, not to Houston, even though he referred to Houston as commander-in-chief and wanted "to get in communica on with him." Houston could not raise money for Travis; Smith, as governor, might be able to. With money Travis could-or evidently thought he could-raise his own army, and, apparently wielding influence with the Governor, might not inconceivably become the recognized military leader. These deduc ons may seem of the Sherlock Holmes variety; yet certainly Travis was wide-awake to every alterna ve, as indicated by his correspondence; and it must be supposed that he knew what he was about.
On arriving at Bexar he became convinced that the point was the key to Texas independence --and he evidently determined thereby to stand or
35 fall. Never again did he ask to be relieved; he was nowhere so well sa sfied as in the center of fire, in the spotlight of the revolu on. His one plea therea er was for more men. He gave no opportunity for advice or counsel from Houston or Smith; in fact, he u erly disregarded Houston's orders, previously issued to Colonel Neill and again to Bowie, to destroy the Alamo and retreat. His mind was made up. Undoubtedly he believed, as did nearly everyone else at Bexar by early February, that Santa Anna would converge his invading forces on that point-which would make Travis, as commander of the Bexar forces, the leader of the resistance. In those days generals were not made in the "service of supply"; they sprang up in the "zone of advance.“
Reference is again made to the so-called "Crocke 's Diary" in which Travis said of the Bee Keeper, "Give me five hundred men like him and I'll march to Mexico City." A remark in Travis' own le er of March 3, probably to 2 David Ayres, reads: "With five hundred more men, I will drive Sesma beyond the Rio Grande, and I will visit vengeance on the enemy of Texas . . ." "I" will drive Sesma . . . "I" will visit vengeance. . . Surely he must have seen himself as the liberator of oppressed Texas.
The le er referred to, as well as all his correspondence from the Alamo, shows one thing definitely revealing in regard to Travis' ambi on: he drama zed himself in the most heroic fashion. A passage in the same le er reads, ". . . and if my countrymen do not rally to my relief, I am determined to perish in the defense of this place, and my bones shall
2 36 Amelia Williams, A Cri cal Study of the Siege of the Alamo. reproach my country for her neglect." Another message of March 3, previously referred to herein, regarding his seven-year-old son, reads in part, ". . . but if the country should be lost and I should perish, he will have nothing but the proud recollec on that he is the son of a man who died for his country." The heroic lines from his famous appeal of February 24, for men are in like vein: "If this call is neglected, I am determined to sustain myself as long as possible and die like a soldier who never forgets what is due his own honor and that of his country. VICTORY or DEATH."
This sort of dream-stuff-seeing himself on the triumphant altar of sacrifice-in combina on with his known daring and leadership, made him a poten al Sam Houston, and serves as the key to his inner self. The highly personal pronoun "I" is inescapable. "I" will drive Sesma beyond the Rio Grande . .. . "I" am determined to sustain myself . . . "I" am determined to perish . . "my" bones shall reproach my country . . . yet Travis was surrounded with men as prominent as himself, doubtless with their full support in his plan to resist rather than retreat. In this lo y, burning self-drama za on is it not permissible, in view of known facts of Travis' life, to envision a spirit determined not to die in ignominy, reaching desperately for the only remaining chance, that chance the greatest open to any would-be hero-the chance to die for a cause?
The supposi on that Travis' original resolu on not to retreat was the result of his belief that his desperate posi on would bring response, and the revolu on would flare gloriously, is a supposi on doubtless shared by
37 many. Surely he must have believed it possible for his men to escape, a few at a me, during the early days of the siege, his messengers having consistently succeeded in ge ng in and out through Mexican lines. Even a er hope of relief virtually was abandoned there was the alterna ve of a emp ng escape. It is reported in the famous address he supposedly made his men the night before the final assault that he offered them that alterna ve. The address, whether spurious or authen c, at least is in character.
But if Travis originally let himself be trapped as bait for the revolu on he soon made it clear that he was willing to go through with the sacrifice. A plausible conclusion as to his state of mind is that he saw his des ny hanging in the balance at the Alamo: If, by some miracle, he con nued to beat off the invaders, wore them down to starva on, or held them ll colonists rallied to the flag, he would be the king-pin, the undisputed leader of the revolu on; if, on the other hand, he and his band were wiped out in defense of the place-in defense of Texas' liberty-his sacrifice not only might s r Texans and United States sympathizers to ac on but would doubtless immortalize the name Travis.
It may be repeated that no conflict between his personal ambi on and his patrio sm has been in mated in this analysis; the purpose rather being to point out the conscious, selfish ambi on that must have accompanied Travis' intense love of liberty and his inevitable challenge of what he considered tyranny.
38