The National Security Education Program and Its Service Requirement
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Resilient Ukraine Resilient
Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement. -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
Survey of Residents of Ukraine
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine May 26-June 10, 2018 Methodology • The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas) from May 26–June 10, 2018, through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. The distribution of population by regions and settlements is based on statistical data of the Central Election Commission from the 2014 parliamentary elections, and the distribution of population by age and gender is based on data from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine from January 1, 2017. • A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: The territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, with the exception of the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas. • Stage Two: The selection of settlements was based on towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to their size: • Cities with populations of more than 1 million • Cities with populations of between 500,000-999,000 • Cities with populations of between 100,000-499,000 • Cities with populations of between 50,000-99,000 • Cities with populations of up to 50,000 • Villages Cities and villages were selected by the PPS method (probability proportional to size). -
What Has Changed? the Dynamics of Post-Maidan Nation-Building in Ukraine
DOI: 10.47669/PSPRP-2-2020 What Has Changed? The Dynamics of Post-Maidan Nation-Building in Ukraine Aram Terzyan Center for East European and Russian Studies Post-Soviet Politics Research Papers 2/2020 Aram Terzyan Abstract The 2014 Maidan Revolution has been largely viewed as the most radical attempt at defying post-Soviet order since the break-up of the Soviet Union. A question remains as to what extent the economic and political problems causing the revolution have been addressed during post-Maidan nation-building. Even though some observers have been critical of lingering authoritarian and corrupt practices, Volodymyr Zelensky’s rise to power in 2019 seems to give a new impetus to political and economic reforms across the country. While, the intensifying anti-corruption efforts and progress on economic reforms (including energy, tax, public procurement and land reforms) have sparked optimism, the Ukrainian government’s ability to successfully overcome the authoritarian legacy and to reinforce the institutional foundations of nation-building seem critical to shifting the reform process into a higher gear. Keywords: Ukraine, Maidan Revolution, nation-building, anti-corruption, Europeanization. Introduction This paper focuses on the dynamics of economic and political reforms in Ukraine after the 2014 Maidan Revolution. Some are saying that “a new Ukraine was born on the Maidan,” by means of demonstrations that not only brought a new government to power but changed the people and their outlook” (Diuk, 2014). Essentially, the Maidan Revolution became a demonstration of Ukraine’s strong resilience and persistence in asserting its European orientation. Yet, the “choice for Europe” does not smoothly translate into substantial Europeanization and democratic consolidation. -
Current Issues of the Russian Language Teaching XIV
Current issues of the Russian language teaching XIV Simona Koryčánková, Anastasija Sokolova (eds.) Current issues of the Russian language teaching XIV Simona Koryčánková, Anastasija Sokolova (eds.) Masaryk University Press Brno 2020 Sborník prací pedagogické fakulty mu č. 276 řada jazyková a literární č. 56 Edited by: doc. PhDr. Mgr. Simona Koryčánková, Ph.D., Mgr. Anastasija Sokolova, Ph.D. Reviewed by: Elena Podshivalova (Udmurt State University), Irina Votyakova (University of Granada) © 2020 Masaryk University ISBN 978-80-210-9781-0 https://doi.org/10.5817/CZ.MUNI.P210-9781-2020 BYBY NC NDND CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Crea�ve Commons A�ribu�on-NonCommercial-NoDeriva�ves 4.0 CONTENTS METHODOLOGY ISSUES ............................................................................ 5 A Reading-Book in Russian Literature: The Text Preparation and the First Opinion of its Use ............................................................. 6 Josef Dohnal Poetic Text Of Vasily Shukshin – The Red Guelder Rose In Russian As A Foreign Language Class ....................................................................................................13 Marianna Figedyová Language Games in Teaching Russian as a Foreign Language ................................................21 Olga Iermachkova Katarína Chválová Specificity of Language Material Selection for Introduction of Russian Imperative Mood in “Russian as a Foreign Language” Classes ........................................................................... 30 Elena Kolosova Poetic Texts in Teaching of -
Prism a Journal of the Center for Complex Operations the Center for of a Journal
PRISM❖ Vol. 3, no. 4 09/2012 PRISM Vol. 3, no. 4 3, no. Vol. ❖ 09/2012 www.ndu.edu A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS PRISM ABOUT CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS (CCO) CCO WAS ESTABLISHED TO: ■■ Serve as an information clearinghouse and knowledge manager PRISM is published by the National Defense University Press for the Center for Complex Enhancing the U.S. Government’s Ability to Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal for complex operations training and education, acting as a central EDITOR Prepare for Complex Operations Michael Miklaucic agencies, allies, and other partners on complex and integrated national security operations; repository for information on areas such as training and curricula, reconstruction and nation-building; relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and training and education provider institutions, complex operations CCO, a center within the Institute for National Strategic Studies developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development events, and subject matter experts MANAGING EDITOR at National Defense University, links U.S. Government education apparatus to meet tomorrow’s challenges better while promoting freedom today. Dr. Jeffrey D. Smotherman and training institutions, including related centers of excellence, ■■ Develop a complex operations training and education community of lessons learned programs, and academia, to foster unity of effort practice to catalyze innovation and development of new knowledge, in reconstruction and stability operations, counterinsurgency, and connect members for networking, share existing knowledge, and COPY EDITORS cultivate foundations of trust and habits of collaboration across the Dr. John J. -
Peace in Ukraine II
Peace in Ukraine (II): A New Approach to Disengagement Europe Report N°260 | 3 August 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Minsk Disagreements ....................................................................................................... 4 A. The View from Moscow ............................................................................................. 4 B. Three Ukrainian Perspectives .................................................................................... 4 C. Separatist Detractors ................................................................................................. 5 D. Mixed Minds among Ukraine’s Western Backers ..................................................... 6 III. A New Push for Disengagement ....................................................................................... 8 A. A Big Push .................................................................................................................. 8 B. Dimming Prospects .................................................................................................... 10 IV. More Reasons for -
Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2019 Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis Nicholas Pehlman The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3073 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © Copyright by Nick Pehlman, 2018 All rights reserved ii Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Mark Ungar Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Julie George Jillian Schwedler THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
Report on the Human Rights Situation in Ukraine 16 November 2017 to 15
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018 Contents Paragraphs Page I. Executive summary ............................................................................................ 1–16 1 II. Rights to life, liberty, security and physical integrity ........................................... 17–41 3 A. Conduct of hostilities and civilian casualties ............................................... 17–24 3 B. Deprivation of liberty, enforced disappearance and abduction, torture and ill-treatment, and conflict-related sexual violence ........................................................... 25–41 6 1. Access to places of detention ........................................................... 25–27 6 2. Deprivation of liberty, enforced dis-appearance and abduction, torture and ill-treatment, and conflict related sexual violence ......................... 28–35 6 3. Situation of pre-conflict prisoners ................................................... 36–41 7 III. Accountability and administration of justice ........................................................ 42–55 9 A. Accountability for human rights violations and abuses committed in the east 42 9 B. Fair trial rights ............................................................................................ 43–48 9 C. High-profile cases of violence related to riots and public disturbances ......... 49–55 10 1. Accountability for the killings of protesters at Maidan .................... -
Until Something Moves Reinforcing the Baltic Region in Crisis and War
Report Until Something Moves Reinforcing the Baltic Region in Crisis and War | Ben Hodges | Tony Lawrence | R ay Wojcik | April 2020 Title: Until Something Moves: Reinforcing the Baltic Region in Crisis and War Authors: Hodges, Ben; Lawrence, Tony; Wojcik, Ray Publication date: April 2020 Category: Report Cover page photo: “Newton’s Cradle at Kurpark, Bad Laer Germany” (cropped) © Lucas Randall on Flickr, made available under an Attribution-NonCommercial 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC 2.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/). Keywords: reception, staging, and onward movement; military mobility; reinforcement; defence; deterrence; NATO; Baltic states; Poland Disclaimer: The views and opinions contained in this report are those of its authors only and do not necessarily represent the positions of the International Centre for Defence and Security or the Center for European Policy Analysis. ISSN 2228-0529 ISBN 978-9949-7385-8-8 (PRINT) ISBN 978-9949-7385-9-5 (PDF) ©International Centre for Defence and Security 63/4 Narva Rd., 10152 Tallinn, Estonia [email protected], www.icds.ee I Until Something Moves I Acknowledgments We are very grateful to all the representatives of the Allied institutions and countries who agreed to be interviewed for this study and who were generous with their time and frank with their opinions. We are also grateful to Sean Fahey who, while working as an intern at ICDS, assisted greatly in gathering background information. While we have received much valuable help from others, the conclusions and recommendations of this study, and any errors of fact or judgement, are ours alone.