Mesoamerican Literacies: Indigenous Writing Systems and Contemporary Possibilities
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An Environmental History of the Middle Rio Grande Basin
United States Department of From the Rio to the Sierra: Agriculture Forest Service An Environmental History of Rocky Mountain Research Station the Middle Rio Grande Basin Fort Collins, Colorado 80526 General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5 Dan Scurlock i Scurlock, Dan. 1998. From the rio to the sierra: An environmental history of the Middle Rio Grande Basin. General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5. Fort Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station. 440 p. Abstract Various human groups have greatly affected the processes and evolution of Middle Rio Grande Basin ecosystems, especially riparian zones, from A.D. 1540 to the present. Overgrazing, clear-cutting, irrigation farming, fire suppression, intensive hunting, and introduction of exotic plants have combined with droughts and floods to bring about environmental and associated cultural changes in the Basin. As a result of these changes, public laws were passed and agencies created to rectify or mitigate various environmental problems in the region. Although restoration and remedial programs have improved the overall “health” of Basin ecosystems, most old and new environmental problems persist. Keywords: environmental impact, environmental history, historic climate, historic fauna, historic flora, Rio Grande Publisher’s Note The opinions and recommendations expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the USDA Forest Service. Mention of trade names does not constitute endorsement or recommendation for use by the Federal Government. The author withheld diacritical marks from the Spanish words in text for consistency with English punctuation. Publisher Rocky Mountain Research Station Fort Collins, Colorado May 1998 You may order additional copies of this publication by sending your mailing information in label form through one of the following media. -
The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec
Mesoamerican Ancient Civilizations The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec Olmecs of Teotihuacán -“The People of the Land of Rubber…” -Large stone heads -Art found throughout Mesoamerica Olmec Civilization Origin and Impact n The Olmec civilization was thought to have originated around 1500 BCE. Within the next three centuries of their arrival, the people built their capital at Teotihuacán n This ancient civilization was believed by some historians to be the Mother-culture and base of Mesoamerica. “The city may well be the basic civilization out of which developed such high art centers as those of Maya, Zapotecs, Toltecs, and Totonacs.” – Stirling Cultural Practices n The Olmec people would bind wooden planks to the heads of infants to create longer and flatter skulls. n A game was played with a rubber ball where any part of the body could be used except for hands. Religion and Art n The Olmecs believed that celestial phenomena such as the phases of the moon affected daily life. n They worshipped jaguars, were-jaguars, and sometimes snakes. n Artistic figurines and toys were found, consisting of a jaguar with a tube joining its front and back feet, with clay disks forming an early model of the wheel. n Large carved heads were found that were made from the Olmecs. Olmec Advancements n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican societies, and the first to cultivate corn. n They built pyramid type structures n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican civilizations to create a form of the wheel, though it was only used for toys. -
Olmec Mirrors: an Example of Archaeological American Mirrors
1 Olmec mirrors: an example of archaeological American mirrors José J. Lunazzi Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Instituto de Física 13083-970 - Campinas - SP - Brazil [email protected] ABSTRACT Archaeological mirrors from the Olmec civilization are described according to bibliographic references and to personal observations and photographs. CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. APPEARANCE OF THE MIRRORS 3. HOW TO FIND THEM 4. THEIR SIGNIFICANCE IN THE CULTURAL CONTEXT OF THE OLMECS 5. TYPES OF MIRRORS 6. ON THE QUALITY OF REFRACTIVE ELEMENTS 7. CONCLUSIONS 8. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 9. REFERENCES 2 1. INTRODUCTION This report was not intended to give all the available information on the subject, but just a simple description that may be valuable for improving the knowledge that the optical community may have on it. The author believes to have consulted most of the available scientific bibliography as it can be traced through cross-referencing from the most recent papers. Olmec mirrors are the most ancient archaeological mirrors from Mexico and constitute a very good example of ancient American mirrors. The oldest mirrors found in America are from the Incas, made about 800 years before the Olmecs, dated from findings in archaeological sites in Peru. How this technology would have been extended to the north, appearing within the Olmecs, later within the Teotihuacan civilization, a few centuries before the Spanish colonization, is an interesting matter. Mirrors are important also within the Aztec civilization, that appeared in the proximity of the Olmec and Teotihuacan domains at about the time of their extintion. The extension of the geographic area where these mirrors were employed seems to us not entirely well-known. -
The PARI Journal Vol. XIV, No. 2
ThePARIJournal A quarterly publication of the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute Volume XIV, No. 2, Fall 2013 Mesoamerican Lexical Calques in Ancient Maya Writing and Imagery In This Issue: CHRISTOPHE HELMKE University of Copenhagen Mesoamerican Lexical Calques Introduction ancient cultural interactions which might otherwise go undetected. in Ancient Maya The process of calquing is a fascinating What follows is a preliminary treat- Writing and Imagery aspect of linguistics since it attests to ment of a small sample of Mesoamerican contacts between differing languages by lexical calques as attested in the glyphic and manifests itself in a variety of guises. Christophe Helmke corpus of the ancient Maya. The present Calquing involves loaning or transferring PAGES 1-15 treatment is not intended to be exhaus- items of vocabulary and even phonetic tive; instead it provides an insight into • and syntactic traits from one language 1 the types, antiquity, and longevity of to another. Here I would like to explore The Further Mesoamerican calques in the hopes that lexical calques, which is to say the loaning Adventures of Merle this foray may stimulate additional and of vocabulary items, not as loanwords, (continued) more in-depth treatment in the future. but by means of translating their mean- by ing from one language to another. In this Merle Greene sense calques can be thought of as “loan Calques in Mesoamerica Robertson translations,” in which only the semantic Lexical calques have occupied a privileged PAGES 16-20 dimension is borrowed. Calques, unlike place in the definition of Mesoamerica as a loanwords, are not liable to direct phono- linguistic area (Campbell et al. -
First Civilizations Cities, States, and Unequal Societies 3500 B.C.E.–500 B.C.E
c h a p t e r t h r e e First Civilizations Cities, States, and Unequal Societies 3500 B.C.E.–500 B.C.E. “Over 100 miles of wilderness, deep exploration into pristine lands, the solitude of backcountry camping, 4-4 trails, and ancient American Indian rock art and ruins. You can’t find a better way to escape civilization!”1 So goes an advertisement for a vacation in Utah’s Canyonlands National Park, one of thousands of similar attempts to lure apparently constrained, beleaguered, and “civilized” city-dwellers into the spacious freedom of the wild and the imagined simplicity of earlier times. This urge to “escape from civilization” has long been a central feature in modern life. It is a major theme in Mark Twain’s famous novel The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, in which the restless and rebellious Huck resists all efforts to “civilize” him by fleeing to the freedom of life on the river. It is a large part of the “cowboy” image in American culture, and it permeates environmentalist efforts to protect the remaining wilderness areas of the country. Nor has this impulse been limited to modern societies and the Western world. The ancient Chinese teachers of Daoism likewise urged their followers to abandon the structured and demanding world of urban and civilized life and to immerse themselves in the eternal patterns of the natural order. It is a strange paradox that we count the creation of civilization among the major achievements of humankind and yet people within these civilizations have often sought to escape the constraints, artificiality, hierarchies, and other discontents of city living. -
In What Ways Were the Maya, the Aztecs, and the Inca Advanced for Their Time?
DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” CorrectionKey=A perform the task In what ways were the Maya, the Aztecs, and the Inca advanced for their time? You will read: You will write: ▶ THREE INFORMATIVE ▶ AN INFORMATIVE ESSAY ARTICLES In what ways were the Maya, the Mayan Civilization Aztecs, and the Inca advanced for their time? Aztecs The Inca © Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company • ImageVision/Getty ©Digital ImagesCredits: Unit 2: Informative Essay 55 9_LNLEAS147591_U2S3O.indd 55 5/30/13 1:52 PM DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” CorrectionKey=A CorrectionKey=A Part 1: Read Sources Source 1: Informative Article Mayan Civilization 30 by Suzanne Hopkins AS YOU READ Identify key Long before the rise of the Inca and Aztec Empires, Mayan terms that you might want to civilization flourished in Central America. The Maya first settled use in your essay. in the region as early as 1500 BC, growing maize and living in small agricultural communities. But by about AD 200, these villages were NOTES becoming cities. At its height, Mayan civilization included more than 40 cities, each with a population of 5,000 to 50,000 people. The cities had 40 huge stone buildings, including palaces, pyramids, and temples. Each city-state was ruled by a king. Mayan Society Mayan society was hierarchical, divided by both class and 10 profession. Below the king was a class of nobles; a middle class was composed of priests and commoners; at the lowest level were slaves. -
The Moche Lima Beans Recording System, Revisited
THE MOCHE LIMA BEANS RECORDING SYSTEM, REVISITED Tomi S. Melka Abstract: One matter that has raised sufficient uncertainties among scholars in the study of the Old Moche culture is a system that comprises patterned Lima beans. The marked beans, plus various associated effigies, appear painted by and large with a mixture of realism and symbolism on the surface of ceramic bottles and jugs, with many of them showing an unparalleled artistry in the great area of the South American subcontinent. A range of accounts has been offered as to what the real meaning of these items is: starting from a recrea- tional and/or a gambling game, to a divination scheme, to amulets, to an appli- cation for determining the length and order of funerary rites, to a device close to an accountancy and data storage medium, ending up with an ‘ideographic’, or even a ‘pre-alphabetic’ system. The investigation brings together structural, iconographic and cultural as- pects, and indicates that we might be dealing with an original form of mnemo- technology, contrived to solve the problems of medium and long-distance com- munication among the once thriving Moche principalities. Likewise, by review- ing the literature, by searching for new material, and exploring the structure and combinatory properties of the marked Lima beans, as well as by placing emphasis on joint scholarly efforts, may enhance the studies. Key words: ceramic vessels, communicative system, data storage and trans- mission, fine-line drawings, iconography, ‘messengers’, painted/incised Lima beans, patterns, pre-Inca Moche culture, ‘ritual runners’, tokens “Como resultado de la falta de testimonios claros, todas las explicaciones sobre este asunto parecen in- útiles; divierten a la curiosidad sin satisfacer a la razón.” [Due to a lack of clear evidence, all explana- tions on this issue would seem useless; they enter- tain the curiosity without satisfying the reason] von Hagen (1966: 157). -
Place Names Describing Fossils in Oral Traditions
Place names describing fossils in oral traditions ADRIENNE MAYOR Classics Department, Stanford University, Stanford CA 94305 (e-mail: [email protected]) Abstract: Folk explanations of notable geological features, including fossils, are found around the world. Observations of fossil exposures (bones, footprints, etc.) led to place names for rivers, mountains, valleys, mounds, caves, springs, tracks, and other geological and palaeonto- logical sites. Some names describe prehistoric remains and/or refer to traditional interpretations of fossils. This paper presents case studies of fossil-related place names in ancient and modern Europe and China, and Native American examples in Canada, the United States, and Mexico. Evidence for the earliest known fossil-related place names comes from ancient Greco-Roman and Chinese literature. The earliest documented fossil-related place name in the New World was preserved in a written text by the Spanish in the sixteenth century. In many instances, fossil geonames are purely descriptive; in others, however, the mythology about a specific fossil locality survives along with the name; in still other cases the geomythology is suggested by recorded traditions about similar palaeontological phenomena. The antiquity and continuity of some fossil-related place names shows that people had observed and speculated about miner- alized traces of extinct life forms long before modern scientific investigations. Traditional place names can reveal heretofore unknown geomyths as well as new geologically-important sites. Traditional folk names for geological features in the Named fossil sites in classical antiquity landscape commonly refer to mythological or and modern Greece legendary stories that accounted for them (Vitaliano 1973). Landmarks notable for conspicuous fossils Evidence for the practice of naming specific fossil have been named descriptively or mythologically locales can be found in classical antiquity. -
Oxnard Course Outline
Course ID: ANTH R113 Curriculum Committee Approval Date: 09/27/2017 Catalog Start Date: Fall 2018 COURSE OUTLINE OXNARD COLLEGE I. Course Identification and Justification: A. Proposed course id: ANTH R113 Banner title: Ancient Civ of the Americas Full title: Ancient Civilizations of the Americas Previous course id: ANTH R113 Banner title: Ancient Civ of the Americas Full title: Ancient Civilizations of the Americas B. Reason(s) course is offered: This course introduces students to the ancient civilizations of the Americas. It fulfills lower division anthropology requirements at the UC and CSU campuses, is part of the anthropology AA-T, and is on the local, IGETC and CSU GE lists. It also satisfies the ethnic studies requirements at most schools and is accepted as part of the core curriculum for anthropology majors at most colleges and universities. C. Reason(s) for current outline revision: 5 Year Update and course description D. C-ID: 1. C-ID Descriptor: 2. C-ID Status: Not Applicable E. Co-listed as: Current: None Previous: II. Catalog Information: A. Units: Current: 3.00 Previous: 3.00 B. Course Hours: 1. In-Class Contact Hours: Lecture: 52.5 Activity: 0 Lab: 0 2. Total In-Class Contact Hours: 52.5 3. Total Outside-of-Class Hours: 105 4. Total Student Learning Hours: 157.5 C. Prerequisites, Corequisites, Advisories, and Limitations on Enrollment: 1. Prerequisites Current: Previous: 2. Corequisites Current: Previous: 3. Advisories: Current: Previous: 4. Limitations on Enrollment: Current: Previous: D. Catalog description: Current: This course introduces students to the early civilizations of North America, South America, and Mesoamerica. -
The Gentics of Civilization: an Empirical Classification of Civilizations Based on Writing Systems
Comparative Civilizations Review Volume 49 Number 49 Fall 2003 Article 3 10-1-2003 The Gentics of Civilization: An Empirical Classification of Civilizations Based on Writing Systems Bosworth, Andrew Bosworth Universidad Jose Vasconcelos, Oaxaca, Mexico Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr Recommended Citation Bosworth, Bosworth, Andrew (2003) "The Gentics of Civilization: An Empirical Classification of Civilizations Based on Writing Systems," Comparative Civilizations Review: Vol. 49 : No. 49 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol49/iss49/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Comparative Civilizations Review by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Bosworth: The Gentics of Civilization: An Empirical Classification of Civil 9 THE GENETICS OF CIVILIZATION: AN EMPIRICAL CLASSIFICATION OF CIVILIZATIONS BASED ON WRITING SYSTEMS ANDREW BOSWORTH UNIVERSIDAD JOSE VASCONCELOS OAXACA, MEXICO Part I: Cultural DNA Introduction Writing is the DNA of civilization. Writing permits for the organi- zation of large populations, professional armies, and the passing of complex information across generations. Just as DNA transmits biolog- ical memory, so does writing transmit cultural memory. DNA and writ- ing project information into the future and contain, in their physical structure, imprinted knowledge. -
Rao Et Al., 2009A; Rao, 2010) Or Lee and Colleagues (Lee Et Al., 2010A) Works
Corpora and Statistical Analysis of Non-Linguistic Symbol Systems Richard Sproat January 21, 2013 Abstract We report on the creation and analysis of a set of corpora of non-linguistic symbol systems. The resource, the first of its kind, consists of data from seven systems, both ancient and modern, with two further systems under development, and several others planned. The systems represent a range of types, including heraldic systems, formal systems, and systems that are mostly or purely decorative. We also compare these systems statistically with a large set of linguistic systems, which also range over both time and type. We show that none of the measures proposed in published work by Rao and colleagues (Rao et al., 2009a; Rao, 2010) or Lee and colleagues (Lee et al., 2010a) works. In particular, Rao’s entropic measures are evidently useless when one considers a wider range of examples of real non-linguistic symbol systems. And Lee’s measures, with the cutoff values they propose, misclassify nearly all of our non-linguistic systems. However, we also show that one of Lee’s measures, with different cutoff values, as well as another measure we develop here, do seem useful. We further demonstrate that they are useful largely because they are both highly correlated with a rather trivial feature: mean text length. ⃝c 2012–2013, Richard Sproat 1 1 Introduction Humans have been using symbols for many millenia to represent many different kinds of information. In some cases a single symbol represents a single concept, and is not part of any larger symbol system: an example is the red, blue and white helical symbol for a barber shop. -
Mexico), a Riverine Settlement in the Usumacinta Region
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE From Movement to Mobility: The Archaeology of Boca Chinikihá (Mexico), a Riverine Settlement in the Usumacinta Region A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology by Nicoletta Maestri June 2018 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Wendy Ashmore, Chairperson Dr. Scott L. Fedick Dr. Karl A. Taube Copyright by Nicoletta Maestri 2018 The Dissertation of Nicoletta Maestri is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation talks about the importance of movement and – curiously enough – it is the result of a journey that started long ago and far away. Throughout this journey, several people, in the US, Mexico and Italy, helped me grow personally and professionally and contributed to this accomplishment. First and foremost, I wish to thank the members of my dissertation committee: Wendy Ashmore, Scott Fedick and Karl Taube. Since I first met Wendy, at a conference in Mexico City in 2005, she became the major advocate of me pursuing a graduate career at UCR. I couldn’t have hoped for a warmer and more engaged and encouraging mentor. Despite the rough start and longer path of my graduate adventure, she never lost faith in me and steadily supported my decisions. Thank you, Wendy, for your guidance and for being a constant inspiration. During my graduate studies and in developing my dissertation research, Scott and Karl offered valuable advice, shared their knowledge on Mesoamerican cultures and peoples and provided a term of reference for rigorous and professional work. Aside from my committee, I especially thank Tom Patterson for his guidance and patience in our “one-to-one” core theory meetings.