Comparing the Impact of National Identity on Democratic Development Between Taiwan and South Korea
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The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Unlocking Teie: Secrets of Domestk Political Hegemow
UNLOCKING TEIE: SECRETS OF DOMESTK POLITICAL HEGEMOW. P OLïïICAL SPACE AND ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION IN TAIWAN AND SOUTH KOREA, 1987-2000 Michael Edward Huenefeld B.A. (Won), University of British Columbia, 1998 THESIS SUBMlTi'ED IN PARTIAL OF THE REQUlREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science OMichael Edward Huenefeld 2000 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY August 2000 Ali rights resewed- This work may not be ceproduceci in whole or part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. This thesis argues tbat, under certain conditions, economic liberalization can strengthen the plitical position of consewative coalitions in transitional democracies. A large body of titerature on the effect of market-opening reforms and democratization posits that economic libedization, by generating social change, cceates new opportunicies for political refonn. This viewpoint, while not unchallenged, appears to be predorninant within academic circles. Through an empirical analysis of two case studies, Taiwan and South Korea, this study contributes a new perspective to the debate over the political effect of economic liberalization. The luialysis of these two countries focuses especially on the impact of market-opening refonn on the electoral- ideological area of pditical lik, an area (termed "political space" by this thesis) to which most existing literaîure seerns to attach only secondary importance (as it focuses ptimarily on institutional dynamics). Taiwan began its democratization process in 1987 with the lifting of marumarualIaw, while the fit rneasures to liberalize the island's economy were implernented in the 1980s. However, as economic and institutional cefonn progressed throughout the 1990s. conservative political elements (represented rnainly by the Kuominrang) have managed to mniatain their dominance over Taiwan's political space. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 104 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 104 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Vol. 142 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1996 No. 97 House of Representatives The House met at 12 noon and was THE JOURNAL H. Con. Res. 102. Concurrent resolution called to order by the Speaker pro tem- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The concerning the emancipation of the Iranian Baha'i community. pore [Mr. WHITE]. Chair has examined the Journal of the The message also announced that the f last day's proceedings and announces to the House his approval thereof. Senate had passed with amendments in Pursuant to clause 1, rule I, the Jour- which the concurrence of the House is DESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER nal stands approved. requested, bills of the House of the fol- PRO TEMPORE Mr. WYNN. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to lowing titles: The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- clause 1, rule I, I demand a vote on H.R. 3517. An act making appropriations fore the House the following commu- agreeing to the Speaker's approval of for military construction, family housing, nication from the Speaker: the Journal. and base realignment and closure for the De- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The partment of Defense for the fiscal year end- WASHINGTON, DC, ing September 30, 1997, and for other pur- June 27, 1996. question is on the Chair's approval of poses. I hereby designate the Honorable RICK the Journal. H.R. 3525. An act to amend title 18, United WHITE to act as Speaker pro tempore on this The question was taken; and the States Code, to clarify the Federal jurisdic- day. -
Cross-Strait Relations After the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election: the Impact of Changing Taiwanese Identity
Cross-Strait Relations after the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election: The Impact of Changing Taiwanese Identity Yitan Li, Ph.D. Associate Professor Political Science Seattle University [email protected] Enyu Zhang, Ph.D. Associate Professor International Studies Seattle University [email protected] Although cross-strait relations have been the most stable in the last eight years under the pro-mainland KMT government, the pro-independence DPP scored a major victory in the 2016 presidential and parliamentary elections. This paper examines ways identity changes in Taiwan have influenced how Taiwanese view and deal with cross-strait relations and reactions from the mainland after the January elections. Using constructivism as the theoretical framework and survey data, we argue that Taiwan’s continued democratization has created a different social and political experience. This experience has solidified over time and created a unique Taiwanese identity. As time passes, the KMT which has a stronger historical and social lineage with the mainland is being weakened by Taiwan’s changing experience and identity. Nevertheless, peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are not only essential for people on both sides of the strait, they are essential for the region and the world. Both the new DPP government and the mainland government must rethink their strategies and policies in order to construct a new framework to ensure continued peace and stability in the region. *This is a preliminary draft. Please do not cite without authors’ permission. Introduction On January 16th, 2016, Taiwanese voters went to the polls to elect their next president and legislative members. Although it was no surprise that the incumbent Nationalist (KMT) Party led by Eric Chu Li-luan had been in trouble, the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) led by Tsai Ing-wen won a landslide victory in both the presidential and parliamentary elections. -
A View from the United States on ROK-US Relations
A View from the United States on ROK-U.S. Relations Mark Tokola 56 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies For the proverbial visitor from Mars, the political situation in Northeast Asia is inexplicable. Sitting amidst a group of relatively stable, wealthy, and powerful countries, is a small, poor, belligerent nation that all agree is a threat to regional stability. Furthermore, the rogue state has been sanctioned and its behavior condemned by the United Nations for its weapons programs and its human rights abuses. Why can the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, the United States, Russia, and China not combine their considerable leverage to do something about North Korea? The question can be divided into two parts: 1) could external pressure change North Korea’s behavior? and 2) is there something getting in the way of coordination among the five regional powers? Although the first question is ripe for serious consideration this chapter primarily focuses on the second. The most obvious culprit is the dynamic between China and the United States and its allies in the region. Comparing China’s goals in its relationship with North Korea with those shared by the United States and South Korea, I argue that divergence between them, stemming from the broader context of great power rivalry, is hindering policy coordination, and thus obstructing resolution of the North Korean issue. I do so by first outlining recent examples of military interventions and economic sanctions by large states into and on small states to demonstrate the significance of China’s support for North Korea. I then recount China’s relations with North Korea since the conclusion of the Korean War before detailing U.S.- South Korea relations over the same period. -
Elections for the Legislative Yuan on 19 December 1992, Elections Are Held in Taiwan for the 161-Seat Legislative Yuan
Published by: International Committee for Human Rights in Taiwan Taiwan : 1st Floor, No. 54, Alley 8, Lane 36, Min-sheng E. Road Sec. 5, TAIPEI Europe : P.O. Box 91542, 2509 EC THE HAGUE, The Netherlands Canada : P.O. Box 67035, 2300 Yonge Street, TORONTO, Ont. M4P 1E0 U.S.A. : P.O. Box 15275, WASHINGTON, DC 20003-5275 International edition, December 1992 Published 6 times a year 57 Elections for the Legislative Yuan On 19 December 1992, elections are held in Taiwan for the 161-seat Legislative Yuan. This is the first time in the history of Taiwan that elections are held for all seats of this legislative body: up until December 1991, a majority of the seats were held by old mainlanders, elected on the Chinese mainland in 1947. The present elections are thus a significant step forward in the process of parliamentary re- form, which was initiated by the Taiwanese democratic opposition (the DPP and its tangwai predecessor) in the early 1980s. A total of 351 candidates are running for 125 seats in 23 district constituencies. The KMT and DPP have nominated an additional 52 candidates for 36 "non-re- gional seats", six of which are reserved for overseas Taiwanese. While the present elections can cer- tainly be characterized as more open than before, they are still not fully fair. Control of television and vote buying by ruling party candi- dates are the most obvious methods used by the Kuomintang authorities in distorting the results. On the fol- lowing pages, we discuss a number of the aspects of the election cam- paign. -
ICFET Election Observation Mission 2012 Taiwan Elections Handbook
ICFET Election Observation Mission 2012 Taiwan Elections Handbook ICFET Secretariat January 2012 International Committee for Fair Elections in Taiwan © 2011 International Committee for Fair Elections in Taiwan Taiwan Elections Handbook ICFET Election Observation Mission 2012 CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 Basic Data ................................................................................................................................ 3 PART I .......................................................................................................................................... 5 General Background ................................................................................................................... 6 Historical timeline ................................................................................................................... 6 Constitutional framework ....................................................................................................... 7 The question of Taiwan's status .............................................................................................. 8 Ethnic composition ................................................................................................................ 10 Identity politics ...................................................................................................................... 11 Political structure ................................................................................................................. -
Nationalism in Crisis: the Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’Guksa)
Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) by Yun Sik Hwang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Yun Sik Hwang 2016 Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) Yun Sik Hwang Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto 2016 Abstract South Korea has undergone considerable transitions between dictatorship and democracy under Korea’s extraordinary status as a divided nation. The nature of this division developed an intense political contestation in South Korea between the political Left who espouse a critical view of top-down national history, and the Right who value the official view of South Korea’s national history. Whether it is a national history or nationalist history, in terms of conceptions of national identity and nationalism in relation to Korean history, disagreement continues. The purpose of this thesis is not to support nor refute the veracity of either political position, which is divided between a sensationalized political Right and a caricaturized Left. The aim of this project is to evaluate a series of developments in Korean history textbooks that can be seen as a recent attempt to build new national identities. ii Acknowledgments There are countless people I am indebted as I completed this Master’s thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank my professor and supervisor, Andre Schmid for his charismatic and friendly nature for the past 7 years. -
US-Taiwan Relationship
U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overview of Policy Issues Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in Asian Trade and Finance January 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41952 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overview of Policy Issues Summary The purpose and scope of this CRS report is to provide a succinct overview with analysis of the issues in the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. This report will be updated as warranted. Taiwan formally calls itself the sovereign Republic of China (ROC), tracing its political lineage to the ROC set up after the revolution in 1911 in China. The ROC government retreated to Taipei in 1949. The United States recognized the ROC until the end of 1978 and has maintained a non-diplomatic relationship with Taiwan after recognition of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing in 1979. The State Department claims an “unofficial” U.S. relationship with Taiwan, despite official contacts that include arms sales. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, P.L. 96-8, has governed policy in the absence of a diplomatic relationship or a defense treaty. Other key statements that guide policy are the three U.S.-PRC Joint Communiqués of 1972, 1979, and 1982; as well as the “Six Assurances” of 1982. (See also CRS Report RL30341, China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy—Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.) For decades, Taiwan has been of significant security, economic, and political interest to the United States. -
The Eve of Park's Military Rule: the Intellectual Debate on National Reconstruction, 1960-61 Kim Hyung-A
East Asian History NUMBER 25/26 . JUNE/DECEMBER 2003 Institute of Advanced Studies Australian National University Editor Geremie R. Barme Associate Editor Helen Lo Editorial Board Mark Elvin (Convenor) B0rge Bakken John Clark Louise Edwards Colin Jeffcott W. J. F. Jenner Li Tana Kam Louie Gavan McCormack David Marr Tessa Morris-Suzuki Kenneth We lls Design and Production Helen Lo, Oanh Collins, Marion Weeks, Tristan Norman Business Manager Marion Weeks Printed by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT This is the combined twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth issue of East Asian History, printed in December 2004, in the series previously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. An externally refereed journal, it is published twice a year Contributions to The Editor, East Asian History Division of Pacific and Asian History Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Phone +61 26125 3140 Fax +61 26125 5525 Email [email protected] Subscription Enquiries to Subscriptions, East Asian History, at the above address, or to [email protected] Annual Subscription Australia A$50 (including GST) Overseas US$45 (GST free) (for two issues) ISSN 1036-6008 iii � CONTENTS 1 The Origins of Han-Dynasty Consort Kin Power Brett Hinsch 25 Inventing the Romantic Kingdom: the Resurrection and Legitimization of the Shu Han Kingdom before the Romance of the Three Kingdoms Simon Shen 43 Illusions of Grandeur: Perceptions of Status and Wealth in Late-Ming Female Clothing and Ornamentation SarahDauncey 69 The Legal -
Taiwan-U.S. Relations: Developments and Policy Implications
Taiwan-U.S. Relations: Developments and Policy Implications Kerry Dumbaugh Specialist in Asian Affairs November 2, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40493 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Taiwan-U.S. Relations: Developments and Policy Implications Summary U.S. policy toward Taiwan is unique. Since both the Chinese governments on Taiwan and on mainland China held that they alone were China’s legitimate ruling government, U.S. diplomatic relations with Taiwan had to be severed in 1979 when the United States recognized the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government as China’s sole legitimate government. While maintaining diplomatic relations with the PRC, the United States maintains extensive but unofficial relations with Taiwan based on the framework of the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act (TRA—P.L. 96-8) and shaped by three U.S.-PRC communiqués. U.S. interests in Taiwan include significant commercial ties, objections to PRC military threats against Taiwan, arms sales and security assurances, and support for Taiwan’s democratic development. U.S. policy remains rooted in a general notion of maintaining the “status quo” between the two sides. But other factors have changed dramatically since 1979, including growing PRC power and influence, Taiwan’s democratization, and the deepening of Taiwan-PRC economic and social linkages. These changes have led to periodic discussions about whether or not U.S. policy should be reviewed or changed. Taiwan’s current president, Ma Ying-jeou, elected in March 2008, moved quickly to jump start Taiwan-PRC talks that had been stalled since 1998. -
Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective
Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE June 2017 Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective Kyung-hwa Kim Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Kim, Kyung-hwa, "Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective" (2017). Dissertations - ALL. 711. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/711 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT This study attempts to explain why ALL of South Korean presidents, without exception and notwithstanding their individual major contributions to the process of Korea’s development, have fallen victim to disgraceful downfalls. For the analysis, I employ S.N. Sangmpam’s middle-range theory that establishes a causal link between society-rooted politics and political outcomes. Building on his analytical frameworks that non-Western countries are characterized by over-politicization in politics as a function of social context, I argue that patterned downfalls of all Korean presidents are an institutional outcome of over-politicization in Korean politics, which is itself a function of not fully entrenched capitalist society. In support of my thesis, I test three hypotheses. Hypotheses one and two posit Korea’s tenacious traditional and cultural traits as an internal modifier of capitalism and the nation’s dependent nature of its relationships with the United States and Japan as an external factor that prevented capitalist entrenchment in Korean society.