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Dear Delegates, Congratulations on Being Selected to the Kremlin, One of VMUN's Most Advanced Committees. My Name Is Harrison
Dear Delegates, Congratulations on being selected to the Kremlin, one of VMUN’s most advanced committees. My name is Harrison Ritchie, and I will be your director for this year’s conference. I have been involved in MUN since Grade 10, and have thoroughly enjoyed every conference that I have attended. This year’s Kremlin will be a historical crisis committee. In February, you will all be transported to the October of 1988, where you will be taking on the roles of prominent members of either the Soviet Politburo or Cabinet of Ministers. As powerful Soviet officials, you will be debating the fall of the Soviet Union, or, rather, how to keep the Union together in such a tumultuous time. In the Soviet Union’s twilight years, a ideological divide began to emerge within the upper levels of government. Two distinct blocs formed out of this divide: the hardliners, who wished to see a return to totalitarian Stalinist rule, and the reformers, who wished to progress to a more democratic Union. At VMUN, delegates will hold the power to change the course of history. By exacting your influence upon your peers, you will gain valuable allies and make dangerous enemies. There is no doubt that keeping the Union together will be no easy task, and there are many issues to address over the coming three days, but I hope that you will be thoroughly engrossed in the twilight years of one of the world’s greatest superpower and find VMUN an overall fulfilling experience. Good luck in your research, and as always, if you have any questions, feel free to contact me before the conference. -
Prospects for Democracy in Belarus
An Eastern Slavic Brotherhood: The Determinative Factors Affecting Democratic Development in Ukraine and Belarus Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Nicholas Hendon Starvaggi, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2009 Thesis Committee: Trevor Brown, Advisor Goldie Shabad Copyright by Nicholas Hendon Starvaggi 2009 Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, fifteen successor states emerged as independent nations that began transitions toward democratic governance and a market economy. These efforts have met with various levels of success. Three of these countries have since experienced “color revolutions,” which have been characterized by initial public demonstrations against the old order and a subsequent revision of the rules of the political game. In 2004-2005, these “color revolutions” were greeted by many international observers with optimism for these countries‟ progress toward democracy. In hindsight, however, the term itself needs to be assessed for its accuracy, as the political developments that followed seemed to regress away from democratic goals. In one of these countries, Ukraine, the Orange Revolution has brought about renewed hope in democracy, yet important obstacles remain. Belarus, Ukraine‟s northern neighbor, shares many structural similarities yet has not experienced a “color revolution.” Anti- governmental demonstrations in Minsk in 2006 were met with brutal force that spoiled the opposition‟s hopes of reenacting a similar political outcome to that which Ukraine‟s Orange Coalition was able to achieve in 2004. Through a comparative analysis of these two countries, it is found that the significant factors that prevented a “color revolution” in Belarus are a cohesive national identity that aligns with an authoritarian value system, a lack of engagement with U.S. -
Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: a Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region
CBEES State of the Region Report 2020 Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region Published with support from the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies (Östersjstiftelsen) Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region December 2020 Publisher Centre for Baltic and East European Studies, CBEES, Sdertrn University © CBEES, Sdertrn University and the authors Editor Ninna Mrner Editorial Board Joakim Ekman, Florence Frhlig, David Gaunt, Tora Lane, Per Anders Rudling, Irina Sandomirskaja Layout Lena Fredriksson, Serpentin Media Proofreading Bridget Schaefer, Semantix Print Elanders Sverige AB ISBN 978-91-85139-12-5 4 Contents 7 Preface. A New Annual CBEES Publication, Ulla Manns and Joakim Ekman 9 Introduction. Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past, David Gaunt and Tora Lane 15 Background. Eastern and Central Europe as a Region of Memory. Some Common Traits, Barbara Trnquist-Plewa ESSAYS 23 Victimhood and Building Identities on Past Suffering, Florence Frhlig 29 Image, Afterimage, Counter-Image: Communist Visuality without Communism, Irina Sandomirskaja 37 The Toxic Memory Politics in the Post-Soviet Caucasus, Thomas de Waal 45 The Flag Revolution. Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus, Andrej Kotljarchuk 55 Institutes of Trauma Re-production in a Borderland: Poland, Ukraine, and Lithuania, Per Anders Rudling COUNTRY BY COUNTRY 69 Germany. The Multi-Level Governance of Memory as a Policy Field, Jenny Wstenberg 80 Lithuania. Fractured and Contested Memory Regimes, Violeta Davoliūtė 87 Belarus. The Politics of Memory in Belarus: Narratives and Institutions, Aliaksei Lastouski 94 Ukraine. Memory Nodes Loaded with Potential to Mobilize People, Yuliya Yurchuk 106 Czech Republic. -
Democratic Civil Society - an Alternative to the Autocratic Lukashenko Regime in Belarus
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2002, Baden-Baden 2003, pp. 219-235. Hans-Georg Wieck1 Democratic Civil Society - An Alternative to the Autocratic Lukashenko Regime in Belarus The Work of the OSCE Advisory and Monitoring Group in Belarus 1999-20012 In the past six years, the three major European institutions - the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the European Union - have promoted the development of democratic structures in Belarusian civil society as a political alternative to the autocratic Lukashenko system imposed on the country through a consti- tutional coup d’état in November 1996. Since then, the Lukashenko regime has been backed politically and economically by the Russian Federation. Testing the Ability of the Lukashenko Regime to Reform After the failure of the alternative presidential elections of May 19993 Alex- ander Lukashenko had nothing to fear immediately from the West’s reaction to the loss of his democratic legitimation. However, he suffered a painful de- feat in another field, which he hoped to compensate for by opening doors to the West: At literally the very last minute, Boris Yeltsin, due to the interven- tions of influential Russian political circles (among others, Anatoli Chubais), evaded Lukashenko’s plan in the summer of 1999 to conduct direct elections for the offices of President and Vice-President of the Union between the Rus- sian Federation and Belarus, in which Yeltsin was to run for President and Lukashenko for Vice-President. The elections were to take place simultane- ously in Russia and Belarus. In view of his popularity in Russia, which he had gained by systematically travelling there, Lukashenko could, also in Rus- sia, certainly have won the vote for the Vice-Presidency of the Union with a large majority. -
Nationalism in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Space: the Cases of Belarus and Ukraine Goujon, Alexandra
www.ssoar.info Nationalism in the Soviet and post-Soviet space: the cases of Belarus and Ukraine Goujon, Alexandra Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goujon, A. (1999). Nationalism in the Soviet and post-Soviet space: the cases of Belarus and Ukraine. (Arbeitspapiere des Osteuropa-Instituts der Freien Universität Berlin, Arbeitsschwerpunkt Politik, 22). Berlin: Freie Universität Berlin, Osteuropa-Institut Abt. Politik. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-440316 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Annex to Notice Financial Sanctions: Uk Human Rights
ANNEX TO NOTICE FINANCIAL SANCTIONS: UK HUMAN RIGHTS DESIGNATIONS ADDITIONS Individuals 1. ATABEKOV Khazalbek Bakhtibekovich Given Name Variations: Bakhtibekavich Last Name Variations: Atabekau a.k.a: Title(s): Colonel Position(s): Deputy Commander of Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus Address: Belarus D.O.B: dd/mm/yyyy Nationality(/ies): Belarusian Passport number: Unkown Gender: Male Sanctions Imposed: Asset freeze and Travel ban UK Statement of Reasons: Colonel Khazalbek Atabekov is one of four Deputy Commanders of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus. In his role as Deputy Commander, he is responsible for the actions of the Internal Troops in Minsk and therefore responsible for the serious violations of the right not to be subject to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or torture of detained protestors and journalists, which they carried out following the election of 9 August. Regime Type (UK, UN): UK Date Designated: 29/09/2020 Last Updated: 29/09/2020 2. BALABA, Dmitry Position(s): Commander of the Special Purpose Police Unit of Minsk, (OMON) Address: Belarus D.O.B: dd/mm/1972 Town of birth: Molodenchensky district, Country of birth: Belarus Nationality(/ies): Belarusian Passport number: Unkown Gender: Male Sanctions Imposed: Asset freeze and Travel ban UK Statement of Reasons: Dmitry Balaba is Commander of the Special Purpose Police Unit of Minsk (OMON). In his role as Commander, Balaba is responsible for the actions of OMON in Minsk. Balaba is therefore responsible for the serious violations of the right not to be subject to CIDT or torture of detained protestors, carried out by OMON following the election of 9 August.Regime Type (UK, UN): UK Date Designated: 29/09/2020 Last Updated: 29/09/2020 3. -
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). -
Regional Migration Report: Eastern Europe
REGIONAL MIGRATION REPORT: EASTERN EUROPE Edited by: Anna Bara, Anna Di Bartolomeo, Zuzanna Brunarska, Shushanik Makaryan, Sergo Mananashvili, and Agnieszka Weinar is Report has been published by the European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, Migration Policy Centre within the framework of the CARIM-East project. © European University Institute 2013 The Migration Policy Centre at the European University Institute, Florence, conducts advanced research on global migration to serve migration governance needs at European level, from developing, implementing and monitoring migration-related policies to assessing their impact on the wider economy and society. The CARIM-East project is the first migration observatory focused on the Eastern Neighbourhood of the European Union and covers all countries of the Eastern Partnership initiative (Belarus, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan) and Russian Federation. More information about CARIM-East and links to an electronic version of this file, which is available free of charge, may be found on the project website at www.carim-east.eu For queries regarding this publication, please contact the MPC at [email protected] CONTACTS Migration Policy Centre Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute Via delle Fontanelle 19 I-50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Tel: (+39) 055 4685 817 Fax: (+39) 055 4685 770 Email: [email protected] MPC website: www.migrationpolicycentre.eu CARIM-East website: www.carim-east.eu e CARIM-East project is co-nanced by the European Union. is publication reects the views only of the author(s), and the European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. -
Refugee Voices in Belarus, Moldova, the Russian Federation and Ukraine “Here to Stay?”
REFUGEE VOICES IN BELARUS, MOLDOVA, THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND UKRAINE “HERE TO STAY?” REFUGEE VOICES IN BELARUS, MOLDOVA, THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND UKRAINE CONTENTS Introduction 3 BELARUS 5 Situation for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Belarus –Barriers to Integration 6 Refugee Stories from Belarus 9 MOLDOVA 19 Situation for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Moldova –Barriers to Integration 20 Refugee Stories from Moldova 23 RUSSIAN FEDERATION 33 Preamble by Svetlana Alekseevna Gannushkina, Memorial Human Rights Centre, Migrants' Rights Network 34 Situation for Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Internally Displaced Persons in the Russian Federation –Barriers to Integration 41 Refugee Stories from the Russian Federation 45 UKRAINE 69 Situation for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Ukraine – Barriers to Integration 70 Refugee Stories from Ukraine 73 “HERE TO STAY?” REFUGEE VOICES IN BELARUS, MOLDOVA, THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND UKRAINE The stories in this collection are based on interviews conducted over Summer 2008 by refugee-assisting organisations in Belarus, Moldova, the Russian Federation and Ukraine, as part of ECRE’s project “The Protection of refugees, asylum seekers and forced migrants” sponsored by the European Union NGO project partners in the four countries interviewed 100 asylum seekers, recognised refugees, internally displaced persons and refused applicants identified from among their own client groups The people who were interviewed as part of this project did so voluntarily and in confidence They signed consent forms and were assured -
Press Coverage of Belarus, a Newly Independent Country in Transition by Katsiaryna Ivanova Shorenstein Fellow, Fall 1998 Minsk State Linguistic University
The Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy Working Paper Series Press Coverage of Belarus, A Newly Independent Country in Transition By Katsiaryna Ivanova Shorenstein Fellow, Fall 1998 Minsk State Linguistic University #2000-3 Copyright Ó 2000, President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved 2 An Introduction into the Situation in Belarus In 1991 the heads of founder states of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, that is Belarus, the Russian Federation and Ukraine met at a picturesque natural reserve Belarus is proud of, called Belovezhskaya Pushcha, to conclude that the USSR ceased to exist as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality and to establish the Commonwealth of Independent States. Prior to the event Belarus had already declared its sovereignty and independence but did so following the examples of Estonia, Latvia and Ukraine rather than seeking independence itself. When with the collapse of the Soviet Rule independence came somewhat automatically, it caught many Belarusians off-guard and unprepared. With no recent experience of economic autonomy and barely any history as a sovereign state (for Belarus spent most part of its history as a province of Russia, Poland or Lithuania), Belarus began a difficult transition toward a market- oriented economy and to greater self-determination and democracy. Being part of the former USSR, Belarus's economy was largely dependent on Russia and other constituent republics. As the single economic system collapsed, Belarus lost its traditional markets and found itself in a deep economic crisis. Production dramatically dropped. Inflation, budget and trade deficit significantly increased. -
Culture Wars, Soul-Searching, and Belarusian Identity Grigory Ioffe East European Politics and Societies 2007; 21; 348 DOI: 10.1177/0888325407299790
East European Politics & Societies http://eep.sagepub.com Culture Wars, Soul-Searching, and Belarusian Identity Grigory Ioffe East European Politics and Societies 2007; 21; 348 DOI: 10.1177/0888325407299790 The online version of this article can be found at: http://eep.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/21/2/348 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: American Council of Learned Societies Additional services and information for East European Politics & Societies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://eep.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://eep.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Downloaded from http://eep.sagepub.com by Grigory Ioffe on August 20, 2007 © 2007 American Council of Learned Societies. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Culture Wars, Soul-Searching, and Belarusian Identity Grigory Ioffe* Attaching political labels to a situation whose roots transcend politics con- stitutes a critical weakness of Western policies vis-à-vis Belarus. The con- temporary nationalist discourse in Belarus allows one to discern three “national projects,” each being a corpus of ideas about Belarus “the way it should be”: (1) Nativist/pro-European, (2) Muscovite liberal, and (3) Creole. While the projects’ nametags are debatable, the trichotomy is a useful abstrac- tion, as it reflects the lines of force in the “magnetic field” of Belarusian nationalism. The article analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of each pro- ject, cultural wars between them, the role of a civilizational fault line that runs across Belarus and the attendant geopolitical divisions that underlie multiplicity of national projects. -
Explanatory Notes 2012
CARIM EAST – CONSORTIUM FOR APPLIED RESEARCH ON INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION Co-fi nanced by the European Union The Legal Framework for Circular Migration in Belarus Oleg Bakhur CARIM-East Explanatory Note 12/71 Legal Module September 2012 © 2012. All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be distributed, quoted or reproduced in any form without permission from the CARIM East Project. In this paper we regard circular migration as recurrent entry (and subsequent departure) of foreign citizens to the Republic of Belarus, as well as Belarusian citizens to other countries for a short period of time for employment and labor activities, as well as for studies. It should be noted that the term ‘circular migration’ is not used in Belarusian legislation. Nevertheless Belarus concluded a number of international agreements directed at regulation of labor migration and adopted national legal acts on labor migration and other types of migration that we can consider circular. As far as the main component of circular migration is labor migration, its legislative regulation is ensured by legal acts on labor migration (both international and national) that we have studied in detail in the paper devoted to labor migration.1 1. International cooperation As far as freedom of movement encourages circular migration, international legal instruments ensuring freedom of movement will be analyzed below. 1.1 Regional level: Commonwealth of Independent States The biggest progress in this direction was achieved within the Commonwealth of Independent States. A number of multilateral agreements were concluded2. These agreements encourage circular migration primarily due to the fact that they envisage visa-free entry and transit, as well as unified list of documents for movement of citizens within the CIS.