In-Film Product Placement an Emergent Advertising Technique: Comparative Analysis

between Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films 2010-2013

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the Center for International Studies of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Arts

Kareem R. El Damanhoury

May 2015

This thesis titled

In-Film Product Placement an Emergent Advertising Technique: Comparative Analysis

between Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films 2010-2013

KAREEM R. EL DAMANHOURY

has been approved for

the Center for International Studies by

Gregory Newton

Associate Professor of Media Arts and Studies

Lawrence Wood

Director, Communication and Development Studies

Lorna Jean Edmonds

Vice Provost for Global Affairs 3

ABSTRACT

EL DAMANHOURY, KAREEM R., M.A., May 2015, Communication and

Development Studies

In-Film Product Placement an Emergent Advertising Technique: Comparative Analysis between Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films 2010-2013

Director of Thesis: Gregory Newton

Products have been placed in films since the appearance of Sunlight soap in a

1896 film. However, in-film placement has started to gain much traction in recent decades due to technological advances, such as the internet, Digital Video Recorders, and over-the-top providers that have been lessening the impact of traditional marketing.

Product placement expenses in the American media have risen from $190 million in 1974 to around $3.5 billion in 2004 (Lehu, 2007). The practice is also existent in major regional film centers such as Bollywood, Korea, and Egypt.

This study examined the in-film placement trends in Hollywood and Egypt through a quantitative content analysis of the top earning films between 2010 and 2013.

Results show that the average number of placements was 35.30 and 27.65 per Hollywood and Egyptian films respectively. The practice was aligned in both in terms of modality, product category, scene setting, and character association. 4

DEDICATION

I dedicate my work to my guardian angel, Zeinab El Sayed. I would have never been able

to make it without you, Mom.

أحمدك يا رب وأشكر فضلك

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I cannot express enough thanks to my committee chair and thesis advisor,

Professor Gregory Newton, for his continued guidance, advice, support and encouragement. I offer my sincere appreciation for my committee members, Professor

Lawrence Wood and Professor Drew McDaniel, for their constructive feedback and the learning opportunities they have provided me with.

My completion of this project could not have been accomplished without the cooperation of my friends and colleagues in Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo

University, Rehab Hany and Eman Soliman. I am forever grateful to my Program

Director and academic advisor, Dr. Lawrence Wood, for the countless times you’ve received e-mails asking for help and advice throughout my two years at Ohio University.

Finally, to my mother, father, and brother on the other side of the ocean: my deepest gratitude for your continuous love and encouragement.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract ...... 3 Dedication ...... 4 Acknowledgments...... 5 List of Tables ...... 8 Chapter 1: History of Hollywood and Egyptian Cinema ...... 10 Introduction ...... 10 The Birth of Cinema ...... 11 American Cinema: Hollywood ...... 13 Technology vs. Production ...... 13 Evolution of the Business ...... 14 Finance and Advertising ...... 16 Egyptian Cinema: The Arab Hollywood ...... 19 Birth of a National Film Industry ...... 21 Growth of the Industry ...... 22 Nationalization Wave ...... 23 Privatization and Commercial Films ...... 25 Chapter 2: Product Placement ...... 28 Technology and Advertising ...... 28 Definitions of Product Placement ...... 30 Rise of In-Film Placement ...... 32 Financial Aspect ...... 34 Chapter 3: Literature Review ...... 36 Cross-Cultural In-Film Placement ...... 37 Cross-Cultural Analysis ...... 38 Film Genre ...... 40 Prevalence of In-Film Placement ...... 40 Product Categories ...... 41 Modality, Plot Integration, and Prominence ...... 42 7

Ethics and Regulation ...... 43 Ethically-Charged Placements ...... 44 Realism vs. Deception ...... 44 Regulatory Context ...... 46 Cross-National Regulations ...... 48 Culture Dimensions ...... 50 Individualist vs. Collectivist Cultures ...... 51 Low vs. High Context Cultures ...... 51 Cross-Cultural Advertising ...... 52 Chapter 4: Methodology ...... 57 Sample ...... 57 Coding Scheme ...... 59 Variables and Categories ...... 60 Inter-coder Reliability ...... 62 Chapter 5: Results ...... 64 Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusion ...... 82 Discussion ...... 82 Conclusion ...... 87 References ...... 92 Appendix A: Coding Book ...... 107 Appendix B: Coding Sheet ...... 114

LIST OF TABLES

Page

Table 1: Placement Prevalence per each Top Hollywood and Egyptian Film between

2010 and 2013 ...... 67

Table 2: Unique Brands in Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013

...... 68

Table 3: Plot Integration and Placement Prominence in Top Hollywood and Egyptian

Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 69

Table 4: Ethically-Charged Products in Top Hollywood Films between 2010 and 2013 ..

...... 70

Table 5: Categories of Ethically-Charged Products in Top Hollywood Films between

2010 and 2013 ...... 71

Table 6: Product Categories in Top Hollywood Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 71

Table 7: Product Categories in Top Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013...... 72

Table 8: Type of Character Role Associated with the Placements in Top Hollywood and

Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 73

Table 9: Main Character Placement Association in Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 73

Table 10: Placement Modality in Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films between 2010 and

2013...... 75

Table 11: Visual Placements in Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films between 2010 and

2013...... 76 9

Table 12: Verbal Placements in Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films between 2010 and

2013...... 76

Table 13: Placement Prevalence According to Genres of Top Hollywood and Egyptian

Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 77

Table 14: Scene Settings in Top Hollywood and Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013

...... 78

Table 15: Product Categories within Dominant Scene Settings in Top Hollywood and

Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 79

Table 16: Character Involvement in Top Hollywood Films between 2010 and 2013 ....80

Table 17: Character Involvement in Top Egyptian Films between 2010 and 2013 ...... 81

Table A.1.: Product Category Codes ...... 107

Table A.2.: Instructions for the Coding Sheet ...... 110

CHAPTER 1: HISTORY OF HOLLYWOOD AND EGYPTIAN CINEMA

Introduction

Although cinema is considered the youngest of many forms of art such as music, dance, sculpture, and painting, it has become an influential industry in the past century due to its interplay with culture, economy, and politics. The tools of cinema are capable of putting the audiences in a different world from their own, yet making films seem real as they watch fictional characters portrayed on the screen (Basinger, 1994); therefore, films have always been distinctive in their potential to shift public spaces (Baker, 1995).

Film is considered a powerful medium that expresses and reflects culture and captivates the audience (Lehu, 2007; Zuhur, 1998), thus it has become an important vehicle for advertising throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first. Unlike other mediums, the actual experience of watching films in the movie theater gives filmmakers some degree of control over the viewer’s understanding. The cinema dictates that the audiences watch the scenes of a film in the same order and duration that were intended by the director unlike a reader flipping pages while reading a book and changing the station while watching television or listening to radio (Basinger, 1994). Films preserve the ability to break through the dominant forms of speech and behavior (Baker, 1995), yet they are often controlled and used by authoritarian regimes as a propaganda tool.

Film has developed into an industry that relies on mass production, distribution, and the division of labor (Shafik, 2007). Although the terms: films, movies, cinema, motion pictures and moving images refer to the same phenomenon nowadays, each entails specific meanings and inventions historically. Meanwhile, cinema cannot be 11 illustrated in a single invention since it is a complex sociocultural phenomenon that has gradually and collectively been institutionalized since the early twentieth century, several years after the invention of devices that played important roles in the birth of the cinema industry as we know it today (Andre & Tom, 2009). This study focuses on in-film product placement as an advertising technique and a financial resource that serves as one of the most commonly used components in the film industry’s business model nowadays.

By comparing the in-film placement practices in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013, the study aims to explore the similarities and differences between the U.S. film industry, which operates in one of the largest markets in the world, and the Egyptian film industry, which operates in the largest market in the Arab world.

The Birth of Cinema

On February 13, 1895, the Lumière brothers patented their invention, the

Cinématographe device, which combined a camera for recording the movement, a printer and…a projector” (Early Cinema, 2014). Ten months later, on December 28, 1895, the

Lumière brothers began the commercial use of their device in the Salon Indien, which was a room annexed to the Grand Cafe on Boulevard des Capucines in Paris (Andre &

Tom, 2009). The International Federation of Film Archives (FIAF) announced that day the date of birth of the cinema industry based on the definition of cinema as “the successful adaptation of a moving image to a projection” for a group of audiences (Andre

& Tom, 2009; Basinger, 1994, p. 10; Darwish, 1998), which means that the birth of cinema involved the inventions of both the motion picture and its projector. 12

Although historians tend to associate cinema with that date, the primacy of the

Lumière brothers remains contestable as some have argued that if the date of birth would be defined as the commercial selling of images to an audience, then the beginning would be in 1894 with Thomas Edison’s invention of the peephole Kinetoscope device (Andrem

& Tom, 2009). Edison’s device allowed a single viewer to watch an uninterrupted series of images unfolding inside. Moreover, some have argued for other dates such as March

22, 1895 when Louis Lumière publicly screened his 1-minute film, Sortie d'usine, to the members of the Societe d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Nationale in Paris; May 20,

1895 when the Latham family used their Panoptikon device to start exhibiting a film of a boxing match for several months to audiences in New York City and other locations in the U.S.; September 1895 when Francis Jenkins and Thomas Armat used their

Phanotoscope device to screen films to paying audiences at the Cotton States Exhibition in Atlanta, Georgia; and November 1, 1895 when Emil and Max Skladanowsky used their Bioskop device to screen eight films to paying audience at the Wintergarten variety theater in Berlin, Germany (Andre & Tom, 2009). However, the Lumière brothers’ machine, the Cinématographe, was the single most well-designed device compared to its predecessors. Therefore, the birth of cinema was a result of technological advancements through a series of inventions by many scientists throughout the nineteenth century.

Advertising in films existed from the very beginning as the first product placement instances were for Lever Brothers’ Sunlight soap in some of Lumière brothers’ films in

1896 (Lehu, 2007).

American Cinema: Hollywood

Technology vs. Production

Although many films have been made in different places in the United States, the word film has been synonymous with Hollywood in the U.S., which has always been the center of commercial American cinema. According to Andre and Tom (2009), during the

1890s, the early film audiences used to watch film hits portraying current events, such as the Spanish-American war in 1898, in middle-class vaudeville theaters. The American vaudeville could be considered the beginning of American popular entertainment, in which theater goers used to watch “a series of entertaining acts that have little or no relation to each other…in one performance,” such as Shakespeare’s plays, songs, dances, and comedy, since the first decades of the nineteenth century (Alter, 1998, p. 9; Xroads,

2014). By the end of the nineteenth century, American companies were engaged in manufacturing their own motion picture cameras and projectors as films were mainly used for testing these technological devices.

By 1905, the new working class was becoming the primary audience of American cinema, and thus a number of nickelodeons, which were commonly referred to as the poor man’s theater, opened close to shopping districts in metropolitan areas (Andre &

Tom, 2009). The significance of these nickelodeons stems from offering a new form of entertainment to the working class, and hence increasing the demand for films.

Nonetheless, a few years later, the means of exhibition was beginning to change from nickelodeon peepholes to large cinemas in which full orchestras, music, and sound effects would accompany the silent films (Basinger, 1994). By the end of the first decade of the 14 twentieth century, the American film production was dominated by Edison and the

American Mutoscope and Biograph Company, which joined into one company in 1908, the Motion Picture Patents Company (MPPC); and thus, the emerging cinema industry started to shift its focus to the production aspect of films rather than testing hardware and technological devices (Andre & Tom, 2009). In less than 15 years after the cinema’s

“date of birth”, film was evolving into a major form of entertainment in the U.S. and most Americans were able to watch them.

Evolution of the Business

During the first decades, films were sold by the companies that produced them, but later the actual projection of films was separated from production; hence a new basis for the industry appeared in which independent exhibitors depended on the railway system to ship films across the U.S. (Andre & Tom, 2009). Film distributors served as middlemen between production and exhibition and they assembled the short films into programs. Film distribution networks emerged and as a result, the film industry prospered into a nationwide business in large American cities, with a growing theater business that was only concerned with showing films to audiences. The Hollywood business system has been clear since the 1920s, aiming to produce films that reach as much audience as possible for the highest profit; and thus the production system “had to transform itself to accommodate changing laws and changing times” (Basinger, 1998, p. 181; Zuhur, 1998).

The gradual increase in the placement of products in films in return for fees or services served as a financial resource in Hollywood’s goal toward high profitability. Studios, stars, and agents were emerging as crucial factors in the Hollywood business model, 15 which later resulted in the studio and star systems during the golden age of Hollywood in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.

The film industry was further developed after the addition of sound and color to film production, which resulted in new genres and more departmentalization of studios.

The Technicolor Corporation, founded in 1915, produced two colored feature films in

1917 and 1922, followed by more colored films in the 1920s using the two-strip

Technicolor process (Basinger, 1994). Other films, including cartoon short films, were produced in the 1930s using the three-strip Technicolor process; nonetheless, it was not until the 1970s when about 94 percent of American films were shot in color. While the adoption of color in the film industry took nearly four decades, the adoption of sound was relatively quick. The first talkie film was Dream Street in 1921, in which the stars sang and spoke for a few minutes only, yet the full-length all-talking film was The Lights of

New York in 1928. By the beginning of the 1930s, talkies became the norm and musicals started to emerge as a new film genre (Basinger, 1998).

According to Basinger (1994), Hollywood passed through several hardships throughout history. Although the introduction of sound was an innovation that might have delayed the effects of the Great Depression, attendance in theaters was declining in the early 1930s. In response, theaters were using different marketing strategies to attract audiences via “giveaways, games, and double features for the same price,” and the studios at that time whether the “Big Five,” Warner Brothers, Paramount, Twentieth

Century Fox, Radio-Keith-Orpheum (RKO), Loew’s MGM, or the “Little Three,”

Universal, Columbia, and United Artists, stood together and shared information to face 16 outside threats regardless the fierce competition among them in the market (Basinger,

1994, p. 188).

Additionally, the Motion Picture Producers and Distributors of America

(MPPDA) adopted the “Production Code” in 1930 as a moral document for producers to follow voluntarily; yet few years later, a limited number of theaters would allow the exhibition of films without the production code certificate. By the end of the 1960s, the

“Production Code” was discarded and replaced by the Code of Self-Regulation, which is the rating system that still exists today (Basinger, 1994). The film studios have been threatened by many factors ranging from depressions, government regulations, to technological restraints, but the cinema industry has always survived by adapting to such constraints and employing new financial and advertising techniques, one of which has been in-film product placements. In fact, the American studio system produced from 400 to 600 films per year during the golden age of Hollywood. Furthermore, the star system was flourishing and the actors whom the public liked had to go through a studio process that included cosmetic surgeries, magazine articles, and colorful portraits, among other marketing and PR activities that would attract audiences to the movie theaters.

Finance and Advertising

Film studios could be thought of as factories that facilitated the mass production of films, in the same way the industrial revolution led to mass production of goods. Early in the twentieth century, advertisers realized the advantages that could be gained from advertising in films; for example, at the beginning of the 1910s, the Model T Ford was often placed in the credits of comedy films, yet it was still carried out in the form of 17 props with no payments from the corporation (Lehu, 2007). In addition, a silent film came out carrying the name She Wanted a Ford in 1916. The use of such props was drawing the studios’ attention to a potential form of finance that could be beneficial for both the film studio and the advertiser. Therefore, with the increasing costs of film production, product placement became a source of finance through advertisers either providing their products and services in return for placements in barter deals or paying placement and agents’ fees; for example, MGM signed a partnership agreement with

American Airlines to provide airliners, logistics, and advertising support in return for placing the company and its airliners in Three Guys Named Mike in 1951 (Lehu, 2007).

During the golden age of Hollywood, most studios’ financing came from “theater admissions, investment capital…film rentals, sale of film access-stories, and affiliated companies” (Basinger, 1994, p. 184), and they were spending huge amounts of money to advertise their films. During the same period, brands started making short advertisements for their products to be shown in cinemas, and toward the end of the 1920s, advertisement programs were a part of the cinema experience (Segrave, 2004). According to Lehu (2007), films’ compatibility with fragmented audiences enabled advertisers to reach a sheer volume of audiences through different film genres; therefore, besides product placements, advertisers started to engage in tie-in advertising with films, through which the advertiser could obtain the right to make reference to the film in a brand’s campaign. For example, United Artists signed a tie-in contract with the cigar brand Owl

“enabling it to base its advertising on the fact that the lead actor in Scarface smoked its brand of cigars” (Lehu, 2007, p. 86). These tie-in operations were beneficial to the film 18 studios in terms of finance as well as the brands’ communications in terms of audience reach.

The strength of American films resulted from its desire to reach, please, and hold the attention of the audience; and Hollywood became the “major definer of the concept

American” and a creator of national myths (Basinger, 1994, p. 15). Therefore, the

American government realized how the popularity of Hollywood films could be used for propaganda and public diplomacy purposes, and thus used them as tools in countries where communism was the on the rise; and in the 1940s, some countries, such the UK and France, restricted the amount of Hollywood films’ revenues that could leave the country due to their immense success. The popularity of American cinema can be defined by stars, technical innovations, and the studio system which all resulted in a developed film industry with a sustainable business model.

However, in the 1950s, the studio system in Hollywood faced dramatic changes when the television, which had been in experimental stage since 1928, drew audiences away from movie theaters (Basinger, 1994). As a result, the studio system collapsed and the entertainment business was restructured due to the shift in power and the entrance of new players to the competition. Major studios started producing for commercial television in the 1950s, whereas Hollywood expenditures on film production dropped from $402 million in 1945 to $250 million in 1955, and production decreased from 450 films in 1940 to 102 in 1980 (Basinger, 1994). Although the television as a vehicle of entertainment was a factor in the collapse of the studio system, it later provided the film industry with a source of financing and a major advantage for brand placements as the 19 films would stay alive on the small screens after they are taken down from the movie theaters. The 1948 Paramount decrees, which took away studios’ control over production and distribution through the forced divestiture of their theaters as well as the increasing competition from European films were other factors that resulted in the collapse of the studio system (Basinger, 1994).

Box-office returns were decreasing and Hollywood studios were losing by the

1960s, hence there was an increasing need for new sources of finance to make up for these losses. Apart from the use of in-film product placements to cut production costs, conglomerates also began purchasing Hollywood studios which resulted in changes in the industry practices; for example, Paramount, Universal, Warner Brothers, and United

Artists became subsidiaries of such conglomerates. With conglomerates’ expansion in network and cable televisions, American cinema was back on track as the Hollywood film production increased by about 150 percent between 1983 and 1985 (Basinger, 1994).

Ever since, Hollywood has been booming with up to 687 films and about $11 billion in total revenue in 2013 (Box Office Mojo, 2014).

Egyptian Cinema: The Arab Hollywood

The invention of film as a modern medium coincided with the last wave of colonial expansion in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Zuhur, 1998), which resulted in a dialogue between Eastern and Western cultures and ideologies that was reflected in the art of the Arab region. Long before the invention of cinema, the Arab world has had a legacy of more than thirty centuries of art and has been home for plays featuring puppets as well as the art of the “hakawati” as an entertainment vehicle, in 20 which traditional storytellers would narrate stories to the public (Zuhur, 1998, p. 13), and this explains cinema’s important role in modern Arab cultures. These forms of entertainment preceding cinema in the Arab region seem aligned with various forms of entertainment in the vaudeville theaters in Europe and the U.S. at the beginning of the nineteenth century. With the birth of cinema being associated with Paris in December

1895, it was only one year later when it passed to Egypt due to its “standing between the

East and West, between Europe and Asia, and holding together eastern and western flanks of the Arab world” (Darwish, 1988, p. 9).

The first screening for Lumière brothers’ films in Egypt took place on November

5, 1896 in one of the halls of Tusun Pasha in Alexandria, followed by another screening in the same month in the hall of Hamam Schindler in Cairo (Shafik, 2007). The first cinema screenings were privately arranged for elite audiences with special matinees for female audiences; and some local religious leaders opposed these screenings (Zuhur

1998). In 1897, a cinématographe was established in Alexandria, which offered regular film screenings, and for several years it was common to screen films during theater performances. Egypt, with a large population of the Arab world, was considered a melting pot in which the western cultures met with the east resulting in a cultural renaissance that paved the way for cinema’s success as a new art (Allagui & Najjar,

2011; Zuhur, 1998). Therefore, Egypt has always been the center for entertainment in the

Arab world, and the leader of cinematic activity as it served as a model for commercial production in the region with more than 2,500 feature films since the beginning of the twentieth century. Egypt, which gained its independence from Great Britain in 1922, was 21 the first and only Arab country to develop a national film industry during the colonial period, whereas most Arab countries didn’t produce any films before their independence

(Shafik, 2007), and some produce only short films to this day.

Birth of a National Film Industry

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Egyptian film industry was in its formative period, in which theaters mainly showed foreign films due to the lack of finances needed to produce Egyptian films (Darwish, 1998). The French company Pathé built the first Egyptian cinema in Cairo in 1906, and there were five cinemas in Cairo and

Alexandria showing foreign films with Arabic translations by 1908 (Shafik, 2007).

Similar to the American films in the 1890s portraying current events, several Egyptian short news films were screened on occasions such as the funeral of the nationalist leader

Mustafa Kamel in August 1909 or the departure of the pilgrimage caravan to Saudi

Arabia in October 1912 (Darwish, 1998). These news films were also made by foreigners. Foreign production companies, especially Italian, saw an investment opportunity in the Egyptian market, and thus they were producing films such as Sharaf al-Badawi and al-Azhar al-Moumita, both produced by an Italian company in 1918

(Allagui & Najjar, 2011).

It wasn’t until 1919 when the Egyptian actor Fawzi al-Gazairli played the leading role in the film Madame Loretta to become the first Egyptian actor to appear in a leading role, followed by Ali al-Kassar in the film The American Aunt in 1920 (Shafik, 2007).

Meanwhile, the first Egyptian filmmaker was Muhammad Bayumi, who shot and produced the newsreel Amun, recording the return of the nationalist leader of the 1919 22 revolution, Saad Pasha Zaghlul, from the exile in 1923 (Darwish, 1998). One year later,

Bayumi directed and shot the first Egyptian fiction short film al-Bashkateb with a foreign budget of 100 Egyptian pounds, which is equivalent to $14.2 today. Although Thabet

(2009) argues that the first exclusively funded Egyptian film was Celui porte le masque in 1917; many have argued that the “Egyptian-produced cinema dates back to 1927,” when the long feature film Layla was produced by producer and actress Aziza Amir, which proved to be a commercial success (Darwish, 1998; Zuhur, 1998, p. 216). As a result, there was a wave of enthusiasm within the Egyptian elite calling for the development of a cinema city in Imbaba, in Western Cairo, to compete with Hollywood; and starting from 1928, an average of two Egyptian films at least were produced per year

(Shafik, 2007).

Growth of the Industry

Following the first locally produced long feature film, the film industry evolved as Egyptian studios produced 44 films in the period between 1927 and 1936 (Darwish,

1998). While the first full-length all-talking Hollywood film was produced in 1928, the first Egyptian talking film, Awlad al-Zawat, was produced in 1930. Another turning point was when the builder of Egypt’s modern economy, Talaat Harb, established Studio Misr in 1935, whose productions resulted in the development of both the cinema industry and the studio system in Egypt (Shafik, 2007). One year later, Studio Misr produced Um

Kalthum’s first film Widad, which signaled the industry’s growth facing obstacles such as the quantification of films regardless the quality as well as the censorship within the 23 three taboos of sex, politics, and religion (Darwish, 1998). These issues of quantification and censorship still constitute major issues in modern Egyptian cinema.

Hollywood’s model has been one of the strongest driving forces of cinema development in the world, and the Egyptian cinema has been following that business model along with its studio and star systems. As a result, a star system developed in

Egyptian cinema in the 1940s, which still exists to this day. By 1948, six Egyptian studios were operating in addition to Studio Misr, and there had been a total of 345 full- length features produced since 1927; furthermore, the Egyptian film industry became the second most profitable after the textile industry in Egypt after World War II, reaching an average of 48 films per year (Shafik, 2007). Not only was the productions screened locally, but a great number of Egyptian films and songs were also distributed to other

Arab countries through an effective distribution system (Allagui & Najjar, 2011; Thabet,

2009). Later, the Egyptian television series have also become widely distributed in the

Arab world. The diffusion of Egyptian popular culture in the region resulted in the

Egyptian dialect being the most understandable to other Arab countries. Moreover,

Egyptian talents were keen on developing their knowledge in filmmaking and production in order to reinforce Egypt’s leading role in the region, and thus it has become a regional education platform and a media hub ever since (Shafik, 2007).

Nationalization Wave

Politics have always dominated the Arab media, societies, and economies (Fandy,

2007). The Egyptian political scene has impacted the film industry, and thus the

Kingdom of Egypt at the time was a catalyst of cultural hybridity, which was reflected in 24

Egyptian films. But in the 1950s, both Hollywood and Egyptian cinema faced dramatic changes. While television posed a challenge to American cinema in the 1950s hindering the golden age of Hollywood, the Egyptian cinema faced the challenge of the nationalistic wave. In 1952, a group of Egyptian military officers, “The Free Officers,” planned a coup d’état which resulted in a wide public support and a revolution overthrowing King Farouk and declaring Egypt a republic controlled by the free officers.

After Muhammad Najib’s rule for a year, Gamal Abdel Nasser became the second president of the Arab Republic of Egypt in 1956, and he led a nationalization movement across different sectors. In the 1960, the Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU) was founded as a state operated broadcaster, and in the following years Gamal Abdel

Nasser was in support of the radio as a primary medium (Zuhur, 1998). The government was nationalizing film studios and theaters. Therefore, the nationalization of film studios and the increasing roles of radio and television “forced the submission of the moving image to the public sector”, which many argue that it has hindered the film industry

(Darwish, 1998, p. 13).

The nationalistic trend didn’t only alter the political, but also the cultural scene as the Western cultural presence in Egypt began to shrink after the 1956 attack on the Canal

Zone by Britain, France, and Israel due to Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal

(Zuhur, 1998). The 1952 revolution affected the quality of Egyptian films produced afterwards in terms of the subject matter and treatment of narratives as the neorealism trend emerged with films portraying the struggles of the lower class. The impact of the politics on Egyptian cinema remains to this day, especially after the unrest in Egypt since 25 the January 25th revolution in 2011. After the defeat of Egypt in the 1967 war against

Israel, “Egyptian commercial cinema emerged and converged with music and dance,” and so singers and dancers were used to strengthen the film industry (Allagui & Najjar,

2011, p. 203).

Privatization and Commercial Films

After Nasser’s death in 1970, President Sadat’s new ideology and economic policy signaled an expulsion of the Soviets and a turn to the West, which was also reflected in the Egyptian cinema in the 1970s and 1980s through films expressing concerns over women’s status and fears of the emerging political Islamism (Zuhur,

1998). The nationalization wave was followed by a privatization era, in which foreign investments, such as French and Saudi Arabian, played an important role in development of the Egyptian film industry (Allagui & Najjar, 2011). Since the Open Door economic policy in Egypt upon its victory in the 1973 war against Israel, there has been an increasing number of commercial films competing in the Egyptian market and distributed to Arab countries and Arab Diasporas abroad. Zuhur (1998) classifies Egyptian films into popular and commercial films for local or regional viewing, on one side, and art or serious films that are usually submitted to international competitions, on the other, a classification which holds true to this day. Both commercial and serious films, whether romance, drama, or comedy, usually explore the tension between tradition and modernity.

By the 1990s, the popular culture was increasingly being used to reflect the threat of political Islam in Egypt and the Arab world. Some have argued that Adel Imam’s films such as, The Terrorist in 1994 and Birds of the Darkness in 1995 were a part of the 26 government’s campaign against Islamists to secure consent for official representations of the terrorist threat (Allagui & Najjar, 2011, p. 209; Baker, 1995).

The development of the commercial film industry in Egypt was tied to the growth of the middle class, and thus there was a wave of commercial films targeting that social class in the 1980s (Zuhur, 1998); however, over the following decades, the modern

Egyptian commercial films have been targeting the lower class with an entertainment mix of songs and belly dancing. Funding Egyptian films has become problematic since the

1990s, and producers “had to turn to foreign investors to sustain the industry” (Allagui &

Najjar, 2011, p. 205). However, the Egyptian film industry reached a peak in 1992 with the production of 70 films; and this number dropped considerably in the late 1990s, with only 16 movies produced in 1997, but the number rose in the past years reaching 60 films in 2008 (Shafik, 2007) before dropping again after the revolution to reach 28 films in

2013 (El Cinema, 2014). In the prevailing star system, production costs usually involve a large amount paid to the film stars such as Adel Imam, Ahmed Helmy, and Ahmed El

Sakka. Some Egyptian films involve large production budgets such as Adel Imam’s 2007 film, Morgan Ahmed Morgan, with a budget of $4.9 million, but only made $4.5 million

(25 million Egyptian pounds); and the 2008 film The Baby Doll Night with a budget of

$6.3 million, which was the highest in the history of Egyptian cinema (Allagui & Najjar,

2011).

Although new media and satellite television provided filmmakers with new spaces for independent cinema, they have also posed a serious challenge to the film industry.

Pirate copies and illegal distribution of the films through street vendors, file sharing on 27 the internet, and airing pirated copies on illegal Arabic television channels have been resulting in revenue losses to production companies. Some companies, such as Al Sobky

Film, are currently dominating the Egyptian market as they tend to produce low-cost and relatively low-quality commercial films that depend on a mixture of singing and dancing that attract a large number of viewers and thus high revenues, especially during the feast holiday seasons. Baker (1995) has criticized such commercial films that portray a tradition of “oriental dance, melodramatic action, and exploitative sensuality” as they play to the lowest tastes and, at the same time, prettify the existing reality and the moral system that sustains it (p. 17). Additionally, since product placement is considered a source of finance and “a means to compensate for the loss of income because of piracy and peer-to-peer exchanges” of films (Lehu, 2007, p. 41), the product placement practice has been used extensively in Egyptian films for the past decade, yet it still lacks organization through agents and product placement specialists unlike the product placement market in Hollywood.

CHAPTER 2: PRODUCT PLACEMENT

Technology and Advertising

Advertising has been used as a means of controlling consumption in the market place. It has been "a fundamental aspect of commercial media markets" that influences the media content (McChesney, 2007, p. 205). According to Beniger (1986), technological advancements result in crises of control which requires more technology to retain control on communication and information processing (p. 8). Hence, the constant technological advancements have been providing the audiences with various media channels and platforms, and thus increasing their control over media use. Cooper and

Tang (2012) describe today's media user as "active within structures", which highlights the user's active choice of convergent media platforms rather than a mere passive exposure (p. 520).

Television has been a major channel for advertisers ever since commercial television started in 1939, and it gradually replaced mass printing as the most important advertising medium (Beniger, 1986). Aiming to benefit from audience exposure to television shows, series, sitcoms, and sporting events, advertisers have been placing their brands in commercial spots as well as sponsoring the type of programming that attracts their target audience. Therefore, ratings in the United States today "guide the allocation of some $150 billion in television advertising" (Webster et al., 2012, p. 13) to the extent that the average cost of a 30-second spot in the 2014 Super Bowl reached $4 million

(Advertising Age, 2014). However, technological advancements such as the internet, remote controls, Video on Demand (VOD), Digital Video Recorders (DVRs), and TiVo 29 as well as over-the-top (OTT) providers, like Hulu and Netflix, have gradually been lessening the impact of the traditional commercial break as they allow you to create your own prime time as well as avoid advertisements. Many have argued that traditional advertising has lost its credibility and effectiveness and that the 30-second spot is now dead due to increasing costs and clutter (Jaffe, 2005; Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Ries & Ries,

2002; Zyman, 2002). The audiences are in more control of their television viewing than ever before as they can access media content anytime via different platforms and easily skip and avoid commercials. Such technology results in new "affordances of modern media" that generate new needs and gratifications (Sundar & Limperos, 2013, p. 512), one of which could be the need and habit of avoiding commercials. High program rating does not necessarily mean that audiences would watch the commercials anymore.

Therefore, the ratings business has shifted to "C3" ratings in 2007 which "combines exposure to commercial minutes plus 3 days of delayed viewing" (Webster et al., 2012, p.

37). Steven Johnson (2001) argues that there are three ways to deal with the public's rising intolerance to advertisements: making every day a "Super Sunday" via engaging advertisements; shifting to smart and custom-tailored advertising by rating advertisements themselves and linking them to consumers' needs; or building advertisements into the content through product placement (Johnson, 2001, p. 214).

Advertisers have gradually been shifting to new techniques that would make exposure unavoidable, one of which is product placement.

Definitions of Product Placement

Nebenzahl and Secunda (1993) cited a definition of product placement as "the inclusion of consumer products or services in motion pictures distributed by major

Hollywood studios in return for cash fees or reciprocal exposure for the films in marketing advertising programs" (p. 1). However, the definition of product placement has been redefined over time by a number of scholars as it is sill evolving overtime (Kureshi

& Sood, 2012); and the practice was named publicity by motion picture, moving picture advertising, co-operative advertising, plugs, tie-in advertising, and trade outs until it became known as product placement in the 1980s (Newell et al., 2006). It has been used in video games recently with an estimated market of $300 million in 2007 to place products in these games (Al-Kadi, 2013). Therefore, product placement generally refers today to the practice of integrating brands in different media: television, radio, music videos, video games, novels, plays, and films usually as a promotional tool in return for payment (Gupta & Gould, 1997, p. 37). Product placement and brand placement have been used interchangeably, yet the term "product placement" is more widely used (Chan,

2012).

Although the first instance of in-film placement was for Lever Brothers' "Sunlight

Soap" in several films in 1896 (Lehu, 2007; Newell et al., 2006; Sung et al., 2008), it has been argued that product placement existed as an advertising technique even before the invention of cinema through the use of the product by an actor or spokesperson on stage.

For example, the famous French actress Sarah Bernhardt appeared on stage wearing La

Diaphane powder back in the nineteenth century and Bass Beer was also placed in 31

Edouard Manet’s tableau titled Un Bar aux Folies-Bergere (Lehu, 2007). Product placement has been gaining momentum as an effective advertising technique in recent decades mostly for its "audience captivity" (Sung et al., 2008, p. 40), which guarantees exposure and makes it unavoidable. According to Purdue University Psychology

Professor Richard Heslin, a viewer’s anti-advertising defenses are low at the movie theater (Lehu, 2007), and thus in-film placements provide brands with an opportunity to reach the audience in that context. In comparison with traditional advertising, product placement adopts a "transformational message strategy" rather than an informational strategy meant to engage the audience with the brand in an entertainment context (Lee et al., 2011, p. 369; Russel, 1998, p. 358). Apart from financial advantages, an in-film placement is regarded as a means to enhance realism since brands “form a part of our everyday life” (Gupta et al., 2000; Lee et al., 2011; Lehu, 2007, p. 48; Nebenzal &

Secunda, 1993; Nelson & Deshpande, 2013), yet it can be excessive at times (Brennan et al., 2004). Nonetheless, product placements could also be found in fantasy and animated films; for example, Shrek and Shrek 2 humorously adapted some brands in the context of the Middle Ages such as Baskin Robinhood, Olde Knavery, and Farbucks (Lehu, 2007).

In-film placement provide brands with a "longer shelf life" (Kureshi & Sood,

2011, p. 246), and thus it serves as an advertising technique that transcends the life span of a traditional campaign. In most cases, the cost of an in-film placement is still significantly lower than the 30-second television spot given the “exponential multiplication of its potential impact” beyond the movie theater (Lehu, 2007, p. 76).

After the film is out of theater, the in-film placements remain as the film moves to other 32 platforms such as television, pay-per-view channels, Video-on-Demand, DVDs, and the internet. Expanding markets have also offered advertisers the opportunity to place their brands in international films, hence maximizing reach and exposure to millions of audiences all over the world. Although in-film placement is typically a standardized technique by default (Gould et al., 2000), there have been instances of adaptation in which the products were digitally altered one brand with another depending on the cultural context in which the film was screened such as in Demolition Man in 1993

(Redondo, 2006, p. 4). Moreover, multinational companies tend to use in-film placements in order to reach international audiences in a glocalized context.

Rise of In-Film Placement

Although it started in Europe more than a century ago, product placement has been regarded as an American phenomenon (Lee et al., 2011). American tobacco companies paid movie stars to promote their products in the 1930s, and until the 1970s product placements were carried out in barter-style arrangements in which companies would provide their goods to minimize production costs in exchange for featuring them in Hollywood films (Mckechnie & Zhous, 2003). The leap in sales of Reese's Pieces by more than 60 percent in three months upon placement in Steven Spielberg's E.T. the

Extraterrestrial in 1982 (Balasubramanian et al. 2006; Eisend, 2009; Gupta & Gould,

1997; Lee, Sung, & de Gregorio, 2011; Nebenzahl & Secunda, 1993; Sung et al., 2008) shed light on the practice and drew advertisers' attention resulting in an increase in the in- film placement practice in Hollywood in the 1980s. Hershey also participated in E.T. the

Extraterrestrial’s launch campaign by investing $1 million in order to be allowed to use 33 the film in the advertising communications for Reese’s Pieces (Lehu, 2007). Other remarkable placement-related sales leaps include the tripling sales of Ray Ban sunglasses upon their placement in the 1983 Risky Business as well as the doubling of the market for

Red Stripe beer after its placement in the 1993 The Firm (Wenner, 2004). In 1984,

Hollywood started using agencies to arrange the practice between filmmakers and advertisers (Mckechnie & Zhous, 2003; Nebenzal & Secunda, 1993). According to Lehu

(2007), expenses on product placements in U.S. media have risen from "US$190 million in 1974, to US$512 million in 1985, and US$1.30 billion in 1994 to reach US$3.458 billion in 2004" (p. 34).

Many researchers have regarded product placement as an additional part of the promotional mix (Balasubramanian, 1994; Gupta & Gould, 1997), and in-film placement has become a popular advertising technique in many countries due to its success in

Hollywood. Hence, expenditures on product placement reached an estimated $8.25 billion across all media worldwide in 2012 (PQ Media, 2012). Major film centers such as

Bollywood and the Korean film industry have followed Hollywood which has perfected the in-film placement techniques over the years. The first record of product placements in

Hindi films was in the 1960s, nearly three decades after Hollywood (Kureshi & Sood,

2011); yet it had not become an acceptable advertising technique until the late 1990s

(Kureshi & Sood, 2012) following the economic liberalization in the same decade

(Nelson & Deshpande, 2013). In 2007, in-film placements in Hindi films were valued at

Rs 2 billion (Kureshi & Sood, 2011, p. 245). On the other hand, the first instance of product placement in Korean films was in Marriage Story in 1992, and the practice has 34 been increasing since the mid-1990s reaching 30 brands in Swiri in 1998 and an average of 10 brands in each of the top 10 films between 1995 and 2003 (Sung et al., 2008).

Financial Aspect

Many scholars have highlighted the monetary aspect in their definitions of product placement, whether in the form of payments or any other considerations (Gould et al., 2000; Guido et al., 2010; Gupta & Gould, 1997; Khalbous et al., 2013; Kureshi &

Sood, 2012; Nebenzahl & Secunda, 1993; Nelli, 2009), and that is what differentiates product placements from other props in the film even though sometimes it is not possible to differentiate intentional placements from random appearances (Chan, 2012; Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004; Redondo, 2006; Webster & Weerakkody, 2013). The price of product placements cannot be determined by absolute terms as they vary according to the brand, time setting, and the type and genre of the film. Clairol paid around $10,000 for its placement in Smile in 1975; California Raisin Board paid $25,000 for its placement in

Back to the Future in 1985; France Telecom paid 450,000 euros for its placement in La

Belle Histoire in 1992; and Ford paid over $30 million for the placement of Aston Martin in Die Another Day in 2002 (Lehu, 2007). In-film placements could help recover "at least

15% of the publicity cost of the film" (Kureshi & Sood, 2012, p. 38); for example, in-film placements in Minority Report accounted for a quarter of the production costs in 2002

(Webster & Weerakody, 2013). Wiles and Danielova (2009), using an event study analysis, concluded that placements in the sampled films were accompanied by an

"average 89%" increase in firms' stock prices during the movie launching" (p. 53). 35

Not only have corporations been interested in placing their brands in films, but institutions such as the U.S. army has also been collaborating with Hollywood studios to gain a window of communication to a large audience in exchange for providing fighter planes, helicopters, and many military infrastructures in some cases as early as in The

Birth of Nation in 1915 and as recent as in The Sum of All Fears in 2002 (Lehu, 2002).

Chang, Newell, and Charles (2009) identified three types of in-film placements: serendipitous placements which are short, informal, irrelevant to the script, and used to fill space; opportunistic placements for which agencies analyze the film scripts to determine potential placements and recommend them to corporate brands; and planned placements which are carried out due to a previous exclusive partnership between a production firm and a corporate brand. This study aims to investigate the similarities and differences of in-film placement trends cross-nationally by analyzing top Hollywood and

Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013.

CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW

Ever since the first published study to measure audience acceptance of in-film placements (Nebenzahl & Secunda, 1993), there have been five trends of in-film placement research: measuring effectiveness of in-film placement, understanding practitioners' views on the practice, comparing in-film placement acceptability cross- culturally, analyzing trends of product placement in major film centers, and comparing those trends cross-culturally. First, researchers have mainly focused on investigating the impact of in-film placement on attitudes, recall, and purchase behavior using experiments and surveys (De Gregorio & Sung, 2010; Dens et al., 2012; D'Astous & Chartier, 2000;

Gupta & Lord, 1998; Hong et al., 2008; Homer, 2009; Khalbous & Maazoul, 2010; Lehu

& Bressoud, 2009; Morton & Friedman, 2002; Toomey & Francis, 2013; Wilson & Until,

2011; Yang & Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2007; Yoon et al., 2011). Second, some researchers have examined practitioners' views on the practice using surveys (Craig-Lees et al., 2008;

Karrh et al., 2003, Lee et al., 2011; Pardun & McKee, 1999) or in-depth interviews

(Chang et al., 2009; Sabour, 2008; Smit et al., 2009).

Four years after Nebenzahl and Secunda's study of 1993, Gupta and Gould (1997) conducted a study, surveying a sample of university students, to investigate product placement acceptability and the ethical effects based on individual differences and the product. They defined ethically-charged products as the products that "arouse ethical concern and differences across consumers regarding their marketing and consumption"

(Gupta & Gould, 1997, p. 38); and the term was used in the literature to differentiate guns, alcohol, and cigarettes from neutral products. Gupta and Gould (1997) found that 37 ethically-charged products were less acceptable than other consumer products, males were more accepting of these placements than females, and the higher frequency of film watching was correlated to product placement acceptability. The findings revealed that product, gender, and frequency of film watching impact product placement acceptability, and these findings were later supported in several cross cultural studies (Brennan et al.,

2004; Gould et al., 2000; Nelli, 2009). Gupta and Gould (1997) have laid the ground for the third trend of research in the past decade as researchers started to investigate cross- cultural acceptability of product placements by replicating the same survey approach in adaptation to different countries and thus compare their findings with the American study.

Cross-Cultural In-Film Placement

A film is an effective medium of communication as it can reflect cultures and people's aspirations (Kureshi & Sood, 2011, p. 244). Hence, advertisers have been spending millions of dollars to place their products in successful films since Reese's booming sales in the 1980s; thus making the U.S. media the largest market in the world, containing over 60 percent of the product placement practice (PQ Media, 2012). In-film placements have diffused to different countries such as India, Korea, Brazil, Italy, and

France following the practice's success in Hollywood. Several researchers have been investigating the acceptability of in-film placements cross-culturally, often replicating

Gupta and Gould's (1997) survey approach, in different countries for the past decade:

Austria and France (Gould et al., 2000), Singapore (Karrh et al., 2001), Germany

(Rossler & Bacher, 2002; Mouskourova et al., 2006), China (Mckechnie & Zhou, 2003), 38

Australia (Brennan et al., 2004), India (Nelson & Devanathan, 2006); Italy (Guido et al.,

2010; Nelli, 2008), Korea (Lee et al., 2011), and Tunisia (Khalbous & Maazoul, 2010;

Khalbous et al., 2013).

In most in-film placement cross-cultural studies, the U.S. was the benchmark to which researchers were comparing audiences in other countries, and American respondents generally seemed more accepting of product placements (Gould et al., 2000;

Lee et al., 2011; Mckechnie & Zhous, 2003; Nelli, 2008). The overall acceptability of in- film placements was higher among Americans yet still generalizable across cultures, and thus there were similar perceptions cross-nationally but with major differences in intensity (Nelli, 2009). Australians were the least accepting compared to Americans,

French, Austrians, Bulgarians (Brennan et al., 2004; Eisend, 2009). In addition, Hall's global survey (2004) revealed that France was among countries like Netherlands,

Finland, and Denmark which object most to product placements; however, another study found that French and Americans were the most accepting of the practice (Eisend, 2009).

Contrary to findings of higher in-film placement acceptability among Americans than in other country in past research, Nelson and Deshpande (2013) found that Indian audiences were more favorable of the practice than were American audiences, and they argued that it might be a result of in-film placement being a relatively new technique in India and thus people may be less skeptical about it.

Cross-Cultural Analysis

The fourth trend of product placement research, analyzing the actual in-film placement trends, was conducted by fewer researchers than were the last three research 39 trends. Content analysis has been used in product placement research since the 1990s.

Some studies have analyzed product placement on television (Avery & Ferraro, 2000;

Edwards, 2006; Fang et al., 2011; La Ferle & Smit et al., 2009); and many studies have analyzed the trends of in-film placements in Hollywood (Cassady et al., 2006; Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004; Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994; Troup, 1991; Webster, & Weerakkody,

2013). Other studies which have focused on in-film placement trends in other countries were mainly in major film centers: Bollywood (Kureshi & Sood, 2012; Nelson et al.,

2005; Nelson & Deshpande, 2013); Korea (Sung et al., 2008); and China (Chen et al.,

2013). Four studies have analyzed the trends of in-film placement longitudinally:

Galician and Bourdeau (2004) analyzed placements in the top 15 Hollywood films for each year 1977, 1987, and 1997; Devlin and Comb (2012) analyzed placements in the top

25 Hollywood films in 2010 and compared the findings with Sapolsky and Kinney's

(1994) study on top Hollywood films in 1991; Nelson, Deshpande, Devanathan, and

Lakshmi (2005) analyzed placements in Bollywood films at four points in time 1991,

1996, 2001, and 2002; and Nelson and Deshpande (2013) analyzed placements in

Bollywood films at five points in time 1991, 1996, 2001, 2006, and 2010.

On the other hand, the fifth trend of research, comparing in-film placement trends cross-culturally, has been very limited. Devanathan et al. (2003) have compared the trends of in-film placement in five countries: U.S., India, Brazil, Thailand, and Korea between 1995 and 2001. Two studies have also analyzed the trends of in-film placement in Hollywood and Bollywood (Gokhale, 2010; Kureshi & Sood, 2011), and another study analyzed in-film placements in a sample of Hollywood and European films in order to 40 measure their target accuracy in Spain, yet only 11 out of the 35 sampled films were

European, ranging from British, Spanish, to French (Redondo, 2006).

Film Genre

Findings revealed that film genres with the highest product placement instances differed cross-nationally. For example, comedy films were the highest in Hollywood

(Devlin & Comb, 2012; Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994), drama/romance in Bollywood

(Kureshi & Sood, 2011), and action in Korea (Sung et al., 2008). This suggests an alignment of the practice with audience preferences in Hollywood as Americans' highest preferred genre for placements was comedy; whereas it differs from audience preferences in both Bollywood and Korean films as the highest preferred genre was comedy and drama respectively (Kureshi & Sood, 2012; Lee et al., 2011).

Prevalence of In-Film Placement

Historically, the average number of in-film placements has been fairly constant in

Hollywood top films in 1977, 1987, and 1997 ranging from 11 to 13 per film (Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004), which is consistent with Sapolsky and Kinney's (1994) finding of an average 11.6 placements per Hollywood film in 1991. However, these numbers have been increasing in the past decade possibly as a result of the advertising clutter to reach an average of 21.12 placements in the top 25 Hollywood films in 2010 (Devlin & Comb,

2012). Additionally, some film genres contain a higher number of placement instances.

For example, action films have constituted about 40 percent of the top 10 Hollywood films from 2007 to 2011, which attracts advertisers (Webster & Weerakkody, 2013, p. 4).

Hence, Webster and Weerakkody (2013) found an average of 75.6 placements in the top 41

5 Hollywood action films in 2010 and 2011, and about 40 percent of the placements were for the transportation product category that includes cars, motorcycles, boats, helicopters, and planes. The frequency of in-film placements differed significantly cross-nationally with an average of 19.1 placements per film in Hollywood between 2007 and 2009, 2.5 in

Bollywood (Kureshi & Sood, 2011), and 16.2 in Korea (Sung et al., 2008). Sung et al.'s

(2008) finding was not consistent with Devanathan et al.'s (2003) finding of an average

4.9 placements per film in Korea probably due to the relatively small sample of Korean films analyzed by Devanathan et al. compared to the large sample of 78 Korean films analyzed by Sung et al. Kureshi and Sood's (2011) finding of an average 2.5 placements per film between 2007 and 2009 is not consistent with Nelson and Deshpande's (2013) finding of 9.6, 8, and 28.4 unique brands per top Bollywood film in 2001, 2006, and 2010 respectively.

Product Categories

Devanathan et al. (2003) found that products placed in Hollywood, Bollywood, and Brazilian films were mostly such high-involvement ones as cars, computers and cameras compared to such low-involvement products in Thai and Korean films as beers.

The most frequently placed products differed cross culturally as clothing brands followed by non-alcoholic beverages were the most frequently placed in Korean films (Sung et al.,

2008) compared to electronic equipment and automobiles in Chinese films (Chen et al.,

2013), and automobiles and alcoholic beverages in Hollywood films (Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004), which is consistent with several studies that revealed automobiles as the most frequently placed product category in Hollywood (Devlin & Comb, 2012; 42

Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994; Webster & Weerakkody, 2013). For example, 9 out of 23 unique brands placed in Die Another Day were automobile brands (Brandchannel, 2014).

In addition, Toyota monopolized all car placements in Terminator 3 (Lehu, 2007, p. 110).

However, Coca-Cola was the most placed brand in Hollywood and Korean films

(Galician & Bourdeau, 2004; Sung et al., 2008) which highlights the use of in-film placements as a tool of cross-cultural advertising, and corresponds with Redondo's (2006) finding that Cola drinks is an active product category in placements in American and

European films. Nine of the top 20 brands placed in Korean films were foreign ones; yet

Korean products were still the most frequently placed followed by American, Japanese, and German products (Sung et al., 2011). In Bollywood films, foreign and multinational brands were more frequently placed than local brands in the 2000s with Coca-Cola always in the top placed brands (Nelson et al., 2005; Nelson & Deshpande, 2013).

Modality, Plot Integration, and Prominence

In-film placements in Hollywood films tended to be more visual (Devanathan et al., 2003; Devlin & Comb, 2012; Galician & Bourdeau, 2004), which is not different from the prevalence of visual placements in Korean films (Sung et al., 2008) as opposed to usage and visual placements in Bollywood (Kureshi & Sood, 2011). Moreover, the level of placement integration with the film plot has always been higher in Hollywood films compared to only 14.38 percent and 2.2 percent of in-film placements in Bollywood and Korean films respectively (Gokhale, 2010; Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Kureshi & Sood,

2012; Sung et al., 2008). Additionally, the practice in Hollywood seems to be moving over time toward more integrated in-film placements as the ratio of low-level to high- 43 level plot involvement fell from 4:1 in 1977 and 1987 to 2:1 in 1997 (Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004); and Redondo (2006) found a positive relationship between targeting accuracy and higher placement integration with the film plot. According to Nelson and

Deshpande (2013), the trend in Bollywood is moving from high prominence to low prominence placements over time. Galician and Bourdeau (2004) argue that products could be negatively placed if incorporated in murder or bloody scenes, yet these negative placements were frequent in Hollywood films in 1977, 1987, and 1997.

As for the placement of ethically-charged products, they were significantly higher in Hollywood than in Bollywood, but that was not the case in Korean films in which 6 alcohol brands and 1 tobacco brand were among the top 20 brands placed in Korean films between 1995 and 2003 (Sung et al., 2008) even though Koreans expressed greater ethical concerns about product placement and more support for government regulation than did Americans (Lee et al., 2011). The in-film placements in Hollywood, Bollywood,

Korean, and Chinese films were mostly associated with main actors (Chen et al., 2013;

Galician & Bourdeau; Gokhale, 2010; Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Sung et al., 2008).

Ethics and Regulation

Product Placement encompasses a blend of techniques such as “branding, promotion, celebrity endorsement, sponsorship, public relations and advertising"; thus the ethical evaluation and regulation of this hybrid practice is problematic due to the difficulty of categorizing it as a single marketing technique (Hackley, Tiwasakul, &

Preuss, 2008, p. 110). The ethical concerns about in-film placements have typically been the result of two main aspects: the concern about the placement of ethically-charged 44 products in films and the concern about product placement as a subliminal message that deceives the viewers by advertising in films (Gupta & Gould, 1997). Some have also criticized in-film placement for impinging on artists’ rights. Past studies have shown that the acceptability of in-film placements of ethically-charged products differed cross- nationally.

Ethically-Charged Placements

Gupta and Gould's (1997) finding, that males are more accepting to ethically charged products, was supported in Austria, France, Australia, and Italy. However, there were no significant gender differences in Chinese respondents' acceptability of ethically- charged products (McKechnie & Zhous, 2003). Guns were the least acceptable ethically- charged products for Chinese, Americans, Italians, and Koreans; whereas cigarettes were the least acceptable for Australians (McKechnie & Zhous, 2003; Brennan et al., 2004;

Guido et al., 2010; Lee et al., 2011). Despite the generalized lower acceptability to ethically-charged products, Koreans and Singaporeans showed greater ethical concerns and support for government restrictions on the in-film placement practice (Karrh et al.,

2001; Lee et al., 2011). Similarly, Egyptians showed ethical concerns toward advertising in general, and males tended to be more accepting of nudity, racism, or anti-social behavior in advertisements than females (Mostafa, 2011).

Realism vs. Deception

Moreover, the subliminal aspect of in-film placements has been an issue of ethical concern. Many have claimed that seamless and organic in-film placements enhance realism since our contemporary environment is populated by branded products that we 45 use in our everyday life (Hackley, Tiwasakul, & Preuss, 2008; Wenner, 2004). On the other hand, many have argued that the seamless and organic in-film placements lead to deception, which product placement advocates perceive as necessary in order to avoid the overpopulation of films. According to Govani (1999), prominent placements would overpopulate films and turn “the entertainment vehicle into series of commercials”

(Wenner, 2004, p. 112), and hence negatively impact the audience’s entertainment experience. Therefore, product placement is often viewed as a hidden promotion since

“consumers are not necessarily aware of product placement in media and its commercial purpose”, yet past research has indicated that audiences are generally both aware and accepting of the practice as an advertising technique unless it is overdone or inappropriate (Hackley, Tiwasakul, & Preuss, 2008; Kim & McClung, 2010, P. 414). The strength of the in-film placement practice as a subtle promotional technique seems to be the main source of ethical problems, hence this element of concealment has led some to view the practice as the least ethical form of advertising (Hackley, Tiwasakul, & Preuss,

2008; Nebenzahl & Jaffe, 1998).

In addition, the claim of realism has been challenged on the basis of typical positive portrayals of placed products and brands. Advertisers normally place their products in entertainment vehicles in order to portray them in positive ways to the audience, which is not always an accurate representation of reality. Furthermore, a negative portrayal of a product would most probably result in legal action against the film studio. For example, Reebok filed a lawsuit including 12 complaints against Tristar

Pictures and sought damages of more than $10 million each for most of the complaints as 46 a result of certain lines in the 1996 Jerry Maguire, which the company perceived as negatively portraying its brand (Elliott, 1997; McCarthy, 1998).

Another ethical concern involves the issues surrounding artist’s rights and creative integrity. Product placements play a role in the film budgetary process, and thus some have argued that the financial pressure imposed on directors and screenwriters to place products in narratives impinges on their artistic rights (Paul, 2002). Therefore, increased product placements could negatively affect the quality of the entertainment vehicle. The climate of creativity could also be negatively impacted, according to Wenner

(2004), since the artistic work gets corrupted and becomes overly commercialized by the saturation of placements. Hackley, Tiwasakul, and Preuss (2008) argues that a pragmatic approach to deal with the aforementioned ethical concerns would be the announcement of product placement deals in a way that is agreeable by all sides to ensure the transparency for audiences who want to check, but at the same time keeps the implicit nature of the practice that has made it attractive for advertisers in the first place.

Regulatory Context

The first product placement regulatory instance was in 1949 when the mention of an American liqueur brand Southern Comfort was deleted from a comedy show for being too commercial (Newell et al., 2006, p. 585). Internationally, the regulations on product placement have been more common in television than in films. In the U.S., the Supreme

Court has stressed on different occasions on its allegiance to the notion that airwaves belong to the public, and thus applying the same regulations imposed on broadcast content on other communications media would be unconstitutional (Siegel, 2004); 47 however, the Supreme Court’s position hasn’t always been the same. Prior to 1976, the

Supreme Court held the view that commercial speech, which has been defined as “speech that does no more than propose a commercial transaction” (Bhaghwat, 2010, p. 104), is unprotected and hence the state had the right to restrict it. Nonetheless, the Supreme

Court’s decision in Virginia State Board of Pharmacy vs. Virginia Citizens Consumer

Council in 1976 rejected earlier notions and held commercial speech as a form of speech that should be protected by the First Amendment. Therefore, “a strong anti-paternalistic element into commercial speech law” was introduced arguing that states are required by the First Amendment to trust the consumers’ ability to determine truthful and non- misleading commercial information (Bhaghwat, 2010, p. 105). Meanwhile, some have argued that in-film placement doesn’t necessarily fall under the category of commercial speech claiming that neither a reminder in a film that a specific product exists nor a narrative suggesting that a fictional character prefers a certain brand would include an explicit inducement to buy a product (Siegel, 2004). Social critics have been calling for government intervention and industry self-regulation following the success of the Reese’s

Pieces placement in the 1982 E.T. the Extraterrestrial. By the late 1980s, bills were introduced in Congress that require studios to disclose on-screen the names of all companies that had made payments in exchange for having their products placed in films, yet no federal legislation emerged (Siegel, 2004; Snyder, 1992). What makes the in-film placement practice more complicated from a regulatory standpoint is that it falls under the editorial control of producers, and thus it could easily elude the regulations imposed by advertising and promotional bodies (Hackley, Tiwasakul, & Preuss, 2008). 48

Cross-National Regulations

The regulatory context differs greatly cross-nationally as the nations that are more

"commercially-focused" tend to be permissive of product placement to achieve more profit (Al-Kadi, 2013, p. 11). Some regulations restrict the advertising of ethically- charged products and thus indirectly impact the practice of in-film placements such as the

1971 Federal Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act in the U.S. (Gupta & Gould, 1997), the Cable Television Network Amendment Bill and the 1959 Indian Arms Act that prohibit alcohol and cigarette advertisements and restrict gun control, hence impacting the in-film practice in India (Kureshi & Sood, 2011). It was not until 2004 when the

Italian legislation passed the Cinema Act 28/2004 allowing the practice of in-film placements only if disclosed in the end credits, and thus boosting the in-film placement in the Italian market to over $30 million in 2005; while the Audiovisual Media Services

Directive excluded news, documentaries, and children's programming at the European level in 2007 (Nelli, 2009), and tobacco product placements were banned throughout all media. Compared to restrictive European Union legislation, Canada is more permissive of product placement in media content (Ginosar & Levi-Faur, 2010). Additionally, some countries completely ban the practice of product placement such as Denmark and Israel

(Al-Kadi, 2013). The Korea Communications Standards Commission (KCSC) rejected the call for a full acceptance of product placements in 2008 fearing an over commercialization of media content that would lead to lower quality (Lee et al., 2011).

In the UK, the Office of Communication (OFCOM) imposes additional regulations on product placement than in the European Directive. The practice was only 49 allowed in British broadcasting in February 2011 under restrictions such as signaling the programs that include product placements with a logo at the beginning, after commercial breaks, and at the end; and not only cigarettes, but also alcohol, weapons, food high in fats, salt, or sugar, gambling products, medicine, and baby milk cannot be placed in

British television programming (OFCOM, 2014). However, films are allowed to contain product placements provided no UK broadcaster benefits from it (Basso, 2009). Although the advertisements of tobacco products are banned on television in several countries, a film with a product placement of tobacco could be aired (Kim & McClung, 2010, p. 414), and thus children can still see these products on television, which poses an ethical concern and makes the practice even more controversial. The Federal Communications

Commission (FCC) also requires the disclosure of product placements in American broadcasting; however, it allows in-film placements under no sponsorship identification rules if they are produced for theatres (Balasubramanian, 1994). Moreover, the Federal

Trade Commission (FTC) declined to engage in imposing restrictions on product placements in films (Federal Trade Commission, 1993; Siegel, 2004).

While television producers are required by law to disclose the names of companies that paid for their products to be placed in programs, the tobacco industry claims self-regulation that prohibits the placements of its products in films. (Siegel,

2004). In addition, the Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), between the major cigarette manufacturers in the U.S. and the U.S. authorities, was signed in November 1998 to impose specific bans on in-film placements; nonetheless, cigarettes and cigars are still placed in films (Lehu, 2007). For example, in Die Another Day, James Bond used a 50 packet of Lark cigarettes, and thus the producers had to put a warning message, similar to those on cigarette packets, in the film credits. The two media outlets, television and films, differ in terms of product placement regulation. Placement disclosure in films is usually not required, and thus in-film placement is relatively unregulated in many countries

(Chan, 2012). Apart from the regulatory context of the practice, the product placement industry has its own trade association, which is the Entertainment Resource and

Marketing Association (ERMA). ERMA members include corporations and manufacturers, studios and production companies, and product placement agencies working together to ensure the product placement practice is carried out in sensitive and responsible ways (Entertainment Resource & Marketing Association, 2015; Wenner,

2004).

Culture Dimensions

Culture was defined by Eisend (2009) as a "complex construct that describes the common values and attitudes of a group of human beings…through which the physical and social world is perceived by the members of the group" (p. 16). Considering the practice of in-film placement cross-culturally is important from a marketing point of view

(Gupta & Gould, 1997) because if its effectiveness differs greatly from one country to another, glocalized strategies will be needed. Although media promotes homogenous consumption in a more globalized world, it has been argued that attitudes toward in-film placements can be based on culture and economic conditions, hence leading to heterogeneous behaviors (Brennan et al., 2004; Gould et al., 2000). According to Mostafa

(2006), cross-cultural studies are often needed to understand "the globalization- 51 customization debate"(p. 218), and thus determine the extent to which culture should be taken into account in international advertising.

Individualist vs. Collectivist Cultures

Hofstede (1983) differentiated cultures according to four dimensions: individualism versus collectivism, large/small power distance, strong/weak uncertainty avoidance, and masculinity versus femininity. The first dimension differentiates between individualistic societies like the U.S., Western Europe, and Australia in which ties between individuals are loose compared to collectivist societies, usually third world countries, that are more integrated and in which individual ties are strong like in Arab countries and Korea. Compared to the U.S. which scored 91 on the individualist scale, the

Arab world scored 38, which highlights the need for affiliation and interdependence in

Arab collectivist culture (Kalliny, 2010). However, this cannot be generalized to the entire Arab world due to the differences between individual Arab countries themselves.

Uncertainty Avoidance differentiates societies that longs for security and risk avoidance from other societies that take more risks and feel naturally secure; whereas Power

Distance refers to the level of inequality in a society (Hofstede, 1983).

Low vs. High Context Cultures

Moreover, according to Hall, (1976) low-context cultures like the U.S. and

Western Europe tend to prefer direct communication and rely on verbal messages to produce meaning unlike high-context cultures, like Arab countries and some Asian cultures that depend on the context to deliver meaning and prefer indirect forms of communication. In 2004, a recent cultural framework was designed consisting of nine 52 dimensions, two of which are assertiveness, which is "the degree to which individuals are assertive, confrontational, and aggressive in their relationships with others", and performance orientation which is "the extent to which a community encourages and rewards innovation" (Chan, 2012, p. 45).

Cross-Cultural Advertising

Understanding cultural differences and value systems is an important factor in international advertising (Kalliny, 2010). Some studies have found different advertising practices across cultures such as the French magazine advertising's dependence on emotional appeals and soft sell due to its high-context culture in comparison to hard sell and informational appeals in the U.S. (Biswas et al., 1992; Taylor et al., 1996). Similarly,

Japanese advertising was soft sell compared to American advertising (Gould et al., 2000), given that Japanese are characterized by low assertiveness and performance orientation compared to high assertiveness and performance orientation in the U.S. (Chan, 2012).

Schuster and Copeland (1999) described the Middle East in their cultural classification model as a traditional culture group in which persuasion depends on high context language and circular reasoning as opposed to North America, Northwestern and Central

Europe in which persuasion depends on the arguments and evidence presented. Some researchers argued that the individualistic low-context American culture is the reason for higher in-film placement acceptability compared to more collectivist high-context cultures of Eastern countries like Korea and Singapore (Karrh et al., 2001; Lee et al.,

2011). Additionally, Chan (2012) argue that the high assertive and performance oriented

Americans are less supportive to government regulations on the in-film placement 53 practice compared to individuals in a less assertive culture such as Singapore. On the other hand, according to Nelson and Deshpande (2013), some researchers propose that the collectivist high-context culture of India might indicate a high potential of product placement effectiveness. Furthermore, Nelson and Devanathan (2006) argue that individuals in cultures with high power distance such as India would be more influenced by main actors using products in films than countries with low power distance. It has also been argued that individuals in high-context cultures are better reached by implicit messages such as visual placements compared to those in low-context cultures who are better reached by words and unambiguous messages (Lee et al., 2011; Nelson &

Devanathan, 2006).

Few researchers have studied advertising cross-cultural impacts in the U.S. and the Arab world. Kalliny and Gentry (2007) found common cultural values, enjoyment and thriftiness, in Egyptian and American television advertising in 2005, while beauty enhancement was mostly prevalent in food ads in Egypt compared to cosmetics in the

U.S.; yet analyzing one channel in each country is not representative. Moreover, Kalliny

(2010) found a significant difference in the cultural values in newspaper advertising between the U.S. and the Arab world.

Limited research has focused on the trends of in-film placement in non-American and non-Western cultures (Chan, 2012), and Arab countries have been subjected to little international advertising research (Kalliny, 2010; Mostafa, 2011). Khalbous et al. (2013) argue that most intercultural product placement research rarely addressed emerging or developing countries. Product placement in some major regional film centers such as 54

Nigeria in Africa and Egypt in the Arab World has never been studied. Nollywood, the

Nigerian entertainment industry, has existed for about 20 years and is now ranked the third largest film industry in the world after Hollywood and Bollywood (John et al.,

2013). It seems apparent that product placement in the Middle East and Africa was academically studied only in Tunisia (Khalbous & Maazoul, 2010; Khalbous et al., 2013) and South Africa (Swart, 2008). Khalbous et al. (2013) found that compared to France,

Italy, and Poland, Tunisians were more accepting to product placement and were the only ones who preferred visible and attractive placements rather than subtle ones.

Egypt is considered a collectivist society compared to the American individualist society (Kalliny & Gentry, 2007). The Egyptian cinema has always been a hub for popular culture in the Arab world whose population today exceeds 300 million people, and thus Egypt's advertising industry has been growing to reach expenditures of $545 million in 2003 (Mostafa, 2011). Egyptian dialect is easily understood in the Arab world due to the popularity of Egyptian film and television industries (Kalliny, 2010).

Additionally, the low production costs along with the large population in Egypt "helped create a boom in the Egyptian cinema industry" (Al-Kadi, 2013, p. 6), especially with nearly 70 percent of the population under the age of 35 (Almatarneh & Mansour, 2008).

According to Al-Kadi (2013), product placement is growing in the Arab world for purely financial reasons (p. 5).

This study aims to compare in-film placement trends in top Hollywood and

Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013 to provide an understanding of the practice in the

Egyptian film industry and provide implications to improve the in-film practice by 55 comparing it to Hollywood which has perfected the technique over the years. The main research question is: how similar or different are the in-film placement trends in

American and Egyptian films? From the aforementioned findings, the following hypotheses and research questions were developed:

H1: More incidents of in-film placement will occur in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H2: More brands will be placed in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H3: The level of integration within the plot will be higher in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H4: Subtle placements will appear more often in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H5: Ethically-charged products will appear more often in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H6: Automobiles will be the most placed product category in both Hollywood and

Egyptian films

H7: In-film placements in both Hollywood and Egyptian films will mostly be associated with main characters

H8: In-film placements in Hollywood films will mostly be of domestic brands and in

Egyptian films will mostly be of foreign brands

H9: Visual placements will be the most dominant modality in both Hollywood and

Egyptian films

H10: Verbal placements will appear more often in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H11: The average number of placements will be the highest in comedies in both

Hollywood and Egyptian films 56

RQ1: Do the scene settings of placements differ between Hollywood and Egyptian films?

RQ2: How are visually placed products displayed in Hollywood and Egyptian films?

RQ3: How does the rate of character involvement differ according to characters' gender and age in Hollywood and Egyptian films?

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY

Content analysis is defined as "the systematic, objective, quantitative analysis of message characteristics" (Neuendorf, 2002, p. 1). It has been used to analyze product placements in films and television programming for the past two decades (Avery &

Ferraro, 2000; Cassady et al., 2006; Chen et al., 2013; Troup; 1991; Sapolsky & Kinney,

1994; Devanathan et al., 2003; Devlin & Combs, 2012; Fang et al., 2011; Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004; Gokhale, 2010; Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Kureshi & Sood, 2012; La Ferle

& Edwards, 2006; Nelson et al., 2005; Nelson & Deshpande, 2013; Redondo, 2006; Smit et al., 2009; Sung et al., 2008; Webster, & Weerakkody, 2013).

Sample

This study used a nonrandom purposive sample that contained the product placements that occurred in the top 5 Hollywood and Egyptian films in terms of revenues each year between 2010 and 2013 (5 x 2 x 4 = 40 films). The sample was based on revenues, which is the same approach used in most of the past studies that analyzed placements in top-earning films (Chen et al., 2013; Galician & Bourdeau, 2004; Kureshi

& Sood, 2012; Nelson & Deshpande, 2013; Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994; Sung et al., 2008;

Webster & Weerakkody, 2013). The sample frame for Hollywood films each year was built with the gross domestic revenue per film reported on boxoffice.com. On the other hand, the Egyptian Chamber of Cinema Industry did not have a list of Egyptian films with annual revenues. Hence I used elcinema.com, a web portal that provides a list of the films in Egyptian theaters each year along with weekly revenues only, and I accumulated each film's revenues in 52 weeks. Nonetheless, the list on elcinema.com, which contains 58 both Egyptian and foreign films, started only in the 45th week of 2010, and so I used a

2010 revenues report in an online cinema forum on mazika2day.com to complete the sample frame.

After an initial scanning of the sample, some of the top Hollywood films, especially in 2010 and 2013, were animated films which belongs to a genre known to

"transcend our contemporary realm of existence" (Webster & Weerakkody, 2013 p. 7), and thus might not attract as many marketers as other film genres. Devlin and Comb

(2012) argue that animation and historical films usually have the least placement instances; and that is the reason Kureshi and Sood (2011) eliminated animation films from their analysis. Therefore, if any animation film appeared in the top 5 films in any year, it was eliminated and replaced by the next one on the list. Additionally, any film that contained no placement instances was removed, which is consistent with some studies that did the same (Devlin and Comb, 2012; Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994); and then it was substituted by the next film on the list.

It seems apparent that the only two recent studies that have analyzed in-film placements in Hollywood were Devlin and Comb's (2012) study that analyzed the top 25 films in 2010 and Webster and Weerakkody's (2013) exploratory study that analyzed a total of 5 action films produced in 2010 and 2011. However, Devlin and Comb (2012) did not include several variables that this study examined such as the total number of unique brands, placement integration with the plot, prominence of the placement, brand's country of origin, film period setting, scene setting, position in the scene, and type of character association. 59

As in previous studies, the unit of analysis was the individual appearance of a brand and/or product whether seen, mentioned, or used (Galician & Bourdeau, 2004;

Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Sung et al., 2008). The operational definition of product placement in this study was "any verbal mention of a brand name; any visual appearance of a brand logo or trademark (Devlin & Comb, 2012, p. 53). The multiple appearances of a brand in one scene were coded as one placement, yet each appearance of the same brand in different scenes was coded. All the brands and products observed were coded as product placements because sometimes it was not possible to differentiate intentional placements from random appearances (Chan, 2012; Galician & Bourdeau, 2004;

Redondo, 2006; Webster & Weerakkody, 2013). However, in outdoor scenes, for instance, not all cars were considered placements but only those that their brand logo or trademark were focused on and used by film characters; similarly, only the products and brands that have been emphasized on were coded in scenes taking place in stores, supermarkets, or bars.

Coding Scheme

Researchers have developed different sets of categories for analyzing in-film placement variables. One of the prominent coding schemes was used by Avery and

Ferraro (2000) to analyze product placement in prime time television programming.

Several cross-cultural studies, in India and Korea, have used and modified that same coding scheme (Kureshi & Sood, 2012; Nelson & Deshpande, 2013; Sung et al., 2008).

Therefore, I have modified this scheme in relation to the different sets of categories used in past in-film placement research (See Appendix). 60

Variables and Categories

The variables that were used in this study included: the title of film, year of release, ranking, country of production, film studio, film genre, film period setting, product categories, brand names, brand's country of origin, frequency of placement instances, number of unique brands, character involvement, type of character association, modality of placement, type of portrayal, scene setting, position in the scene, integration with the film plot, and placement prominence.

Although some studies have used a detailed classification of film genres (Kureshi

& Sood, 2011; Sung et al., 2008), in this study they were classified into three main types: comedy, action, and drama, which is similar to the classification in a few other studies

(Devlin & Comb, 2012; Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994) except for the elimination of animation films in this study. Redondo (2006) coded the film period setting whether set in modern times or in the past to analyze the differences of in-film practice in historical versus modern films. In this study, the film period setting was coded whether past, present, future, or other. As for product categories, this study adopted the 28 categories developed by Avery and Ferraro (2000) ranging from Automobiles, Beverages, Clothing,

Food, Electronic Equipment, to Media and Entertainment, among others. Brand names were coded as open-ended items. The brand's country of origin was coded in few studies in terms of domestic or foreign (Nelson & Deshpande, 2013), and it was coded in this study in the same terms.

Some studies did not treat multiple placements of one brand as a distinct placement, and hence only measured number of unique brands placed (Kureshi & Sood, 61

2011; Kureshi & Sood, 2012), whereas Devlin and Comb (2012) only measured the total number of placements and not the number of unique brands. Few studies measured both the total number of in-film placements and the number of unique brands (Galician &

Bourdeau, 2004; Redondo, 2006; Sung et al., 2008), which is what this study measured.

Character involvement was coded whether non-use placement, used by character, mentioned by character, or both used and mentioned. For products used by humans, character association was measured by coding the character's role, age and gender.

The modality of the placement was coded whether visual, verbal, or audiovisual, which were used in a few studies (Redondo, 2006; Sung et al., 2008). Type of portrayal was coded whether a primary display of the product or package, secondary display such as a brand logo on the side of a transportation vehicle or on a T-shirt, or an advertisement such as billboards or magazines ads. Scene setting was coded according to the categories developed by Avery and Ferraro (2000) such as Outdoor, Home, Store, and Hotel.

Furthermore, the product or brand's position in the scene was coded only for visual and audiovisual placements whether in the background or foreground/close-up. This study measured placement integration with the plot in terms of essentiality of the appearance of the product or mention of the brand name (Avery & Ferraro, 2000; Sung et al., 2008). A placement was coded integrated or not integrated according to whether removing and/or substituting the product would change the meaning or context of the scene, dialogue, or overall storyline.

Placement prominence was measured in past studies in many different ways, and it has been perhaps the most subjective variable along with placement integration. 62

Galician and Bourdeau (2004) measured the level of display as either full, to signify prominence, or partial to signify subtlety based on camera zooming and length of placement, and they described verbal placements as singularly obtrusive. Nelson and

Deshpande (2013) measured the level of prominence in terms of low level (background— not major part of scene, partially showing) or high level (can see entire product in full view—seems prominently displayed or used by character). Moreover, Webster &

Weerakody (2013) measured prominence in terms of background subtly, background blatantly, foreground subtly, foreground blatantly, fills the majority of the shot (full attention), or other. Avery and Ferraro (2000) characterized a prominent placement with position on the screen, essential to the action in the scene, displayed for a longer time, and endorsed by character. Subtle placements, on the other hand, were those in background shots, not essential to scene or dialogue, given short length of display (less than 2 seconds or mentioned only once), and no positive character involvement. This study partially adopted Avery and Ferraro's (2000) measurement by eliminating the essentiality and the positive endorsement conditions, and thus a prominent placement would be in the foreground/close up shot and displayed for a longer time (about 2 seconds or more) or appearing more than once in the same scene in case of a visual placement. A verbal placement would be prominent if mentioned more than once in the dialogue; and an audiovisual placement was considered prominent by default.

Inter-coder Reliability

An inter-coder reliability test was conducted by randomly selecting two films, one of each of the Hollywood and Egyptian samples. Two Egyptian media PhD students in 63

Cairo University, who are fluent in English and whose mother-tongue is Arabic, coded the two films each, after an individual training on the coding sheet and coding book.

This study adopted the same method used by Avery and Ferraro (2000) as they only matched the identical set of product placement instances, whereas "the remaining unmatched appearances could not be used for the purposes of item reliability" (p. 229).

The inter-coder reliability was divided into two aspects: product placement identification and coding for the variables in the coding sheet when a placement occurs. First, based on percentage of agreement, inter-coder reliability ranged from a low of 78.9% for Number of Placements to a high of 80.7% for Number of Unique Brands for overall inter-coder reliability for identification of placements of 79.8%. Second, based on percentage of agreement, inter-coder reliability ranged from a low of 68.9% for Scene Setting variable to a high of 100% for variables Period Setting, Country of Origin, Product Category

Code, and Number of Times in a Dialogue for an overall inter-coder reliability for this study of 78.5%. This percentage of agreement seems consistent with past studies. For example, Devlin and Comb's study (2012), which analyzed the top 25 Hollywood films, resulted in an inter-coder reliability ranging from 71% to 79%.

CHAPTER 5: RESULTS

Overall this study found that there were more product placements, unique brands, and ethically-charged products in Hollywood films than Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013. In addition, there were a slightly higher percentage of subtle placements in

Hollywood than in Egyptian films. On the other hand, the study found there were a higher percentage of verbal placements in Egyptian films than Hollywood films. The level of placement integration within the plot was slightly higher in Egyptian films as well, yet it was extremely low and non-existent in Egyptian and Hollywood films respectively. Most placements in both Hollywood and Egyptian films were visual and automobiles were the most prevalent product category. While the majority of placements in top Hollywood films were in action films, of domestic brands, and associated with supporting characters, the majority of placements in Egyptian films were in comedy films, of foreign brands, and associated with main characters. In addition, the results reveal that the practices in both countries were aligned in terms of dominant scene settings in which the products were placed, position and portrayal of the visually placed products, and the age and gender of the characters using and/or mentioning the products.

H1: More incidents of in-film placement will occur in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H2: More brands will be placed in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

Results show that Hollywood films between 2010 and 2013 contained 706 placement instances with an average of 35.30 placements (M=35.30, SD=27.80) and

22.05 unique brands per Hollywood film (M=22.05, SD=14.95), with Sony being the most frequently placed brand. Table 1 shows that the number of placements in 65

Hollywood films ranged from 107 placement instances in Transformers: Dark of the

Moon to only one placement instance in Star Trek into Darkness. Transformers: Dark of the Moon had the highest number of brands with only 54 unique brands, which is nearly half the number of the total placements in the film, due to the high placement frequency of some automobile brands: 17 Chevrolet, 10 Ferrari, 9 Mercedes, and 8 Lexus placement instances. The films with the highest number of placements did not necessarily have the highest number of brands due to the high placement frequency of certain brands in some cases; for example, The Amazing Spiderman had the second highest number of placements with 70 placement instances, including 16 Sony, 15 Jansport, and 11 Nike placement instances, and thus came behind several other films in terms of number of unique brands.

On the other hand, Egyptian films within the same period contained 553 placement instances with an average of 27.65 placements (M=27.65, SD=15.39) and

16.65 unique brands per film (M=16.65, SD=7.66), with Apple being the most frequently placed brand. The number of placements in top Egyptian films ranged from 59 placement instances in Sameer Abu Elneel to only 8 placement instances in Haram Street and Abdo

Mota. Sameer Abu Elneel also had the highest number of brands with 34 unique brands; however, similar to the Hollywood sample, the films with the highest number of placements did not necessarily have the highest number of brands due to the high frequency of certain brands in some cases. For example, Bolbol Confused had the fourth highest number of placements with 43 placement instances, including 4 Samsung, 4

Vector3, 3 Volkswagen, 3 Abercrombie, 3 Cilantro, 3 Nestle, and 3 Nescafe placement 66 instances, and thus had only 17 unique brands. Therefore, H1 and H2 were supported.

However, there is no statistically significant relationship between the country and frequency of placements (Independent-Samples t-test with 38 degrees of freedom=1.077, p=0.290), hence the difference in the number of placements between Hollywood and

Egyptian films is not significant at the p<0.05 level. Moreover, there is no statistically significant relationship between the country and the frequency of unique brands

(Independent-Samples t-test with 38 degrees of freedom=1.437, p=0.162), thus the difference in the number of unique brands between Hollywood and Egyptian films is also not significant at the p<0.05 level (see Table 2).

Table 1

Placement prevalence per each top Hollywood and Egyptian film between 2010 and 2013

Hollywood Films Frequency Egyptian Films Frequency Iron Man 2 61 (8.6%) The Benefit 16 (2.9%) Twilight Saga Eclipse 9 (1.3%) Abdo Mota 8 (1.4%) Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows 4 (0.6%) Omar and Salma 26 (4.7%) Inception 17 (2.4%) My Awesome Grandma 26 (4.7%) The Karate Kid 15 (2.1%) Miss Mommy 26 (4.7%) Transformers: Dark of the Moon 107 (15.2%) Lion Heart 29 (5.2%) Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn 1 14 (2%) Over My Dead Body 42 (7.6%) The Hangover 2 48 (6.8%) The Party 28 (5.1%) Fast Five 59 (8.4%) Ta Tah 45 (8.1%) Mission Impossible: The Ghost Protocol 22 (3.1%) Sameer Abu Elneel 59 (10.7%) The Avengers 30 (4.2%) Black Honey 31 (5.6%) The Dark Knight Rises 35 (5%) My Eye Light 10 (1.8%) The Hunger Games 47 (6.7%) Alzheimer 13 (2.4%) Skyfall 70 (9.9%) No Retreat No Surrender 20 (3.6%) Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn 2 12 (1.7%) Bolbol Confused 43 (7.8%) Star Trek into Darkness 1 (0.1%) X Large 56 (10.1%) Iron Man 3 52 (7.4%) Haram Street 8 (1.4%) Man of Steel 34 (4.8%) Tek Tek Bom 16 (2.9%) Gravity 5 (0.7%) Break and Resume 13 (2.4%) Fast & Furious 6 64 (9.1%) Samy Carbon Dioxide 38 (6.9%) Total 706 Total 553

Table 2

Unique Brands in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Frequency Unique Brands N Mean Standard Deviation Hollywood Films 441 22.05 14.95 Egyptian Films 333 16.65 7.66 Independent-Samples t-test, p-value=0.162

H3: The level of integration within the plot will be higher in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H4: Subtle placements will appear more often in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

Table 3 shows that there were no instances of integrated placements in Hollywood films. On the other hand, results show that non-integrated placements in Egyptian films

(98.9%) were significantly higher than integrated ones (1.1%). Therefore, H3 was rejected as integrated placements in Egyptian films were significantly higher than in

Hollywood films. The results indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between the country and the level of plot integration (Chi-Square Fisher’s Exact Test, p=0.007), and hence there is a significant difference in the number of integrated placements between Hollywood and Egyptian films at the p<0.01 level. The Fisher’s

Exact Test was used instead of the Pearson Chi-Square because there were two cells with expected counts less than five.

Furthermore, results show that most placement instances in Hollywood films were prominent (63.3%) compared to subtle ones (36.7%). Similarly, most placement instances in Egyptian films were prominent (66.9%) compared to subtle ones (33.1%). Therefore, 69

H4 was supported. However, the results indicate that there is no statistically significant relationship between the country and the placement prominence (Pearson Chi-Square with one degree of freedom=1.758, p=0.185), and hence the difference between the number of subtle placements between Hollywood and Egyptian films is not significant at the p<0.05 level.

Table 3

Plot Integration and Placement Prominence in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Plot Integration Frequency Hollywood Films Egyptian Films Integrated 0 (0%) 6 (1.1%) Not Integrated 706 (100%) 547 (98.9%) Chi-Square Fisher’s Exact Test, p-value=0.007 Placement Prominence

Subtle 259 (36.7%) 183 (33.1%) Prominent 447 (63.3%) 370 (66.9%) Pearson Chi-Square, p-value=0.185

H5: Ethically-charged products will appear more often in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

H6: Automobiles will be the most placed product category in both Hollywood and

Egyptian films

Table 5 shows that there were 61 placement instances of ethically-charged products in Hollywood films: 30 beer placements (4.2%), 12 spirits/hard liquor placements (1.7%), 9 gun placements (1.3%), 8 bars/dance clubs placements (1.1%), and 70

2 tobacco placements (0.3%). On the other hand, Table 5 shows that there were only 7 placement instances of ethically-charged products in Egyptian films: 5 cigarette placements (0.9%), 1 bars/dance clubs placement (0.2%) and 1 beer (0.2%). There were no placement instances of spirits/hard liquor or guns. Therefore, H5 was supported as ethically-charged products in Hollywood films were significantly higher than in Egyptian films. The results indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between the country and the frequency of ethically-charged products (Pearson Chi-Square with one degree of freedom, p=0.000), and hence there is a significant difference in the number of ethically-charged products between Hollywood and Egyptian films at and p<0.01 level.

Additionally, Table 6 shows that automobile brands were the most frequently placed in Hollywood films (23.7%) followed by electronics and equipment brands

(18.3%) and media and entertainment (9.1%). The results in the top Egyptian films were quite similar as Table 7 shows automobile brands were the most frequently placed

(21.9%) followed by media and entertainment (17.2%) and electronic equipment

(15.9%). Therefore, H6 was supported.

Table 4

Ethically-Charged Products in top Hollywood films between 2010 and 2013

Product Frequency Hollywood Films Egyptian Films Ethically-Charged 61 (8.6%) 7 (1.3%) Not Ethically-Charged 645 (91.4%) 546 (98.7%) Pearson Chi-Square, p-value=0.000

Table 5

Categories of Ethically-Charged Products in top Hollywood films between 2010 and

2013

Ethically-Charged Placements Total

Spirit/Hard Bars/Dance Tobacco Beer Liquor Clubs Guns Products Country of American 30 12 8 9 2 61 Production Egyptian 1 0 1 0 5 7 Total 31 12 9 9 7 68

Table 6

Product Categories in top Hollywood films between 2010 and 2013

Product Category Frequency Product Category Frequency Automobiles/Trucks 167 (23.7%) Media and Entertainment 64 (9.1%) Car 148 (21%) Book 5 (0.7%) Motorcycle 4 (0.6%) Magazine 8 (1.1%) Truck 10 (1.4%) Newspaper 4 (0.6%) Van 5 (0.7%) TV Program 3 (0.4%) Electronic Equipment 129 (18.3%) TV/Radio Station 33 (4.7%) Computer/Computer Software 61 (8.6%) Website 11 (1.6%) Mobile Phone 22 (3.1%) Beverages 60 (8.5%) Stereo Equipment/Music 2 (0.3%) Beer 30 (4.2%) Device 2 (0.3%) Spirits/Hard Liquor 12 (1.7%) Tablet 19 (2.7%) Tobacco Products 2 (0.3%) Television 1 (0.1%) Bars/Dance Clubs 8 (1.1%) Video Game 4 (0.6%) Other 49 (6.9%) Video Camera 2 (0.3%) Gun 9 (1.3%) Headphones

Table 7

Product Categories in top Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Product Category Frequency Product Category Frequency Automobiles/Trucks 121 (21.9%) Electronic Equipment 88 Car 105 (19%) Computer/Computer Software (15.9%) Motorcycle 4 (0.7%) Mobile Phone 41 (7.4%) Truck 6 (1.1%) Stereo Equipment/Music Device 25 (4.5%) Van 6 (1.1%) Tablet 2 (0.4%) Media and Entertainment 95 (17.2%) Television 3 (0.5%) Book 10 (1.8%) Video Game 8 (1.4%) Magazine 8 (1.4%) Beverages 3 (0.5%) Movie 1 (0.2%) Beer 32 (5.8%) Newspaper 25 (4.5%) Tobacco Products 1 (0.2%) TV/Radio Station 17 (3.1%) Cigarettes 5 (0.9%) Record/Film Producer 3 (0.5%) Bars/Dance Clubs 5 (0.9%) Website 31 (5.6%) 1 (0.2%)

H7: In-film placements in both Hollywood and Egyptian films will mostly be associated with main characters

Table 8 shows that placements associated with supporting characters (36.5%) were the most frequent in Hollywood films followed by none (23.4%) and main characters (22.4%). On the other hand, results show that placements associated with main characters (30.9%) were the most frequent in Egyptian films followed by both main and supporting characters in the same scene (25.5%) and supporting characters (24.8%).

Therefore, H7 was partially supported as it holds true only in the Egyptian films but was rejected in Hollywood films. In addition, the results indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between the country and the placement association with the main 73 character only (Pearson Chi-Square with one degree of freedom=11.724, p=0.001), and hence the difference in main character association between Hollywood and Egyptian films is significant at the p<0.01 level (see Table 9).

Table 8

Type of Character Role associated with the placements in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Type of Character Role None Extra Supporting Main Both Main Not Able Total Character(s) Character(s) Character (s) and to Identify Supporting Characters Hollywood Films Total 165 34 258 158 88 3 706 Percentage 23.4% 4.8% 36.5% 22.4% 12.5% 0.4% 100% Egyptian Films Total 76 23 137 171 141 5 553 Percentage 13.7% 4.2% 24.8% 30.9% 25.5% 0.9% 100%

Table 9

Main Character Placement Association in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between

2010 and 2013

Main Character Only Other Total American 158 548 706 Country of Production Egyptian 171 382 553 Total 329 930 1259 Pearson Chi-Square, p-value=0.001

H8: In-film placements in Hollywood films will mostly be of domestic brands and in

Egyptian films will mostly be of foreign brands

Results show that domestic brands (52.1%) were more frequently placed than foreign ones (47.9%) in Hollywood films; whereas, foreign brands (76.7%) were more frequently placed than domestic ones (23.3%) in Egyptian films. Therefore, H8 was supported. In addition, the results indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between the country and the brand's country of origin (Pearson Chi-Square with one degree of freedom=107.634, p=0.000), and hence the difference in the brand’s country of origin between Hollywood and Egyptian films is significant at the p<0.01 level.

H9: Visual placements will be the most dominant modality in both Hollywood and

Egyptian films

H10: Verbal placements will appear more often in Hollywood than in Egyptian films

Table 10 shows that the occurrences of visual placements (88.5%) were way more than verbal (8.8%) and audiovisual placements (2.7%) in Hollywood films. Similarly, results show that the occurrences of visual placements (74.7%) were way more than verbal (22.4%) and audiovisual placements (2.9%) in Egyptian films. Therefore, H9 was supported, and the visual placements in Hollywood films were significantly higher than in Egyptian films. The results indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between the country and the visual placement modality only (Pearson Chi-Square with one degree of freedom=41.063, p=0.000), and hence the difference in visual placements between Hollywood and Egyptian films is significant at the p<0.01 level (see Table 11). 75

On the other hand, H10 was rejected as the number of verbal placements were

significantly higher in Egyptian films than Hollywood films (see Table 12). The results

indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between the country and

frequency of verbal placements (Pearson Chi-Square with one degree of freedom=45.830,

p=0.000), and hence the difference in verbal placements between Hollywood and

Egyptian films is significant at the p<0.01 level.

Table 10

Placement Modality in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Placement Modality Total Visual Verbal Audiovisual Hollywood Films 2010 91 14 1 106 2011 211 29 10 250 Year of Release 2012 184 5 5 194 2013 139 14 3 156 Total 625 62 19 706 Percentage 88.5% 8.8% 2.7% 100% Egyptian 2010 97 17 3 117 Films 2011 78 49 4 131 Year of Release 2012 85 16 1 102 2013 153 42 8 203 Total 413 124 16 553 Percentage 74.7% 22.4% 2.9% 100%

Table 11

Visual Placements in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Visual Only Non-Visual Total

American 625 81 706 Country of Production Egyptian 413 140 553 Total 1038 221 1259 Pearson Chi-Square, p-value = 0.000

Table 12

Verbal Placements in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Verbal Non-Verbal Total

American 62 644 706 Country of Production Egyptian 124 429 553 Total 186 1073 1259 Pearson Chi-Square, p-value = 0.000

H11: The Average number of placements will be the highest in comedies in both

Hollywood and Egyptian films

The Hollywood sample included 15 action, 4 drama, and 1 comedy films. Table

13 shows that placements were more prevalent in Hollywood action films (87.5%), which

was significantly higher than comedy (6.8%) and drama (5.7%). However, looking at the

average number of placements per genre, comedy was the highest with 48 placements per

film, followed by 41.2 placements per action film and 10 placements per drama film. On

the other hand, the Egyptian sample included 14 comedy, 3 action, and 3 drama films.

Results show that placements were more prevalent in Egyptian comedy films. This genre 77 alone contained 420 placement instances (75.9%), which was significantly higher than action (14.6%) and drama (9.4%). Looking at the average number of placements per genre, comedy was the highest with 30 placements per film, followed by 26.6 placements per drama film and 17.6 placements per action film. Therefore, H11 was supported.

Table 13

Placement prevalence according to genres of top Hollywood and Egyptian films between

2010 and 2013

Frequency Genre Hollywood Films Egyptian Films

Action 618 (87.5%) 81 (14.6%) Comedy 48 (6.8%) 420 (75.9%) Drama 40 (5.7%) 52 (9.4%)

RQ1: Do the scene settings of placements differ between Hollywood and Egyptian films?

Results show that the dominant scene settings in which products were placed in

Hollywood films were Outdoors (37.1%) followed by Work Place (22.5%), and Home

(14.7%). Looking at the most prevalent product categories within these scene settings, nearly half of the placements in Outdoors setting were associated with automobile/truck products (44.6%); whereas one third of the placements in Work Place setting were associated with electronic equipment products (31.4%) followed by media and entertainment products (13.8%). The placements in Home setting were also mostly associated with electronic equipment products (26.9%) followed by media and entertainment products (20.1%). Table 14 shows that the trend was quite similar in

Egyptian films as the dominant scene settings were Outdoors (30%) followed by Home 78

(26.4%) and Work Place (9.4%). Similar to the Hollywood sample, Table 15 shows that nearly half of the placements in Outdoors setting were associated with automobile/truck products (52.4%); whereas about one third of the placements in Home setting were associated with each of electronic equipment products (28%) and media and entertainment products (28%). The placements in Work Place setting were also mostly associated with electronic equipment products (30.7%) followed by media and entertainment products (19.2%).

Table 14

Scene Settings in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Scene Setting Frequency Hollywood Films Egyptian Films Bar/Club 15 (2.1%) 1 (0.2%) Bus/Car/Train/Truck/Boat/Plane 52 (7.4%) 38 (6.9%) Church/House of Worship 2 (0.3%) 1 (0.2%) Doctor's Office/Hospital/Clinic 5 (0.7%) 17 (3.1%) Home 104 (14.7%) 146 (26.4%) Hotel/Motel 18 (2.5%) 6 (1.1%) Outdoors 262 (37.1%) 166 (30%) Police Station/Jail 6 (0.8%) 14 (2.5%) Restaurant/ Café 16 (2.3%) 28 (5.1%) School 12 (1.7%) 13 (2.4%) Sports Facility 13 (1.8%) 17 (3.1%) Store 6 (0.8%) 34 (6.1%) Work Place 159 (22.5) 52 (9.4%) Airport/Train or Metro Station 14 (2%) 11 (2%) Other 22 (3.1%) 9 (1.6%)

Table 15

Product Categories within Dominant Scene Settings in top Hollywood and Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Scene Setting Total Outdoor Work Place Home Automobile/ 6 167 117 21 Trucks Product Category Electronic 28 129 13 50 Hollywood Equipment Media and 21 64 2 22 Entertainment Total 262 159 104 706 Outdoor Work Place Home Total Automobile/ 8 121 87 1 Trucks Product Category Electronic 41 88 Egypt 6 16 Equipment Media and 41 95 21 10 Entertainment Total 166 52 146 553

RQ2: How are visually placed products displayed in Hollywood and Egyptian films?

Results show that out of 644 visually and audiovisually placed products in

Hollywood films, the vast majority was primary display in the foreground/close up

(76.6%) followed by primary display in the background (7.5%). The trend was similar in

Egyptian films as the majority of the 429 visual and audiovisual placements was also primary display in the foreground/close up (77.6%) followed by primary display in the background (11.9%).

RQ3: How does the rate of character involvement differ according to characters' gender and age in Hollywood and Egyptian films?

Table 16 show that out of 541 placements in which characters were involved in

Hollywood films, the majority was used and/or mentioned by male characters aged 30 through 49 years old (40.1%) followed by more than one male character together from multiple age groups (13%) and male and female characters together from multiple age groups (12%). Table 17 shows that the trend was quite similar in Egyptian films as the majority of the 477 placements in which characters were involved was also used and/or mentioned by male characters aged 30 through 49 (43.6%) followed by male and female characters together from multiple age groups (13.4%) and more than one male character together from multiple age groups (11.1%).

Table 16

Character Involvement in top Hollywood films between 2010 and 2013

Gender of Character Total Male Female Both Not Able to Identify 5 through 12 Years Old 11 1 1 0 13 13 through 19 Years Old 5 1 0 0 6 20 through 29 Years Old 50 15 10 0 75 Age of Character 30 through 49 Years Old 221 21 28 0 270 50 Years and Older 24 7 9 0 40 Multiple 70 1 65 1 137 Total 381 46 113 1 541

Table 17

Character Involvement in top Egyptian films between 2010 and 2013

Gender of Character Total Male Female Both Not Able to Identify 5 through 12 Years Old 3 4 0 0 7 13 through 19 Years Old 1 3 1 0 5 20 through 29 Years Old 27 30 2 0 59 Age of Character 30 through 49 Years Old 208 25 16 0 249 50 Years and Older 31 2 1 0 34 Multiple 53 4 64 2 123 Total 323 68 84 2 477

CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Discussion

Just as past studies have found that the in-film product placement practice in

Hollywood films was more prevalent than in Bollywood and Korean films, this study found that the practice was more prevalent in Hollywood than in Egyptian films in terms of number of placement instances and unique brands, yet the average number of placements and unique brands per Egyptian film was still very high. According to Devlin and Comb (2012), there was an average of 21.12 placements in the top 25 Hollywood films in 2010; and there was an average of 19.1 placements per Hollywood film between

2007 and 2009 (Kureshi & Sood, 2011). Meanwhile, the average number of placements was 2.5 per Bollywood film (Kureshi & Sood, 2011), and 16.2 per Korean film (Sung et al., 2008); thus the average number of placements of 27.65 per Egyptian films hints that the practice in Egypt is possibly more prevalent than in Bollywood and Korean films.

However, Nelson and Deshpande's (2013) conflicting finding of 28.4 unique brands per

Bollywood film in 2010 seems higher than this study's finding of an average of 22.05 and

16.65 unique brands in Hollywood and Egyptian films respectively. Although, the study shows a high average number of 35.30 placements per Hollywood film, there was a large standard deviation which indicates the lack of consistency of the practice in Hollywood ranging from 107 placements in Transformers: Dark of the Moon to one placement in

Star Trek into Darkness. Therefore, including the omitted animation films as well as the films that had no placements, such as Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows Part 2 and 83

The Hunger Games: Catching Fire, in the Hollywood sample would have probably resulted in a lower standard deviation and a more consistent pattern.

The number of placements in top Egyptian films has been increasing between

2010 and 2013 with the exception of 2012. This drop could be due to the direct financial impact of the 2011's revolution on the economy in general, and on both the Egyptian advertising and film production industries in specific. A closer look at top Egyptian films reveals that the 4 films starring the comedy actor Ahmed Helmy contained more than a third of the total number of placements, which definitely indicates a consistent trend in his films. On the other hand, the number of placements in top Hollywood films has been high but unsteady over the four years. The Hollywood sample contained a number of sequels, which is definitely a trend in American cinema. While the drama trilogy Twilight contained an increasing number of placements from one part to the next accounting for 5 percent of the total number of placements, the second parts of both Harry Potter and the

Deathly Hallows and The Hunger Games, which were the top earning films in 2011 and

2013 respectively, had no placements unlike their first parts. Meanwhile, the second and third parts of Iron Man and the fifth and sixth parts of Fast and Furious contained a high number of placements constituting for 16 percent and 17.4 percent of the total number of placements respectively. Moreover, there has been a wide range of placements within the

Hollywood sample with action films that were set in a present time-setting,

Transformers: Dark of the Moon, The Amazing Spiderman, Iron Man 2, Fast Five, and

Fast & Furious 6, containing the highest number of placements; whereas films that involved fantasy and magic, Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows 1 and the Twilight 84

Trilogy, were set in the future, Star Trek into Darkness, or even in an untraditional setting, Gravity, contained the least number of placements. This finding adds a certain type of films to the aforementioned Devlin and Comb’s (2012) argument about historic and animation films having the least number of placements. Therefore, it seems that not all top films, or sometimes the number one film in the U.S. box office, would not necessarily contain product placements. On the other hand, the Egyptian sample contained films that were all set in a present time-setting, and hence the range of the number of placements within Egyptian films was not as wide as in the Hollywood films.

Additionally, the relatively new advertising technique in Egypt seems aligned with the practice in Hollywood in terms of the dominant product categories. This finding is consistent with several studies that revealed automobiles as the most frequently placed product category in Hollywood (Devlin & Comb, 2012; Galician & Bourdeau, 2004,

Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994; Webster & Weerakkody, 2013). However, there was a significant difference when it came to ethically-charged products as they were significantly higher in Hollywood films compared to Egyptian films, which seems consistent with past studies comparing Hollywood and Bollywood films (Kureshi &

Sood, 2011). Egypt is a Muslim country, and alcohol is forbidden in religion; hence this fact along with the existence of laws that strictly control gun ownership in Egypt could be factors explaining that difference. In addition, the study revealed a consistent pattern across both Hollywood and Egyptian films in the scene settings in which the dominant product categories were placed. Automobiles/trucks brands were mostly placed in 85

Outdoor settings, whereas electronic equipment and media and entertainment products were mostly placed in Home and Work Place settings.

Past studies have found that placements in Hollywood films were more prevalent in comedies (Devlin & Comb, 2012; Sapolsky & Kinney, 1994), but this study found that most placements were in action films in Hollywood compared to comedy films in Egypt due to the dominance of the action genre in the top earning Hollywood films and comedy films in the top earning Egyptian films. Nonetheless, the results could be misleading without pointing out that after excluding all animation films and others that had no placements, the sample of top 20 Hollywood films in this study contained 15 action films while the sample of top 20 Egyptian films contained 14 comedies. Therefore, by looking into the average number of placements per genre, comedy films seemed to have the highest number of placements in both Hollywood and Egyptian films in alignment with past studies. Furthermore, similar to past studies that revealed visual placements as the most dominant modality in Hollywood films (Devanathan et al., 2003; Devlin & Comb,

2012; Galician & Bourdeau, 2004), this study found visual placements to be the most dominant modality in both Hollywood and Egyptian films.

Looking at the results of past studies that measured placement integration within the film plot (Galician & Bourdeau, 2004; Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Sung et al., 2008), the level of integration seemed higher in Hollywood than in Bollywood and Korean films.

Nonetheless, this study found that integrated placements were very low in Egyptian films and non-existent in Hollywood films. The disparity seems to be a result of the different and subjective operational definitions of this latent variable in particular. Webster and 86

Weerakkody (2013), for example, measured this variable on a 10-point-scale ranging from not integrated to highly-integrated with the storyline based on how the placement assists in the progression of the story; whereas, Sung et al. (2008) coded a placement as essential if removing or substituting the brand would "change the meaning or context of the scene or overall story", and thus only 2.2 percent of the placements were essential in the Korean sample. Although Avero and Ferraro (2000) also coded a placement as essential if using a different brand would change the content of the scene, they found that about 98 percent of verbal placements and 56 percent of visual placements were essential in American TV programs; yet we cannot assume that the product placement practice in

TV is similar to films. In this study, a placement was operationalized as integrated if removing and/or substituting the product would change the meaning or context of the scene, dialogue, or overall storyline, which is in line with Sung et al.’s (2008) definition; and thus the percentage of integrated or essential placements was very low in both studies. According to this operational definition, an integrated placement would have to be weaved into the plot in a way that makes it essential in the progression of the storyline, and thus integration in that case would have to defy the inherent nature of product placement as a subliminal advertising technique. Therefore, it seems evident that the inconsistent findings are probably the result of the lack of consensus in past studies on operationalizing and measuring plot integration.

This study found that placements in Egyptian films were mostly associated with main characters, which is consistent with past studies that were conducted on Hollywood,

Bollywood, Korean, and Chinese films (Chen et al., 2013; Galician & Bourdeau; 87

Gokhale, 2010; Kureshi & Sood, 2011; Sung et al., 2008). However, the study revealed that placements in Hollywood films were mostly associated with supporting characters.

The study also revealed a similar pattern of character involvement as the majority of placements in both Hollywood and Egyptian films were associated with male characters aged 30 through 49 years old. Moreover, it showed that American products were the most frequently placed in Hollywood films, which is similar to the dominance of Korean products in Korean films (Sung et al., 2011); whereas, most products placed in Egyptian films were of foreign brands, which is similar to the dominance of multinational brands in Bollywood films (Nelson et al., 2005). The abundance of American corporations and the U.S. economy's strength compared to Egypt could possibly be the reason behind this difference. It also highlights the presence of many multinational corporations in the

Egyptian market using product placement as a new technique to reach Egyptian consumers.

Conclusion

Due to the scarcity of product placement research in Africa and the Middle East, this study sets a benchmark for the product placement practice in Egypt, which is a major film center in the Arab world. As many as 15 variables were measured to offer a quantitative understanding of various aspects of the in-film placement trends in Egypt and compare them to Hollywood, yet the results cannot be generalized as the sample used was non-random. This study offers implications to both filmmakers and advertisers to integrate placements within film plots, and make them more seamless in Hollywood and

Egypt. Product placement agencies and specialists could make a product’s integration in 88 the plot successful by working closely with advertisers and filmmakers starting from the screenplay writing process in the film’s pre-production phase rather than merely imposing the product in the production phase. Not only would a successful integration make the appearance or mention of products within film scenes more attractive, but it would also preserve the creative integrity as well as avoid the overpopulation of films with brands. The placement of Wilson volleyball in the 2000 Cast Away is one example in which the product was successfully integrated within the film plot because the placements were weaved into the screenplay.

Additionally, the study offers an understanding of the differences in film genres used extensively by advertisers to place their products across the cinema markets, action films in Hollywood and comedy films in Egypt. The high production costs of action films compared to comedy films is one of the main reasons why the Egyptian cinema industry is centered on comedies nowadays. The study also reveals patterns in the product placement trends that would render certain film sequels in Hollywood or films starring specific actors in Egypt more attractive to advertisers. The appearance of certain brands across film sequels, such as Iron Man, Spiderman, Twilight, and Fast and Furious, would help build a connection as a result of the audiences’ familiarity with the film characters, their lifestyles, and the products they use. For example, the vampire character Edward

Cullen has been using a Volvo car in several parts of the film sequel Twilight. On the other hand, film sequels are not common in the Egyptian market, and thus advertisers tend to build a connection by placing their brands in the films of specific stars such as the comedian Ahmed Helmy. 89

The high prevalence of in-film placement in Egypt as a new advertising technique offers opportunities to both filmmakers and advertisers. While filmmakers could capitalize on the high number of random appearances of brands and products in Egyptian films as a source for financial aid; advertisers could seize that opportunity and work on advertising their products more seamlessly in successful films that can potentially reach millions of viewers in Egypt and the Arab world. On the other hand, the very high prevalence of placements in some Hollywood action films renders those as long and overpopulated advertisements rather than films as they may contain up to 100 placements per film in some cases, and hence the audience attitudes toward that high prevalence should be measured to assess its effectiveness.

Although the study reveals a high prevalence of the practice in both Hollywood and Egyptian films, some placement instances were not taken into account. Some cases of visual product placements of guns and sunglasses were not counted since the brand name, logo, or trademark didn't appear on screen, which might imply the existence of another level of the practice that is targeted toward specific audiences who can easily identify the brand without seeing the logo or hearing the brand name. This study measured only placement instances of real and commercial products and brands, and thus it didn't include governmental institutions such as NASA and the U.S. Army or fictional brands that appeared quite often in Hollywood films such as Wayne Enterprise in The

Dark Knight Rises, Starks in Iron Man 2 and Iron Man 3, and Capitol Coal in The

Hunger Games. Additionally, it can be argued that the super hero characters appearing in

Hollywood films such as Batman, Superman, Thor, Hulk, Mr. America, and Iron Man 90 would be considered products as they can be sold out in the form of video games, toys, and costumes, yet the study didn't take them into account while measuring in-film placements. Therefore, it would be interesting to analyze the context of in-film placements of countries, governmental institutions, and fictional characters in the future.

In addition, future studies could examine in-film placements in animated films as well in order to get an understanding of the practice in the context of that particular film genre, which is often present in the U.S. box office.

The sample size in this study, 40 films containing 1,259 placement instances in total in Hollywood and Egypt, might seem small compared to past research in Bollywood and Korea in which multiple coders analyzed 106 and 78 films respectively and found

266 and 1,280 placement instances in total (Sung et al., 2008, Kureshi & Sood, 2011), yet the size would be reasonable compared to recent studies analyzing up to 25 Hollywood films (Devlin and Comb, 2012; Webster, & Weerakkody, 2013). The biggest limitation in this study seemed to be the inability to determine whether the appearance of a brand or product is promotional or used only as a prop, which made it harder to assess the actual prevalence of the practice generally, and in Egyptian films in specific. The relatively prevalent verbal placements appearing in Egyptian films were mostly used to make jokes regardless of whether the product is mentioned in a positive or negative context, which could imply that some of the mentioned brand names were random and not paid for or the negative jokes involving the brands are being accepted by marketers if they perceive the scene to be the right context for a placement. 91

Moreover, there was a lack of information regarding the product placement practice and financial agreements involved in the process in Egyptian films unlike

Hollywood, for which brandchannel.com offers some information on the product placement practice and financial deals involved. Although the study revealed that comedy films had the highest average number of placements in Hollywood and Egyptian films, the high number of placements per comedy film in Hollywood was derived only from one film, The Hangover 2. Thus, further studies are needed to investigate the placement trends across film genres through stratified sampling rather than sampling the top earning films. It would also be interesting compare the product placement trends cross-culturally within reality television series in the U.S. and the Arab world such as America’s Got

Talent and Arabs Got Talent, American Idol and Arab Idol, and The Voice the American and the Arab versions.

In addition, studies interviewing advertising practitioners, producers and filmmakers are needed to help differentiate intentional and random in-film placements in order to gauge the practice more accurately. Further studies are also needed to assess the effects of in-film placements on audiences' attitudes, purchase behaviors, brand recognition and recall in order to compare the actual practice in Egyptian films with the audiences' preferences, and to compare these effects on Egyptian audiences with those in other countries.

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APPENDIX A: CODING BOOK

Table A.1.

Product Category Codes

512 Hat 100 Airlines 513 Pants 200 Appliances 514 Exercise Wear 201 Dish Washer 515 Suspenders 203 Stove 516 Vest 205 Clock 600 Electronic Equipment 206 B-B-Q Grill/Microwave 601 Computer/Computer 207 Faucet Software 208 Washing Machine 602 Mobile Phone 209 Dryer 603 Radio 210 Air Conditioner 604 Stereo Equipment/Music 211 Fan Device 212 Fridge 605 Tablet 300 Beverages 606 Television 301 Beer 607 Video Game 303 Coffee 608 Video Camera 305 Energy Drink 609 Headphones 306 Tea/Iced Tea 610 Cassette 307 Juice 700 Financial Products/Services 308 Milk 701 Bank 309 Spirits/Hard Liquor 702 Brokerage House 310 Soda 703 Credit Card 312 Water 704 Loans 313 Slushed Ice Drink 705 Payroll Services 400 Automobiles/Trucks 800 Food 401 Car 802 Candy 403 Motorcycle 804 Cereal 405 Truck 807 Chips 406 Van 809 Cookies 500 Clothing/Shoes 812 Hamburger 502 Coat/Jacket 813 Honey 504 Jeans 814 Ice Cream 505 Lingerie 816 Pizza 506 Shoes/Sneakers 817 Popcorn 508 Sweatshirt/Sweater 819 Yoghurt/Frozen Yoghurt 509 Shirt/T-shirt 820 Pasta 510 Underwear 821 Cheese 511 Bathing Suit 822 Cake 108

823 Dessert Toppings 1413 Dish Soap 824 Beef 1414 Cookware 825 Oil/Cooking Sprays 1415 Thermos 826 Hot Dog 1500 Jewelry/Watches 827 Gelatin 1600 Media and Entertainment 828 Pastry/Bakery 1601 Book 829 Batter 1602 Live Performance 830 Salt 1603 Magazine 831 Margarine/Butter 1604 Movie 832 Fruit 1605 Newspaper 833 Sugar 1606 TV Program 900 Furniture 1607 TV/Radio Station 904 High Chair 1608 Movie/TV Studio 905 Entertainment Center 1609 Song/CD/Band 906 Desk 1610 Theater 907 Vase 1611 Comic/Cartoons 1000 Health Care Products 1612 Record/Film Producer 1001 OTC Medicine 1613 Website 1002 Vitamins/Food 1700 Personal Care Items Supplements 1702 Breath Mints 1003 Pharmaceuticals 1703 Deodorant 1004 Medical Supplies 1704 Makeup 1100 Machinery and Equipment 1707 Perfume 1101 Lawn Mower 1709 Toothpaste 1102 Tools 1710 Denture Care 1300 Educational, Medical, and 1711 Razor Philanthropical Organizations 1712 Diapers 1301 College/University 1713 Soap 1302 Hospital 1800 Pet Supplies 1303 Organization 1802 Dog Food 1304 Institute 1900 Photographic Supplies 1400 Domestic Products 1901 Camera 1401 Laundry Detergent 1902 Film 1402 Mop 2000 Recreation 1403 Bedding 2001 Bicycle 1404 Gardening Supplies 2002 Fitness Equipment 1405 Bleach 2003 Fitness Club 1406 Floor/Furniture Polish 2004 Lottery 1407 Glue 2005 Fitness Video 1408 Firewood 2006 Country Club 1409 Sponge 2007 Musical Instruments 1410 Scale 2008 Theme Park 1411 Vacuum 2009 Zoo 1412 Deodorizer 2100 Restaurant/Cafe 109

2200 Service Companies 2311 Baseball 2201 Hotel/Casino 2313 Sweat Band 2202 Telecommunications 2314 Catcher's Equipment 2203 Publication 2315 Professional Cheerleaders 2204 Real Estate 2316 Golfing Equipment 2205 Museum 2317 Football 2206 Trucking 2318 Goggles 2207 Transportation 2320 Fishing Equipment 2208 Diet Program 2321 Diving Equipment 2209 Cruise Line 2500 Stores 2210 Auto Repair 2502 Department 2211 Utility 2503 Discount 2212 Rental Car 2505 Video/Music 2213 Photocopying & Related 2506 Sporting Goods 2214 Music/Dance Lessons 2507 Gas Station 2215 Law Firm 2508 Convenience 2216 Engineering 2509 Clothing 2217 Product Testing 2510 Hardware 2220 Satellite/Cable 2511 Shoe 2221 Shipping 2512 Supermarket 2222 Talent/Modeling Agency 2513 Automotive 2223 Shopping Mall 2514 Drug 2224 Food Distributor 2515 Thrift 2225 Insurance 2516 Electronics 2227 Storage 2517 Office Supplies 2228 Home Inspection 2518 Book/Comic 2229 Waste Services 2519 Candy 2230 Internet Services 2520 Home & Garden Supplies 2231 Travel 2600 Tobacco Products 2232 Special Effects 2602 Cigarettes 2233 Moving 2800 Toys/Games 2234 Job Training 2900 Other 2300 Sports Related Products 2902 Luggage 2301 Professional Sports 2903 Office Equipment League 2905 Keys 2302 Professional Sports Team 2907 Backpack 2303 Stadium/Arena 2908 Bag 2304 Racket 2909 Gun 2305 In-line Skates 2911 Car Part 2306 Snow Mobile 2912 Telescope 2307 Skis 2913 Fiber Glass 2308 Sporting Event 2914 Sunglasses 2309 Baseball Mitt 2915 Stationary 2310 Batting Gloves 3000 Bars/Dance Clubs 110

Table A.2.

Instructions for the Coding Sheet

LABEL INSTRUCTION Product Placement Any visual appearance of a brand logo or trademark; any Instance verbal mention of a brand name; or both appearance and mention.

Placement Instance Fill in the product placement number (Case Number). If one Number brand appears more than once in one scene, it's coded as one instance only. If it appears in another scene, it's coded as a new instance.

Film Name Fill in the number that corresponds to the film.

Film Period Setting Fill in the number that corresponds to the period setting. Past refers to historical films; present refers to films that are recent; and future refers to futuristic films. If a film is in an imaginary context and time, it's coded as other.

Brand Name Fill in the name of the brand that is shown or mentioned.

Brand's Country of Place a check mark in the column that corresponds to the Origin brand's country of origin: domestic or foreign.

Product Category Fill in the code for the product category. If there is no code for that particular product, fill in the product category code.

Scene Setting Fill in the code for the scene setting. 1 Bar/Club 2 Bus/Car/Train/Truck/Boat/Plane 3 Church/House of Worship 4 Doctor's Office/Hospital/Clinic 5 Home 6 Hotel/Motel 7 Outdoors 8 Police Station/Jail 9 Restaurant/Café 10 School 11 Sports Facility 12 Store 13 Work Place 14 Airport/Train or metro station 111

15 Other The scene is coded as 2 only if the main and/or supporting characters are in the vehicle for the entire scene. If the characters get off the vehicle, then it is coded as 7.

Placement Modality Fill in the number that corresponds to the placement modality: visual, verbal, or audiovisual. Visual refers to placements in which the brand is only seen; verbal refers to placements in which the brand is mentioned; and audiovisual refers to placements in which the brand is seen and mentioned.

Type of Portrayal Fill in the number that corresponds to the type of visual or audiovisual portrayal. 1 Primary Display 2 Secondary Display 3 Advertisement A primary display refers to the appearance of the product itself or its packaging. A secondary display refers to the brand name/mark shown on something that is not the actual product (i.e., company name on a t-shirt where the company does not make t-shirts, brand mark on the side of a distribution vehicle). A formal advertisement within the film means that there was an ad contained within the film (i.e., a billboard, TV commercial, ad in a magazine).

Position Fill in the number that corresponds to the visual or audiovisual placement position in the scene. If it appears more than once in the scene, fill in the highest position, background being the lowest and foreground/close up the highest. 1 Background 2 Foreground/Close Up

Number of Times in a Enter the number of times the brand name is mentioned Dialogue during the brand instance in a scene by any number of characters.

Character Involvement Fill in the number that corresponds to the character involvement: non-use, used by character, mentioned by character, or both used and mentioned. If the product isn't used by a character, then skip type of role, gender, and age, and go to plot integration.

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Type of Role Fill in the number that corresponds to the type of role. 1 Extra Character 2 Supporting Character(s) 3 Main Character 4 Both Main and Supporting Characters 5 Person Portraying his/herself 6 Not Able to Identify

Gender Fill in the number that corresponds to the character's gender. 1 Male 2 Female 3 Both 4 Not Able to Identify

Age Fill in the number that corresponds to the character's age. 1 Under 5 Years Old 2 5 through 12 years old 3 13 through 19 years old 4 20 through 29 Years Old 5 30 through 49 Years Old 6 50 Years and Older 7 Unable to Identify If more than one character of different age categories are associated with the product, or the character using the product cannot be identified on screen then they will be coded as Unable to Identify.

Plot Integration Fill in the number that corresponds to the placement integration. 1 Integrated 2 Not Integrated A placement is considered to be integrated with the plot only if removing or substituting the brand name would change the meaning or context of the scene. A verbal placement is considered to be integrated with the plot only if not referring to the brand would change the meaning of the dialogue.

Prominence Fill in the number that corresponds to the placement prominence. 1 Subtle 2 Prominent 113

A visual placement is considered prominent if it is in the foreground or a close up, and displayed for a longer time (about 2 seconds or more) or appearing more than once in the same scene. A verbal placement is considered prominent only if mentioned more than once in the dialogue. An audiovisual placement will be considered prominent by default.

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APPENDIX B: CODING SHEET

A. Product Instance Number (Case Number) ______

B. Film Name ______

1= IronMan2 2= Twilight Saga Eclipse 3= Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows1 4= Inception 5= The Karate Kid 6= Transformers: Dark of the Moon 7= Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn 1 8= The Hangover 2 9= Fast Five 10= Mission Impossible: Ghost Protocol 11= The Avengers 12= The Dark Knight Rises 13= Skyfall 14= The Amazing Spiderman 15= Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn 2 16= Star Trek Into Darkness 17= Iron Man3 18= Man of Steel 19= Gravity 20= Fast & Furious 6 21= The Benefit 22= Abdo Mota 23= Omar and Salma 24= My Awesome Grandma 25= Miss Mommy 26= Lion Heart 27= Over My Dead Body 28= The Party 29= Ta Tah 30= Sameer Abu Elneel 31= Black Honey 32= My Eye Light 33= Alzheimer 34= No Retreat No Surrender 35= Bolbol Confused 36= X Large 37= Haram Street 38= Tek Tek Bom 39= Break and Resume 40= Samy Carbon Dioxide

C. Period Setting of Film ___

1 = Past 2 = Present 3 = Future 4 = Other ______

D. Product Brand Name ______

E. Brand’s Country of Origin ___

1 = Domestic 2 = Foreign

F. Product Category Code (Consult Product Code Table) ______

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G. Scene Setting ______

1 = Bar/Club 2 = Bus/Car/Train/Truck/Boat/Plane 3 = Church/House of Worship 4 = Doctor’s Office/Hospital/Clinic 5 = Home 6 = Hotel/Motel 7 = Outdoors 8 = Police Station/Jail 9 = Restaurant/Café 10 = School 11 = Sports Facility 12 = Store 13 = Work Place 14 = Airport/Train or metro station 15= Other ______

H. Placement Modality ___

1 = Visual 2 = Verbal 3 = Audiovisual

H.1a. Type of Portrayal (Visual) ___ 1 = Primary Display 2 = Secondary Display 3 = Advertisement

H.1b. Position (Visual) ___ 1 = Background 2 = Foreground/Close Up

H.2a. Number of Times in a Dialogue (Verbal) ______

H.3a. Type of Portrayal (Audiovisual) ___ 1 = Primary Display 2 = Secondary Display 3 = Advertisement

H.3b. Position (Audiovisual) ___ 1 = Background 2 = Foreground 3 = Close Up

H.3c. Number of Times in a Dialogue (Audiovisual) ______

I. Character Involvement ___

1 = Non-Use (if non-use, go to J) 2 = Used by Character 3 = Mentioned by Character 4 = Used and Mentioned

I1. Type of Character Role Associated with Product ___ 1 = Extra Character 2 = Supporting Character(s) 3 = Main Character 4 = Both Main and Supporting Characters 5 = Person Portraying His/Herself 6 = Not Able to Identify

I2. Gender of Character Associated with Product ___ 1 = Male 2 = Female 3 = Both 4 = Not Able to Identify

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I3. Age of Character Associated with Product ___ 1 = Under 5 Years Old 2 = 5 through 12 Years Old 3 = 13 through 19 Years Old 4 = 20 through 29 Years Old 5 = 30 through 49 Years Old 6 = 50 Years and Older 7 = Multiple

J. Plot Integration ___

1 = Integrated 2 = Not Integrated

K. Prominence ___

1 = Subtle 2 = Prominent

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Thesis and Dissertation Services ! !