An annotated translation of "Toshi bunka no hattatsu (The development of urban culture)"; a portion of vol IV of Kyodai Nihonshi (The Kyoto University History of Japan)
Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic)
Authors Sullivan, Jerry Vincent, 1941-
Publisher The University of Arizona.
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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/347560 AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION OF
"TOSHI BUNKA NO HATTATSU (THE DEVELOPMENT OF URBAN CULTURE)"
A PORTION OF VOL. IV OF KYODAI NIHONSHI
(THE KYOTO UNIVERSITY HISTORY OF JAPAN)
by .
Jerry Vincent Sullivan
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF ORIENTAL STUDIES
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
19 6 6 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This thesis has been, submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgement of source is made„ Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author.
SIGNED;
APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR
This thesis has been approved on the date shown below;
D. C. Bailey kT __ , 0 Date : Associate Professor of Oriental Studies ACKNOWLEDGMENT
"The author wishes to express his profound debt to Professor
Don C. Bailey for his comments, suggestions, and criticism s during the preparation of this manuscript. Without Professor Bailey's aid and great patieiitee any worth this paper might possess would have been greatly reduced. Furthermore I am in debt to George H. Roberts and
Mrs. K. Hurley for typing the unfamiliar transliterations of names and terms under difficult circumstances.
Special thanks go to my parents and family who with assist ance and.encouragement made it all possible.
Finally, the responsibility for any shortcomings which will be discovered is, regrettably, my own. TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations. . „ „ . . „ . Page v
Abstract. o « . o . I . * « « . « ? vi
Introduction, oeooooooooo ooooooo.oooooooood ooooooooooo 1
Chapter II The Development of Urban Culture, .o ...... 3
Subchapter 1 The Spirit of the Large Cities...... 3
Sub chapter 2 Concepts Centered in Humanity: Learning and the Arts ...... 6. T 9
Subchapter 3 The Spirit of Positivism and its M anifestation...... 20
J^l’P'P end.li^C. . .0.0.0. .OOOO. ...oo o.oo. ..0.00. 00. oooo. 0.0.0 33
'l
iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
F igu re 1: An. example of a Chidori style gable. = . . . . Page 33
F igu re 2: An example of a Kara style gable...... Page 33
v ABSTRACT
The translated portion of the text describes in a concise, bio graphical manner the general development of urban culture in Japan during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries.
Thus this portion of the text is concerned with trends in philosophy, science, and the arts. The rise of positivism in philosophy, the adopt ion of western scientific method in research, and the rise of realism in painting illustrate the gradual tendency, toward the molding of a par ticular attitude and mode of behavior that is thought to be consistent with modern urban culture. The development of the Japanese city did not mark the end of feudalism, but it did signal the beginning of a change in values and concepts, without which modern Japan could not have arisen. INTRODUCTION
The Japanese language presents some rather difficult prob lems in translation; therefore, I have seen fit to depart from a strictly literal interpretation of the text without, I trust, losing the essential meaning of the work, for a reasonable effort has been made to remain faithful to the original. However, for compelling reasons, any given section or sentence is likely to be a compromise between the labyrinth of subordinate clauses in Japanese and the demands of English that the subject not be hopelessly separated from its verb. At times, Japanese sentences have been artificially divided, even though this meant repeat ing certain elements in the several sentences that resulted from one long Japanese original. At other times, purely mechanical devices have been employed. For example, occasionally long subordinate ele ments have been placed within parentheses - - as in the case of relative clauses within relative clauses - - to help lead the reader's eye from sub ject to verb.
If gross infelicities remain, most of them are intentional, for the pages that follow can still claim to be called a translation, that is, much original idiom, metaphor, and the like have been respected - - no matter how exotic as English fare - - as preferable to the currently fashionable "internalizing" and highly readable but anomalous paraphras ing that results.
1 That section of volume four of Kyodai Nihonshi (Kyoto
University's HISTORY OF JAPAN) which follows is the work of Ishida
Ichiro, (1913-),. professor of history at Tohoku University (Sendai), who
is a specialist in Japanese cultural history (Nihon bunkashi) and in the history of Japanese thought (Nihon shisoshi). He is the author of such
works, both general and specialized, as follows: CULTURAL HISTORY
-- THEORY AND PRACTICE, KABUKI -- ITS SPECIAL CHARACTER
ISTICS AND ITS APPRECIATION, JAPANESE SOCIETY IN THE PRE
MODERN PERIOD, HISTORY OF JAPANESE ARTS, THE CULTURE
OF THE URBAN TRADESMEN IN PRE-MODERN JAPAN, etc.
As will be immediately apparent to the reader, Ishida's
writing here is more bibliographic than it is analytic or critical and his attitude is more that or reporting than of writing to a thesis.
Ishida's style is highly compressed. And, in the view of the translator,
if for no reason other than that of gathering together in a minimum of
space more factual material than can otherwise be found in English in
such compressed form, the effort spent on the translation that follows has not been wasted. CHAPTER II THE DEVELOPMENT OF URBAN CULTURE;
1 The Sprit of the Large Cities
Feudalism and the Castletown
The formation of urban communities which appeared in various parts of the country early in the latter part of the feudal period certainly had not been seen hitherto in Japanese history, and it opened up a new era of life and prepared the foundation for a new culture. According to the records of that time, in about the years 1607-08 (Keicho 11, 12) several daimyo /a feudal lord/ in the region of Kyushu, Chugoku and
Shikoku were absorbed in castle construction, and in a period of one year (1610) as many as 25 castletowers were created. Moreover, the building of keeps and the construction of citadels was invariably accom panied by the establishment and consolidation of castletowns. For example, entirely original large buildings suddenly appeared before the people, buildings piled high with gables in both the Chidori and Kara sty le s Csee Appendix, Notes 1-2/ rising one on the other above the white chalkstone walls, which in turn were based on rockwalls whose sharp ridge-lines submerged into deep, water-filled moats.
Centered in these vulgarly enormous buildings were large numbers of retainers, servants, and tradesmen; and the merchants, especially, lived crowded together in cramped buildings which faced onto narrow streets. Inasmuch as these were the castletowns of the great daimyo, tradesmen from the various areas assembled in them a great variety of merchandise; and also the dances of various localities were performed- - the Mando-e ^ ^ Buddhist festival for offer ing lanterns to a Buddha or Bodhisattva/ and other festivals were held which brought forth splendidly elegant floats /[called dashi ill $ , a two-wheeled cart used to haul Buddhist images for public display dur ing festival periodsj adorned with kosode /jt /a padded quilt-like silk garment used to protect the sacred image/ which occasioned enjoy ment and delight for the newly-arrived townspeople.
The development of a money economy, the exploitation of gold and silver mines, and the minting of coins in this period led to the rapid exchange of goods, the oscillation of individual wealth, and the concen tration and accumulation of financial wealth in the city. Consequently, the increase of individual contact that arose created numerous changes in the means of livelihood. This diversity and constantly changing stim uli were adequate altogether to form an urban atmosphere and feeling.
The development of cities, inhabited by provincials who did not preserve their own local traditions, created an atmosphere in the city which differed certainly from life in the rural communities of the middle ages. //This atmosphere/ was sufficient to form a consciousness of the new era - - a consciousness that was inconsistent with and opposed to the essence of the feudal system. The spirit of this period regarded the city as well as its tradesmen as the necessary tools of the feudal society; the interaction between the castletowns and the government purveyors gave birth to a feudalistic bond which was able to bring about the rise and prosperity of both the tradesmen (merchants) as well as the castletowns and to unite the structure as well as the spirit of the organization of the feudal system. An important fact that must be considered in account ing for the culture of the latter part of the feudal period is that cities developed concurrently with the perfection of the feudal system. The development and maturation of the feudal system was the source and sustenance of the development and expansion of cities --a feature which differed from aspects of the development of the medieval city and the bourgeoisie in the history of the west.
The fundamental fact which reveals the character of the culture possessed by the late feudal city -- one that discloses the culture which should be held as typical of late feudal society -- is one that considers the spontaneous formation of the castletown as the indis pensable element.
The Life of the Large City and Its Anti-feudal Spirit
The tradesmen who appeared in the formative period of the castletowns were9 in the wide sense, those who served in the general business of the feudal lord; but, with the advent of peace, the traditional business people gradually developed into independent occupational groups and from the beginning, in the provinces, one sees the free businessmen gathering together. Thus, large cities, such as Kyoto, Edo, and Osaka, developed under so-called centralized feudalism as national cities (in
contrast to a circumscribed local area of a given feudal daimyo1 s C astle
town) /where/ there was a large concentration of independent me r chant- tradesmen who came in conjunction with free communication and trade
which transcended feudalistic sectionalism.
It is noted that there was an immeasurably large difference between the populations of these cities and the population of the local
castletowns. Early in the eighteenth century, after the Kyoho era and throughout the Tokugawa period, there were approximately 500,000
chonin Sj ^ /urban tradesmen/ excluding Bushi Jftf* "ir /lower military aristocracy/ in Edo, and if the Bushi are included it is
assumed there were 1, 000, 000 but not more than 1, 400, 000 inhabitants.
It is thought that Kyoto and Osaka had populations in excess of 400, 000,
In contrast, the largest of the provincial towns, Kanazawa, the Castle town of Kaga /province/ whose rice production was 1, 000, 000 koku
Cl koku = 4, 96 bushels/ had a population of 65, 000, Nagoya, castletown
of the Owari Tokugawa with 620, 000 koku had a population of 57, 000;
Hiroshima with 420, 000 koku had 36, 000 inhabitants; Okayama with
320, 000 koku had a population of 28, 000; Fukai with 300, 000 koku had
a population of 21, 000; Surugaoka with 140, 000 koku had8 , 000 people;
Fukuyama as well as Qgaki with 100, 000 koku each had 8 , 000 and 6, 000 inhabitants respectively; and Sasayanm and Zeze with 3,000 koku each possessed identical populations of 3, 000, Other castletowns in turn possessed populations approximately in proportion to the koku production of that daimiate. The development of the great cities -- who possessed populations that were multiples of their provincial counterparts -- was
accelerated more and more by the universal peace and stability of the
Bakufu government which in turn caused the development of a life and
ethos at variance with that of the provincial cities.
Although the life of the chonin of provincial cities did not
deviate greatly from the feudal norm, changes came to the life of the
chonin of the great cities; population differences between the provincial and the great cities were more than quantitative; they /population differ
ences? had brought about qualitative differences with respect to the life and attitude toward life of the inhabitants of the great cities.
So this meant that the Bakufu from the beginning took note of the development of the large cities, especially from the Kyoho /era? at the beginning of the eighteenth century and continuing throughout the
Tokugawa period; that the ruling class who controlled urban development among themselves attempted, amid great controversy, to restore the large urban centers to a form which /they thought? should be natural under the feudal system; that the atmosphere of the large cities did. not
support the feudal system. On the contrary, it tended to bring about a break that the feudal system stood ready to oppose.
Within the anti-feudal life spirit generated within the life of the great cities there; arose: 1) h u m anism 2) spirit of positivism 3) individual consciousness 4) proletarian sentiments
The life of the large city, in terms of learning and the arts, while complex in its various assorted elements and degrees of emphasis, altered its form and developed into something unlike earlier feudal thought and art. 2 Concepts Centered in Humanity: Learning and the Arts
Human Interest and Ukiyo-e
The phenomenon of a nspiritn associated specifically with the development of the great cities meant a decline of interest in the super natural, a rise of interest in humanity, and the growth of humanitarian con cep ts.
When we examine the Ikeda family's
Rakuchtl Rakugai Zubyobu (folding screen depicting scenes in and around
Kyoto) -- believed to be an early seventeenth century work of the Keicho-
Genna period (1596-1624) -- we see that human beings occupy a large portion of the motif but that, in keeping with this, concern for and inter
est in human beings supports the spirit of this screen's production, so that an urban feeling fairly overflows on the face of the screen itself.
Moreover, even in the Hokokusai Zubyobu /the Hdkoku Festi val? (Hokoku Shrine Collection), by Kano Shigesato$^T;M$^(Naizen)
j^J y) H’ (1570-1616) and in Osaka Natsu no Jin ZubyobuXOsaka Summer
Encampment^? and the like it is possible to recognize that, rather than
concern for the super-man, interest in human beings and in their varying forms supported the will toward expression.
Moreover, from Takao Kanpu-zu /Autumn Foliage Viewing
at Takao? (Fukuoka family collection)^ by Kano Hideyori (died 1557),
9 10 through Hikone Byobu (li family collection) and Honda Heihachiro
Esugata (Tokugawa family collection), and continuing down to Hishikawa
Moronobu (1618-94)'s Kitasato Engeki Zukan (Tokyo National Museum collection) it was this spirit that supported the development of ukiyoe gen re art.
By ukiyoe £genre painting which generally encompassed the pleasure- seeking environment of the urban entertainment quarter? which began and flourished during this period -- we mean the pictures that depicted the ukiyo /floating world?. What the artist painted were men and the diverse aspects of men; consequently, the rise of interest in social conditions and human affairs supported its development. The various schools of Hishikawa, Torii, Kaigetsudo, Miyakawa, Okamura,
Ishikawa, Suzuki, Nishi Mura, Kitao, Katsukawa, Kitagawa, Utagawa,
Ho soda, Katsushika, Kikugawa, and o their s emerged in turn and com peted; however, above all, Suzuki Harunobu S u (1718-70), Kita gawa Utamaro $ (1753-180 5), Toshusai Sharaku 0^^ 7^
(end of the eighteenth century) and Utagawa Toyokuni 1]^?!! Ig7 |||j
(1789-1825) were famous. Harunobu painted the charming figure of
Kasamori Osen /said to be an amorous woman of the Kasamori Tea house in Edo during the Meiwa Era (1764- 1771)7 and Yanagiya Ofuji
/a contemporary of Kasamori Osen? while Sharaku and Toyokuni painted in Okubi /large head style of painting only the subject's head or upper body? pleasing likenesses of Kabuki actors living in those tim es: 11
Danjurd /Ichikawa Danjuro (1660-1704) originator of the
Aragoto (heroic drama)//, Matsuzuke /~Onoe Matsusuke
(1774- 1815) thought to be the first actor to specialize in ghost plays_7,
Komazo /Ichikawa Komazd (1764-1838).7 and others. With out an interest in humanity these works could not have been produced.
It was probably Utamaro, in particular, who vigorously expressed interest in humanity. Especially in Fujin Sogaku Jutai /Ten Studies of Women/, personally autographed "Kansd Utamaro", he captured with accuracy a variety of figure, facial expression and costume, depending upon the character of the woman; and he superbly expressed in the color and line of the woodblock print his insatiable interest in h u m an ity.
In landscape painting, Katsushika Hokusai
(1760-1849) and Ando Hiroshige (1797-1858) were especially important. To be sure Hokusai's Fuji Sanjurokukei (Thirty-six Views of Fuji) is a work that has succeeded in portraying distant views and close-ups of Mt. Fuji; but, far from this meaning /jnerely/ that thirty-
six variously novel views of Fuji have been sketched, it should rather be stated that, against a background of a monotonously repeated identi cal form, it attracts the attention of the viewer to the multifarious aspects of human life there presented. Even in Hiroshige's Tokaido
Gojusan Tsugi /The fifty-three stations of the TokaidoJ different sorts of people, shown in the spectacle of the varying journey, have been expressed in rich poetic sentiment.
Literature of the Large Cities
The interest in men and the various aspects of men brought about in literature the development of the Ukiyozdshi /realistic novelj from the Kanazoshi /sim ple storybooks in phonetic script? of the early
Edo period. In Koshoku Ichidai Otoko /The Man Who Spent His Life
Lovemaking?, Koshoku Ichidai Onna/7the Woman Who Spent Her Life
Lovemaking?, and Koshoku Gonin.Onna /Five Amorous Women? 9 by
Ibara Saikaku S'S (1642^1693) , there is a lively mental attitude of respect for humans and regard for human emotion. Saikaku!s
Koshoku Nidai Otoko /A Voluptuous Man of the Second Generation? - in which the hero, in the depths of debauchery, dies and is visited by a harlot from paradise - makes us contemptuous of the supernatural /In fiction?o Saikaku, who had come to the conclusion that "he cared more for this world than the next" knew that "If you come to understand man, there is nothing as pitiable as mankind. " Rather than call Nihon Eitai- gura /M illionaires! Gospel Modernized? and Seken Munezanyo /This
Scheming World? works about money, one should refer to them as works . which tried to depict the sundry minds and appearances of people involved in money making. In Okimiyage /Mementos?, he writes about the petty townsmen who were thought of as bdfurimushi (mosquito larva) and has expressed in intense style the depth of his affection for mankind. 13
Hachimonjiya Jish5 (died 1745) and Ejima Kiseki
(1667-1736), and other s,:: followed Saikaku, who was active from Tenna £1681-16847 through Genroku £1688-17047- From the end of Genroku on through Horeki (1751-1764) and Meiwa (1764-1772), begin ning with Seken Musukokatagi £The Character of a Merchant Class Boy7 they composed a number of Katagi Mono £character pieces7 and pursued their interest in people. The Sharehon £gay quarter novelettes of
Tokugawa period/, which was the successor to the Haeshimonjiyabon
£hamed after a famous Kyoto publishing house/, is represented by Santo
Kyoden's 111^^^^.(1761-1816) Kyakushu Kimo Kagami £The Mirror of the Gall of Guests of the Pleasure Quarters/. The Yomihon £reading book/ is exemplified by Takizawa Bakin's (1767-1848) Nanso Satomi
Hakkenden. Jippensha Ikku's ~/l. (1775 ? -1831) Tokaidochu Hizakurige, and Shikitei Sanba's (1776-1822) Tosei Ukiyoburo are the last development of the Kokkeibon £comic book/. The Gokan /composite book/ or Kusazoshi /grass leaflet/ is represented by Ryutei Tanehiko's
(1783-1842) Nise Murasaki Inaka Genji. The Ninjobon (book dealing with human feelings/ is typified by Tamenaga Shunsui's (1790- 1843)
Shunshoku Umegoyomi /Plum Calendar and Color of Spring/. All of them were trying to respond to the large city dweller's insatiable affection for his world.
In drama Chikamatsu Monzaemon^i^n/rii'ffK 1653-1724) appeared, and in his jidaimono /period pieces./ and sewamono /social drama pieces/ 14 he wrote of the world of duty versus desire; and especially in the sewamono he let his human compassion overflow. In Meido no Hikyaku
ZjDourier of Hade§7, Shinju Yoi Koshin , Shinjuten no Amijima /Love
Suicide at Amijima/ and Onnagoroshi Abura Jigoku, the sorrow of the world is revealed and a'-bcmndless sympathy for humanity was chanted.
After the works of Chikamatsu, as time passed, the interest in human ity increasingly swelled as seen in Ki no Kaion's (1663-1742) Kamakura
Sandaiki and Shinju Futatsu Haraobi, Takeda Izumo’s ^TlB ^ *=E
(1691-1756) Sugawara-denju Tenarai Kagami (The Story of Sugawara
Michizane) and Kanadehon Chushingura /Story of the Forty-Seven Retain ers of the Ako Claii/, Chikamatsu Hanji's (1725-1783) Shimpan
Utazaimon /Love Suicide of Osomi and HisamatsuJ and Lnoseyama
Qnna Teikin /Story of Soga IrukaJ, Tsuruya Naraboku's IfF!^ fcj
(1773-1829)Tokaido Yotsuya Kaidan. In the latter days of the Tokugawa,
Kawatake Mokuami 1816-1893) portrayed the little villains of the streets in his Murai Choan Takumi Yaregasa and Kamiyui Shinza, in which he increasingly played up human affection; and he makes one feel a sentiment which we might go so far as to call Ningen e no Ky5shu,
/Nostalgia for Humanity?.
From Gidayu-bushi /song-ballad?» Bungo-bushi, Tokiwazu- bushi, Tomimoto-bushi, Itchu-bushi, Kiyomoto-bushi, Shinnai-bushi,
Kato-bushi, and Edo-nagauta, all the way down to Kouta, hauta /a ditty or short love song?, dodoitsu '/Japanese limerick: 7-7-7-5 meterj the 15.;: poetry and prose of the kayo /balladj sung by the inhabitants of the large cities, were nothing more than a glorification of /their/ world.
The senryu /comic haiku poem/ and kydka /comic tanka poem/ created by the townsmen were well suited to the task of celebrating the ins and outs, from A-Z, of the affairs of this world. Indeed the large city was a melting pot of interest in people. From this melting pot, as urban studies within Confucianism, the Kogaku-haS %^/the Ancient School of
Philosophy which claimed to revive the doctrines of antiquity (Confuciuss and Mencius)J/ and Kokugaku S ^C (Japanese) National Studies? made a dramatic entrance upon the scene.
The Kogaku school of Confucianism and the humanism of Kokugaku
In Confucianism the teachings of Yamaga Soko Ut^
/1 622.--1685.7/synthesizer of Bushido?, and Ogyu Sorai #3r@f?k( 1666-1728)
/founder of the Ken'engaku-ha (Kayabacho school)? of Edo, and of Ito
JinsaiiP##f''^(l627-1705) of Kyoto - all represented the scholarship of the great cities, promoted interest in reality, emphasized the concept of humanism, and weakened the religious-oriented flavor /of Confucianism?.
Soko, who graduated from the school of the Neo-Confucianist
Hyashi Kazan /1 583- 1672? in opposition to his teacher, criticized
Shushigaku /"the Neo-Confucianism of Chu Hsi? and simultaneously even rejected the Yomeigaku Pig 8/9 /Wang Yang-ming? school. In his works Seikyo Ydroku /sacre d teachings digest/ and Yamaga Gorui
/Y a m a g a1 s Word Categories?, he squght the Jitsugaku /Realism? which should be practiced by ordinary people; he advocated the return to original ^"Chinesej/ Confucianism, and he took the lead in Kogaku
/classic studies/. Soko's school was inherited by his son Koki.
In the beginning Jinsai's study extended to both Shushigaku
/the Chu Hsi School/ and Yomeigaku /the Wang Yang-ming school/ but he disliked the metaphysical nature of those schools; and, publishing his Gomo Jigi /Commentary on the Analects and Mencius,/ and Dojimon jl~Ffa^/~Cate chism /, he directed his entire attention to the norm of humanism, advocated JKogaku /classical (Confucian) studies./, and concentrated all his creative power on this subject, preaching the return to /the concepts/ of Confucius, and Mencius. Thus Jinsai espoused agnosticism and positively rejected the Chu Hsi concept that would relate the transcendental to human affairs. Hara Sokei
(1718- 1767), Jinsai's adherent, criticized Sdgaku 7f? ^ZSung studies,/, saying it understood Ten /Heaven/ without understanding Jin A
/M an/; and Aizawa Shoshisaijg^jE^/^(1782-1863), a Chu H si-ist of later tim es, criticized the Jinsai school by saying that it was detailed in its treatment of the meaning of "man and everyday /life/ " but defic ient in its understanding of the yin-yang principle of superhuman powers, and of the mystery of creation. In any case, this criticism reveals the humanism of the Jinsai school in its rejection of the metaphysical thought of Chu-Hsi-ism. Jinsai's studies were continued by his sons Ito Togai
(167-6-1736) and Ito Kangu flS (1694-1778), known to the 17 world as kogigaku r^' ^studies of the meaning of the oldj or
Horikawagaku J|^ /jlorikawa studies. . . with reference to the location of Jinsai's home in the Horikawa section of Kyoto?- The dchool itself was known as Kogido or Horikawajuku. The disciples Kitamura
Tokusho(1646-1718/, A rakawa Keigen (1654-1735) and others inherited with fidelity Jinsai's school.
Sorai, too, at first followed Chu-Hsi-ism but, under the influence of Jinsai, turned to classical-revival studies, and wrote the two books Bendo ^Explanation of "The Way']? and Benmei /Explanation of Term§7 in which he takes the view: that the /legendary? Yao and
Shun were sovereigns; that "The Way" is something they made; that, therefore, what we call "The Way" is something contrived out of human cunning; and, that it is not, as explained in Chu-Hsi-ism, something that has issued forth from supernatural beings. Sorai's field of study was called Kobunjig-pku ^ /"the Ming School of Classical
Exegesis]? and his school was called Ken'enjuku g# /. Sorai's senior disciples Dazac Shundai (1680-1747), Hattori
Nankaku (1683-1759), At5 T5ya (1685-1719), and Yamagata Shunan UllfrfUef (1687-1752) dominated the academic world, and as successors in the Jinsai school prevailed from Genroku
(1688-1704) through Kyoho (1716-1736). They advocated ningen no gaku
/the study of mankind? and denounced the metaphysical nature of Chu
Hsi's teachings. Thus, humanism within Confucianism was taken over 18 by kokugaku /nationalistic studiesj. During the Genroku period at the end of the seventeenth century, kokugaku brought into existence by To da
M osui IB ~f% (1629- 1706), who appeared in Edo, by Shimokobe
N a g a r u (1624-1686), of Osaka, and by the priest Keichu,
fe? 'V who succeeded to the scholarship of Nagaru /excluding the traditions of medieval poetry studies as represented by Hosokawa
Y usai /0/f(and others, who, following Sankoin Sane-eda —X/
(1511-1579), succeeded to the orthodoxy of the Nijo (Fujiwara) family and received Kokin denju ( secretly transmitted instruction concerning the proper interpretation of certain words and phrases of the Kokin waka shu, and later, called the Nijo denju —
because the Nij5 family held a monopoly of the secret instruct- tion process),/ developed toward the advocacy of humanistic sentiment.
The emotional character and revival!stic spirit which was included in the poetic studies of Kada no Azumamaro (1668-1736),
Kamo Mabuchi ea (1? (1700-1769), Motoori Norinaga
(1730-1801) and others opposed the assertions of feudal theology and brought about a search for the spirit of the Japanese people before
/they/ received the influence of Confucianism and Buddhism; recog nized therein Ninjo jiWui_sE /human sincerity/, hitaburu kokoro 'Ih' /earnestness/ and warinaki negai
/urgent desires/; and, /by/ urging a revival, released the uninhibited nature of man and enhanced interest in mankind. Keichu's Man'yodai Stioki /^Commentary on the ManYoshnJ and Norinaga's Kojiki-Den
//Commentary on the KojikiJ were the brilliant results of the kokugaku m ovem en t. 3 The Spirit of Positivism and Its Manifestation
The Rise of the Koshoga.ku School in Confucianism
Entering in to the latter part of the feudal period, if one sees a distinctive feature in the thought originating out of urban life, it is the rise of a jisshoshug.i /positivism /• Positivism was a trend of the
/urban/ spirit to try to see reality arid interpret it as it existed.
One school of Confucianism which was stimulated by the spirit of positivism was the Koshogaku-ha /Investigative
School/. The literary works of this school in China gradually crossed over to Japan and there were many who were influenced. As /members of/ Koshogaku in Japan one should list first Ota KLnjo "/t" (5 -ErS
(1767- 1825), a disciple of Yamamoto Hokusan Tt^Xzlh'i1^1 (1752-1821), and Matsuzaki Kodo ll(If gjj?'||' ( 1771-1844), a disciple of Hayashi
Jussai # 0 :^ (1768-1841).
Kinjo most excelled in the Confucian classics, and he became the pioneer of Koshogaku in Japan by reading extensively the literary works of Koshogaku adherents in Ch'ing China. He divided the Confucian classics into Han, Sung, and Ch'ing studies, and he took into consider ation that they excelled in Kunko ^)f( g^T /word and phrase annotation/,
Giri /commentary and explication/, and. Kosho ^ /collation and verification/ respectively. The school of Kinjo profited from the
20 ’ 21
preciseness of his disciple Kaiho Gyoson ihW*'fc'f (1792-1866) and
genuine Koshogaku was established. At first Matsuzaki Kodo studied
Shushigaku, but together with Kariya Ekisai (1775- 1835) and others he
shifted to Kantogaku ZJfan and T'ang studiesj. They did
detailed research in the study of Han and T'ang ^dynasty/ annotations,
and they even went so far as to study the Shuowen £Setsumon
Kaiji (Discourse on Styles.and Explications of Characters)_7 and the
Shihching >5" ^ S . ZJSekkei (ston e c la s s ic s = the fiv e Confucian
classics inscribed in stone 175 A. D .) _7. They were the founders of
this study in Japan. Next, the disciple Yasui Sokuken ^ ^ t (1799-
1876) assumed the mantle of his master, and concentrating on the
studies of Han and T'ang annotations he made wide use of Ch'ing Kosho
/collation and verification?.
The fact that Koshogaku considerably influenced Kokugaku
research, popular at that time, must be noted. Ekisai and others, dis
played profound erudition not only in Chinese studies but also in kokugaku
and particularly in research on the Japanese classics, leaving behind
many fine works in this field; and one may say that the kokugaku research
methods of Tanigawa Kotosuga )■ p| (1707-1776), Ban Nobutomo
44^ 1 a z$L. (1773-1846), Kurogawa Harumura $ )l| Ws7fr'|' (1798-1866),
' Hda Takesato P (1827-1900), and others were cpractically the
same as those of Koshogaku. 22
The Development of the Natural Scientific Spirit and the Acceptance of Western Natural Science
The positivistic spirit, especially, stimulated the develop ment of natural science and accepted vigorously Western Natural Science.
Western Natural Science, introduced in Nagasaki, drifted into the large cities /lEdo, Osaka, Kyotp/and prospered. First of all, mathematics - which should be called the study basic to natural science - greatly devel oped in this period. Beginning about Bunroku £1592-16967 Mori-
Shigeyoshi ^ ^TlJ j|| /ft £about 1600_7 opened the basis of Japanese math ematical development, and his disciple Yoshida Mitsuyoshi q @ ^
(1598-1672) published.the Jingo-ki (1627). About Genroku £1688-17047 at the end of the seventeenth century, Seki Takakazu 5 ^ $0 (1642-
1708) appeared and established independent higher mathematics in Japan and created Wasan ^Japanese Mathematics^.
In medical science the school of'Manase. Dos an
(1506-94) appeared at the close of the Muromachi period and held sway over the whole country, but about the time of Kambun £1661-16737 io. the latter half of the seventeenth century a school of thought opposed to it began to gain strength. At the time of the sudden rise of Kogaku
£Ancient Learning7 in Confucian circles Nagoya Gen5. ^6 / g 2T
( 1628 - 96) appeared and advocated the restoration of £ancient/ medical science. Goto Konzan p; L.[( (1659-1733), Yamawaki Toyo
^ ^"(1705-62), Yoshimasu Todb q ^ (1702-73), and others followed suit, and they promoted positivistic study. 23
ZJ3otany7 as a study, originally a branch of medicine, con centrated on the names for and properties of medicinal herbs; but in this period it extended its research lim its and became natural history.
Miyazaki Yasusada ZTl623-16977, Kaibara Ekiken (1630-1714) and Ino
Jakusui (1655-1715) and others appeared successively. Yasusada published Ndgyo Zensho /Encyclopedia on FarmingJ (1696) which strengthened the foundation of Japanese agricultural technology; Ekiken published Yamoto Honzo /Japanese Herbs// (1709) which contributed to the development of documented natural history; Jakusui advanced re search and compiled the voluminous work Shobutsu Ruisan /^Classified
Encyclopedia/ /362 vol.//.
Thus, gradually, /various/ pioneers appeared successively and labored in scientific research; Tire Bakufu /"Shogunatq/ and various
Han /feudal clans/, in the interest of the general welfare, encouraged its development; general interest gradually deppened, and the trend toward paying special attention to natural science began to grow. In terms of such trends Western natural science was absorbed.
After the national isolation /policy/ of the Kan-ei period
/ l 624- 1644/ was begun, the Japanese were limited in facilities to acquire knowledge of foreign countries; however, reports about for eign countries which captivated the interest of the intelligentsia, were transmitted by the Chinese and the Dutch via Nagasaki. Arai Hakuseki
(1657-1725) and Nishikawa Joken (1648-1724) diligently probed the state 24 of affairs of foreign countries, and they desired to popularize the infor mation. Joken published Kai Tsusho-ko /Reference Book on Overseas
M atters/ (1695) and Hakuseki, hearing of the conditions in foreign countries from the Italian m issionary Sidotti, published Sairan Igen
i //Topography and Customs/ (1713), and Seiyo Kibun /Notes on the West//
(1715). Subsequently, the /Tpkugawa/ Shogun Yoshimune, holding an interest in Western natural science, had an armillary sphere made and himself made other instruments which were placed in the Fukiage Garden
/located in the Imperial Palace grounds/. He repeatedly summoned
Nishikawa Joken from Nagasaki to inquire /about/ astonomy and calendar making. He inquired, about gunnery and horsemanship from a Dutch cap tain. Moreover, in the interests of production, in 1720 (Kyohd 5) he terminated the ban on the importation of western books excepting those connected with Christianity. He had Aoki Kon"yo (1698-1769) and others stuctysRangaku /Dutch Learning/ and paved the way for adopting Western lea rn in g .
Accordingly, Kon^o published several works including Oranda
Monji Ryakuko /Notes on Dutch Orthography/ and Oranda Wayaku /Dutch-
Japanese translation/ which prepared the way for Rangaku. Maeno Ryotaku
(1723-1803), who followed him, understood Dutch and published Oranda
Yakusen /Dutch Translation/ and Oranda Bunryaku /Dutch Composition/.
Otsuki Gentaku (1743-1813) studied under Ryotaku in his school of Dutch studies the Shirando (Edo) and in 1788 (Tenmei 8 ) /the prefaces and • " i * 25
epilogue are dated Tenmei 3 (1783) J he published from woodblocks
Rangaku Kaitei /Dutch Language PrimerJ. Next* in 1796 (Kansei8 ),
his disciple Inamura Sanpaku (1758-1811) and others published a Dutch-
Japanese dictionary entitled Haruma Wage /named after a Dutch-French
dictionary model by Francois HalmgJ. Moreover in the middle of the
nineteenth century, in the Ansei era there was published the Waran Ji-i
/Japanese-Dutch dictionary/ compiled by the Nagasaki Dutch chief
factor /OpperhoofdJ Hendrik Doeff /1 803- 1817,7 and others. Thus the
process of Japanese-Dutch language studies encouraged the adoption of
Western natural sciences from medical science, astonomy, physics,
chemistry, geography, to botany and the like.
In medical science the above-mentioned Maeno Ryotaku
and Sugita Gempaku /1732-18177 translated a Dutch medical work
Tabulae Anatomicae, and published it in 1774 (An- ei 3) under the title
Kaitai Shinsho /A New Book on Anatomy/ (4 vol.). After this, Dutch
medical studies were widely recognized by the Japanese people and
were centered in Edo. Udagawa Genzui (1755-1797), a disciple of
/Maenq/ Ryotaku, translated Naika Senyo /Essentials of Internal
Medicine/ (1793) by the Dutchman Johannes de Gorter. Takano Choei
(1804-1850) wrote Igaku Suyo /The Principles of Medicine/ (1832) which
became the first work on physiology.
Astronomy developed under the patronage of the Shogunate
and Nakane Genkei (1662-1733) in 1732 (Kyohd 17) measured the time difference of the sunrise in Edo Z"Tokyo7 and.Shimoda. In 1744 /begin
ning of the Enkyo era/ the Shogunate established an astronomical obser
vatory in Sakumacho, Kanda, Edo; soon after, it was transferred to
Ushigome and Asakusa and called the Hanrekisho (Rekkyoku = Calendar
Bureau). /Next, the ShogunateJ summoned Takahashi Munetoki (1764-
1804) and Hazama Shigetomi (1756-1816), the senior disciples of the
Osaka astronomer r Asada Goryu (Ayabe Yasuakira) (1734-1799), to
be attached to the observatory. After that, in addition to astronomy
and geodetic survey, they carried out translation of Dutch books (In
1811, Bunka 8, a bureau of translation was established) and pursued
the enterprise of compiling coastal surveys and world maps. Espec
ially in the project of coastal survey Ino Tadataka (1745-1818) under
took, in 1800 (Kansei 12), the survey of Hokkaido, traveling on foot
along the coast of the whole country; And his completion in 1821
(Bunsei 4) of the Dai Nihon Enkai Yochi Zenzu /^Complete Maps of the
Coast of Japan? is to be noted. This map in precision and exactness
is not much different from the maps we possess at the present time.
Shizuki Tadao /T.760-18067 introduced a Dutch translation of a work on
astronomy, /An Introduction to Natural Philosophy? by John Keill of
Oxford University, which propagated the new theories of Newton in
/Shizuki's version? Rekishp Shinsho /New Text On Astronomy? (1798).
Next Miura Baien (1723-89) introduced the Copernican theory. 27
The science of electricity was introduced as "Erekiteru
. Zelectrio7 " in the middle of the Edo period, and taught by Goto Rishun
/personal name unverified/ (1697 -1771) in his Oranda Monogatari
(Dutch Tale§7 (1765). Hiraga Gennai (1729-1779) acquired an elec
trical machine from Nagasaki, and he converted it into a generator
which amazed people. Further advancing Dutch studies was the school
known as Ito Kanjuku established in Osaka by Msskimdto Sokichi (Donsai)
(1761- 1836) who wrote Oranda Shisei Erekiteru Kyarigen /fBasic Elec
trical Principles Evolved by the Dutch/.
In herb studies Noro Genjo&s (1693-1731) Oranda Honzo Wakai
/Translations from Dutch Botany/ (1741) /first work to introduce western
botany in Japan/, translated /from / a book by / John/ Johnstone /Polish
naturalist of Scottish descent/, and Hiraga Gennai1 s (1729-1779) Butsurui
Hinshitsu /Classification of Natural Objects/ (1763) are noteworthy;
however, Udagawa Yoan (1775-1833) was the real founder of /modern/
botany; and his Botanikakyo /Botany/ (1822) and Shokugaku Keigen
/Principles of Botany/ (1834) which introduced Linnaeus' taxonymy,
were famous. Also there was a voluminous work /entitled/ Somoku
Zusetsu /Plants ^ Illustrated and Described/ (1856) by linuma Yokusai
(1782-1865).
In physics Aochi Rinso's (177 5 - 1833) Kikai Kan ran (1825)
/a work on geography/ and Hoashi Banri's (1778-1852) Kyuritsu Z7a
-Western inspired work on astronomy, geophysics, etc;/ (1836) were published; and in chemistry Udagawa Yoan published, in 1837 (Tempo 8 ), the first book on chemistry in Japan entitled Seimi Kaiso /Introduction to Chemistry/.
In geography Nagakubo Sekisui (1717-1801) composed Nihon
Yochi Rotei Zenzu /Complete Maps of Japan/ in 1775 (An'ei.4). To the credit of Takahashi Kageyasu (1785-1829) who died in prison/"as a result of/ the so-called Seibold incident, there is the fine work Shintei Bankoku
Zenzu (1810).
The many-faceted development of the natural sciences could not have come about without the rise of the spirit of positivism.
Realism in the Arts
The positivistic trend, which suddenly arose from about the
Kyohp period Z*l716- 173^7, at the beginning of the eighteenth century with the Shogun Yoshimune, imparted a remarkably positivistic tendency to scholarship. This trend, moreover, exerted a great influence on the arts, and led to vitality in realism. Of course, this trend had already germinated in the early years of the Edo period beginning in the seven teenth century; we see the existence of realism in the paints of /Kanq/
Tanyu ^^^1(1602-1674) and /OgataJ Korin $/k^(l66l -
1716),. sHowever, in about the Kyohb era, realism became increasingly active and starting out from Nagasaki, where contact with foreign cul tures had for some time been going on, moved on to the great cities of Kyoto, Edo, and Osaka and was nurtured. The Nagasaki painting circles
/which had risen to power long before through Watanabe Shuseki (1639-
1707), who had studied the realistic style of painting of the Ming and
Ch'ing /dynasties/ under the priest Itsunen /"1601-1668/ who came to
Nagasaki in 1645 (Shohb 2)J , were descended upon in 1731 (Kyohd 16) by
Ch'en Nan'pin who came to Japan leading his disciples Kao-Chun, Kao-
Kan and others, and became active. Nan'pin prefe rred to paint flower ing plants, birds, and animals: with a mastery of delicate brushwork, both in fine lines and charming colors he excelled in Kosen /painting technique that indicates outer outlines before filling in interior/; and he
also exhibited a mastery of realism by the method of mokkotsu /the so-
called "boneless style" or non-outlining method/. Yuhi (Kumashiro
Shuko) /personal name unverified/ (1712-1772) established the first
school in Japan using this' btyle of painting, and his disciple, the priest
Kakutei (died 1785), came to Kyoto's Uji Obakusan /name of mountain/
and opened a branch through which the realism of the Nan'pin school was practiced in Kyoto and Osaka. Kurokawa Kigyoku (1732-1756) trans mitted Yuhi's school to Edo, and the priest So-Shiseki studied and learned the Nan'pin style of painting in Nagasaki; and he also studied under the visiting Ch'ing master of the Nanga /southern school/ Sung
Tzu-yen /Purple Boulder/ who arrived in 1758 (Horeki 8 ) and he called himself Shiseki /Purple Pebble/. The painting Uchu Shamo /Fighting
Cocks in the Rain/ (owned by the Fujiwara family) demonstrates this 30 new style. The schools of Shiseki, as well as of Yuhi, had many ad herents in Edo.
Moreover, in Kyoto, the school of;1 realism became influen tial, producing Ito Jakuchu (1716-1800). Jakuchu first studied in the
Kano school /of painting?, and next he copied old Yuan and Ming paint ings, striving for realism in nature. He even sampled Korin's decor ative tendencies and developed his own style of delicate charm and refined beauty. He especially had a mastery in painting poultry, and he raised poultry at his private residence in order to observe their mode of life and behavior. The richly-colored Niwatori £Chicken7 of the Saifukuji /temple? and the Gunkeizu /flock of chickens.? are his representative works.
M aruyam a Okyo F] i l l (1733-1795) inherited this style, and, under the influence of the Nagasaki school of realism , he went beyond its tenets and advanced a realism approaching literalism . Okyo, deploring the Nan'pin style's failure to reach the /essence of? realism, established the .Maruyama school and increasingly strove for realism.
The Miidera (Onjoji)'s /"Buddhist temple at Otsu near Kyoto? folding- screen Sessho /pinetrees in snow?, the frescoes of the Miidera
(Onjoji)'s Enman'in and of the Daijoji are the works of Okyo. From the school of Okyo, Nagasawa Rosetsu ,(1755-1799) (work: Kangetsu dbnka /"Country House in Winter? owned by the Murayama family) and Kom'ai Genki (1747-1797) (work: Yo Ki-Hi //Yang Kuei- FejJ owned by the Kano family) appeared. 31
The sch o o l of Gankp. (1 7 4 9 -1 8 3 8 )w hich, to g eth er w ith the
Maruyama school, opened a branch in Kyoto and attempted realism
/In the painting of? flowering plants, birds, and animals, absorbed the style of Chen /Nan'pin?, blended the styles of the various schools,
and led the way toward realism. This school excelled in animal
/painting?, particularly in tigers, for example, the Tora-zu ?Tigei/7 by Ganku (possessed by the Nohara family).
In Osaka, Mori So sen jlif (1747,-1821), who was
skilled in the painting of monkeys, and Sosen's adopted son Mori
Tetsuzan f |_ll[ (1775-1841), who acquired a mastery in the
painting of foxes and badgers, were famous. Sosen's Enko-zu /%,ong- armed Monkeys? is in the possession of the Kitamura family, and
Tetsuzan's Tannuki-zu /TBadger? is owned by the Sumitomo family.
Along with the absorption of western culture, the realistic techniques of western painting were introduced and produced Hiraga
Gennai /T.726-1779? and Shiba Kokan Wj^IgL (1738-1818); and from Kokan's private school Aodo Denzen (1751-1822) appeared. Of
Kokan's works there is the Kaihin-zu ^Seashore? (in the Seino /TCiyonq? family collection), and of Denzen there is his Asamaya-zu £Mt. Asama?
(held by the Tokyo National Museum).
In literature Saikaku who appeared in Osaka in the Genroku
period, portrayed the reality of human affairs and of social conditions.
In the theatre Sakata Tojuro (1635-1709) appeared in Kyoto to become famous for his realistic performances. With the passage of time their
works ^Saikaku1 sj and dramatics /"Tdjurb'sJ increasingly became stronger
in realistic tendencies. In the rise of concern and interest toward human
ity seen in the urban arts (mentioned above), the spirit of positivism and ithe deepening of realistic technique went hand in hand; and these Ztwo7
elements were expressed in the various works mentioned above. , 33
APPENDIX
f■ iV|'1 v FIGURE 1: An example of a Chidori style gable.
. k w ^ - v -
FIGURE 2: An example of a Kara style gable.