Arab Democracy Index IV 2014

Summary of Findings • There has been a positive but slow progress towards democratic change. • The Arab Spring has had a positive impact on democracy in the Arab region • There has been a marked rise in respect for the rights and freedom of individuals • A rise in improving equality and social justice • A smaller but significant rise in implementing the rule of law and also the establishment of stronger and more accountable public institutions

Background This is the fourth edition of the Arab Democracy Index (ADI). It was established in 2008 and is a bi-annual report. This edition uses data collected between 2011-2013 for nine Arab countries in order to measure for the first time the changes since the 2011 ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings, progress towards democracy, its significance and its sustainability.

Methodology The ADI is unique in being collectively built by social scientists from Arab countries with the objective to document processes of democratic change through an objective mechanism that measures progress, its significance and its sustainability. The ADI evaluates forty socio- political factors chosen to reflect the reality of changes in the reform process of Arab countries. The ADI indicators document the transition to democracy. They do not aim to predict the capacity of these states to achieve political reform, nor the outburst of popular demand for such reform. Neither does it represent an analysis of the potential outcomes of the reform effort or popular revolt. The sources of information combine data with public opinion polls. Data sources used include State sources including central ministries, security services, central statistical systems parliamentary committees, supreme judicial councils, courts, local government sources, local and regional councils, and non-governmental organisations, trade unions and other relevant professional institutions, local newspapers, and Internet sites. The ADI’s unique approach lies in that it provides quantitative analysis that is not limited to observing the evolution of political institutions or public opinions. Rather, it investigates citizens’ perceptions and concrete behaviours, as well as the social and economic impact of regime changes on their daily lives. Hence, it is a tool that allows a precise overview of the most salient effects of the 2011 street movements. This differentiates it from the reports by certain international institutions such as the Human Development Index, Transparency International, Freedom House, the World Bank or Bertelsmann.

The full ADI IV report is available in Arabic on the Arab Reform Initiative website: www.arab-reform.net 1

Results

Table 1: Country Rankings Table 1 shows that between the third edition of the ADI (2011) and this fourth edition, the overall average score for the countries surveyed in both editions rose by 20 points. Progress was seen in five countries - Algeria, Tunisia, Jordan, Palestine and Egypt - while the score has fallen in four others - Bahrain, Lebanon, Morocco and Kuwait.

Table 1: ADI RANKING 2014 Rank Country ADI IV Difference Score* to ADI III (2011)

1 Morocco 652 (ø -21)

2 Jordan 645 (ö +58)

3 Algeria 616 (ö +105)

4 Tunisia 607 (ö +70)

5 Lebanon 582 (ø -18)

6 Egypt 581 (ö +12)

7 Kuwait 547 (ø -41)

8 Palestine 511 (ö +22)

9 Bahrain 452 (ø -7)

*Out of 1000

Table 2: The Discrepancy between Means and Practices The scores shown in table 2 measure Means (the tools that allow a democratic transition to happen such as legislation) and Practices (what is done in practice in association with democratic transition such as elections). The indicators are divided into four sections measuring:

• the presence of strong public institutions (e.g. the separation of power or ability to hold the government accountable); • respect for rights and freedoms (such as political party freedom or freedom to demonstrate and protest); • the effectiveness of the rule of law (independence of the judiciary or prevalence of arbitrary arrests); • equality and social justice (gender equality, level of illiteracy and its prevalence among men and women, and percentages of men and women university graduates).

2 ADI IV registered an improvement in Means and in Practices. Table 2 shows that the average Means score for the nine surveyed countries has risen to 821 points while the average for Practices remains low at 496 points. This growing discrepancy between procedural and actual reforms raises questions about the value of legal and constitutional changes as the way to promote democratic change. It also suggests that improvements are fragile and subject to regression at any time. Nevertheless, there has been a rise by 22 points for Practices between the fourth and the third editions for the countries surveyed in both. This rise is explained by improved Practice ratings for Algeria, Tunisia, Jordan, Egypt and Palestine that have helped offset drops in Bahrain, Kuwait, Morocco and Lebanon.

Table 2: ADI IV Means and Practices Country ADI IV ADI IV Means Practices Score* Score*

Morocco 915 565

Jordan 794 596

Algeria 870 531

Tunisia 890 513

Lebanon 825 500

Egypt 861 488

Kuwait 763 475

Palestine 870 387

Bahrain 606 401

*Out of 1000

Analysis of Country Rankings

The countries surveyed in ADI IV can be categorised into three types: 1. Countries that underwent revolutions 2. Countries affected by the uprisings in neighbouring states 3. Countries that have taken a slow reform approach.

1. Countries that underwent revolutions Tunisia ranked fourth thanks to considerable progress in respect for rights and fundamental freedoms, particularly in the reduced hindrance of political party activities, reduced intrusions

3 by the security sector and the increased freedom to organize protests. The post-revolution era has displayed improvements in legislation on the freedom of political parties and the freedom of the press, while women's participation in the labour force is more visible, and gender equality ratings rose. Tunisia also witnessed progress in the area of rule of law, with increased numbers of prosecutions of government officials. Tunisia experienced declines in the practice of equality and social justice, however. In particular, violent treatment of detainees and arbitrary detention were some of the negative attributes that rose in Tunisia. Egypt, which ranked sixth, has undergone constitutional reform and two presidential elections in the past three years and attempted to increase the practice of equality and public participation in policy-making. Yet, according to the ADI 2014 report, the absence of the right to freedom of assembly has been the main deteriorating factor in the country's political progress. The country’s indicators have declined for the rule of law, respect for rights and freedom, treatment of detainees, civil and constitutional violations, arbitrary arrests, and security. Bahrain experienced the most unrest in the Gulf region. It is at the bottom of the 2014 ranking due to a lack of compliance with legislation on freedom of parties, obstruction of parliament, nepotism in public employment, arbitrary arrests, the dire conditions of detainees, corruption in public institutions, and the disruption of partisan political and media activity. 2. Countries affected by the uprisings in neighbouring states Revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia became catalysts for reform as it became impossible to circumvent internal and international pressure.

Algeria ranks third in this study. In February 2011, it lifted the 19-year state of emergency. In 2012, it allowed the establishment of new political parties and made progress towards establishing periodic and fair elections. Prosecutions of government officials have multiplied in a country known for the immunity and impunity of its ruling elite; arbitrary detentions have diminished and personal security improved. Though indicators on government accountability declined, violations of the constitution and obstruction of parliamentary powers have significantly diminished. The struggle to install the rule of law, despite the fragility of public institutions, is a promising – if still weak – indication of reform. The country, however, displays some weak areas, such its high rate of school drop-outs. 3. Countries that have taken the slow reform approach These countries are characterise by continuity in their gradual reformist approach over the past decade and a half, a pattern that has proven successful as the indicators for Morocco and Jordan show in this first post-uprisings ADI report. In the early stages of the 2011 uprisings, Morocco pre-empted the potential for unrest and accelerated the implementation of certain reforms. Thus, it has received higher scores in this report for its strong public institutions and respect for rights, and ranks first. However, activist groups in Morocco believe that the monarchy's constitutional reform is not proving to be the significant Means to true democratic change, and the results have to be nuanced with the decline in indicators related to the treatment of detainees and trials in civilian courts. Jordan ranked second among the nine states and showed progress in all areas. The legal or constitutional reform process in the Hashemite Kingdom is now showing results at the level of Practices. Progress is particularly evident in the area of respect for freedoms, such as reduced censorship of publications and Internet sites, increased space for criticizing government and the expression of political opposition in the local media. Progress is also

4 clear in the indicators related to strong and accountable public institutions, with increased initiatives from civil society to hold government accountable and the setting of periodic elections. There is also a noticeable improvement in the education sector and in the participation of women in the labour force. In contrast Kuwait, though it still ranked seventh out of nine, registered the most serious democratic decline. Its low performance in the presence of strong public institutions and accountability is due to a significant regression in the prosecution of government officials and personal security. Indicators such as respect for the rights and freedoms, equality, and social justice also went down. Lebanon ranked fifth among the nine states. It ranked highest in respect for rights and freedoms but is at the bottom of the list for indicators measuring the rule of law. Palestine ranked second to last on the list. The situation is especially difficult in Palestine, which is split between Hamas and Fatah, and between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. However, there are signs of improvement on issues of criticism of the Palestinian Authority, personal security, social security, education, and the participation of women in the workforce. Key Findings The revolutionary uprisings in the region erupted not only from poverty but from citizen demands to participate in public affairs, and are imbued with the desire to attain social recognition, freedom, and political and economic reform. The peoples in the countries surveyed are eager to restore security, maintain stability, and continue the process of reform, in spite of the slow progress. The failure of previous reform efforts and the outbreak of popular revolts demanding the fall – rather than the reform – of regimes throughout the region confirm that change, through reform or otherwise, will inevitably occur. It might come from above – as the regimes in Morocco, Jordan, and even Saudi Arabia are attempting. Policy-makers and the elites supporting them have realised their interest in survival requires the implementation of real reforms to address popular IMPROVEMENT ON RIGHTS demands before they explode into mass revolts. On the AND FREEDOMS other hand, and despite the allure of demanding full revolution, the bloody examples of Libya, Syria, and “As a result of the Arab Spring, Yemen provide an opportunity for reform, so long as we see a sharp rise (50 points) in the public sees reform efforts as serious. the indicators on ‘respect for rights and freedoms’, a rise of 13 Whereas previous reports have demonstrated points for the indicators on continuing regression in Arab states’ respect ‘equality and social justice’, for citizens’ rights and freedoms year after slight variations in the indicators year, the present report suggests the on rule of law and existence of achievement of real progress. strong and accountable public institutions.” Indeed, this is what the previous ADI report – released during the outbreak of the Arab uprisings – suggested would happen. Previous reports indicated that the Arab world’s ruling elite would not reform except under pressure. In the past, such pressure did not come from within, causing any such reforms to be crafted for the media and the public image, and not effect a change in practices necessary to any real democratic transition. But the current popular pressure will not be diffused through the old strategies of co-optation and cosmetic reforms. The ADI’s authors therefore expect that governments will concentrate their reforms in such practices in the coming years. The most important conclusion of this report signifies the unpredictability of the outcome of the Arab 5 uprisings, as it can take years before their consequences become clear and effective in each nation. The states' attempt to restore control over society has resulted in addressing issues such as social justice and security but also the rule of law, key aspects of freedom of expression such as media censorship, governance issues including the corruption that plagues public institutions, and the treatment of political prisoners. For now, the overall improvement in the lives of citizens of the countries that witnessed uprisings remains to be verified in subsequent work as they will be measured against the setbacks produced by insecurity, political violence, non-democratic agendas among certain political players, and relapses into authoritarianism. Egypt and Tunisia—two countries that experienced major revolutions—have improved in various sectors since the revolution, nevertheless, their ranking did not progress in the current report. Additional Country Analysis: Syria and Saudi Arabia These two countries were not covered in the quantitative surveys for this edition of the ADI because of the conflict and collapse of institutions in Syria, and the lack of reliable information on the situation in Saudi Arabia. The two countries are analysed through qualitative analytical papers. Syria has seen what appears to be substantial change in the constitutional and legal realms, such as a new Syrian constitution enacted in 2012, the declaration on the formation of parties, and a new media law. The paper also reviews important aspects in the political regime’s practices, and especially those related to human rights and freedom of protest. Contrary to media portrayals and popular belief, the Syrian revolution has not transformed into a sectarian war between the Sunni majority and the religious and ethnic minorities. Following the revolutionary waves of Arab nations in the reign, Syrians started their movement by demanding democracy and social justice. The opposition in Syria has been pressuring the regime towards reform for decades. Since the beginning of Bashar Al Assad's presidency in 2000, the civil reform movement has been demanding the modification of the constitution released by the Baath Party and to end the state of emergency. However, Assad's promises were limited to economic reform and left out issues related to the regime's political and administrative affairs. Even then, the country’s wealth and political power remained concentrated within a narrow circle of rulers and dependent beneficiaries, while the middle class was socially and economically repressed. With the revolution intensifying, the regime was forced to initiate changes within the constitution—viewed as a formality and not an attempt for reform. Following the amendments and establishment of new laws after the Syrian uprising, supporters of the opposition were forced to flee the country, while others were arrested and tortured. In the case of Syria it is evident that reform was a tactical solution to circumvent the uprising while the country has experienced a decline in many of the indicators studied in this report. Saudi Arabia has experienced sudden changes in the composition of the majlis al-shura (the only representative assembly), and more popular engagement with demands for reform, various forms of political opposition exposing violations of human rights. Social media has flourished in impressive ways, creating a strategic space for political participation. The paper reviews the most important steps that the government has taken to manage popular demands, exemplified by government hand-outs and attempts to reduce unemployment and distribute housing. After analysing developments in combating corruption and improving the status of

6 women, the analytical paper concludes with a number of recommendations to instigate reform in the Kingdom. During the 2011 Arab uprisings, protests across Saudi Arabia emerged to demand higher living standards and the release of political prisoners. Due to internal and international pressure during this period, the Declaration of National Reform was released in March 2011. The declaration states the demand for judicial reform, anti-corruption initiatives, freedom, the release of prisoners, and the inspection of civil organizations. However, the government tightened security in order to control the opposition and limit freedom of expression in the media. They also arranged for the arrest of activists and restricted their mobility and means of communication. Power in the Kingdom remains concentrated in the Executive branch of the Council of Ministers, headed by the King, while the Advisory Council's role is limited to consultancy. According to reports by human rights groups, discrimination against marginalized groups continues, in addition to the violation of prisoners' rights and the lack of adequate prisons. There are indications that the Consultative Assembly of Saudi Arabia will allow women to participate in the upcoming municipal elections at the end of 2015—Saudi women are still forbidden to drive and represent themselves in court. The authors believe that the Kingdom has made positive improvements since the previous report and point out that the integration of Saudi citizens in public affairs, adopting periodic elections, and equal rights for women are some of the issues that need to be included in the reform process. Overall, Saudi citizens were not significantly affected by the protests and activism that emerged in different regions of the country.

Recommendations for each country The recommendations below are based on the aggregate scores of the indicators, while the specific recommendations applying to each country are designed for policy-makers in each country. The ADI calls for:

• greater political and civil freedoms to be guaranteed in all Arab countries, especially through support for humans rights monitors and institutions.

• social justice issues to be central to reform efforts in the Arab World, notably for education reform through enlarged budgets, efforts to combat illiteracy and lower dropout rates, and the improvement of the quality and conditions of education, especially for women.

• strengthened reform efforts in the main public institutions – parliaments, the judiciary and executive branches – by holding legislative bodies accountable, respecting the judiciary, and monitoring the security services. In addition to these three areas common to all countries, the ADI makes specific per-country suggestions.

• In Morocco, the ADI recommends respect of transparency and accountability in furthering democratization and development. This entails issuing laws as stipulated in the 2011 Constitution, implementing legal measures to fight corruption at local and central levels, improving the treatment of detainees (the 2011 constitution prohibits torture, mistreatment or offenses against human dignity), strengthening freedom of expression in the media, and improving education policies to widen school access.

7 • For Jordan, the ADI recommends a new reconciliatory electoral law, as well as legislative reform to encourage political pluralism and ease the formation and action of civil society associations. It advises the country to develop frameworks for a parliamentary government, and suggests increased oversight on the security services.

• For Algeria, the ADI recommends taking advantage of the forthcoming constitutional amendments and enactments of laws to increase the power of parliament and grant more freedom of expression. It stresses the need for a fairer access to education and wealth distribution and for a reallocation of public spending from the security sector to development and health programs.

• For Tunisia, the ADI recommends strengthening security forces while enhancing civilian control over them. A socio-economic plan should be put in place, rebalancing expenditures in favour of inland regions and increasing education and health budgets.

• Regarding Lebanon, the ADI’s main recommendations are to reform electoral law towards proportional representation and to increase the power of the supervising commission. It calls for increasing decentralization and local governments’ power to carry out development programs, improve the fight against corruption by offering legal protection to those who denounce it. It stresses the need to consolidate the judiciary under the sole jurisdiction of the judicial authority, reinforce its independence from parties and limit the jurisdiction of the military judiciary to crimes committed by military personnel. As for civil rights, it calls for bringing the law on crime and torture in conformity with international standards, cease prior censorship of publications and define more clearly the content that is subject to publication restrictions. It also recommends allowing the Constitutional Council to interpret the constitution and enabling new citizens groups to appeal to the Council. Finally, ADI calls for addressing issues of accountability and social justice on matters of personal statute, unemployment, and gender equality in relation to nationality, national education, unified labour law and modern retirement policies.

• As for Egypt, the ADI recommends full compliance to the 2014 Constitution in terms of respect for rights. For instance, the law on demonstrations violates the law on freedom of assembly and demonstration ratified by the Constitution, and thus, must be suspended. Compliance also implies respect for the elections’ roadmap and timetable as defined by the constitution. It recommends that a date for local elections be set promptly, and the representation of women, youth and Coptic citizens guaranteed. To halt violence and put an end to the political crisis, it suggests a national reconciliation process with the aim of releasing detainees who were not involved in any criminal activities and political activists. Besides, freedom of expression in the media should be guaranteed. Priority should be given to education and health, as well as improving the provision of public and state services, mainly security.

• With regard to Kuwait, the ADI recommends to work on the independence and transparency of political institutions by establishing an independent commission to supervise electoral processes, permitting free establishment of political parties and associations, giving parliament the means to exercise its oversight role, ratifying the Financial Disclosure Law to cover state officials (fighting financial, administrative and political corruption). It calls for revoking the law on the appointment of members of municipal councils to end interference by the executive branch in the appointment of council members. It prompts the Kuwaiti Ministry of Justice to guarantee faster

8 litigation procedures and implementation of sentences. It also advocates for better monitoring and accountability of the security services, continued efforts on the status of illegal residents known as “Bidoun” through legislation that preserves their rights and human dignity and grant citizenship immediately to those eligible. ADI advocates stronger male-female equality in the law.

• In the case of Palestine, the ADI emphasizes the need to bridge divides among political parties (on political, geographic and economic matters) to allow a proper functioning of the Legislative Council, and for holding elections without delay. A top priority lies in building public institutions, through fair and accountable governance, an independent judiciary, and effective social welfare programs.

• For Bahrain, besides general recommendations on separation of power, accountability, elections, freedom of expression and political association and oversight of the security sector, the ADI presses for the implementation of the Bassiouni Commission’s recommendations. It also recommends transforming the political dialogue conducted with the various political groups into serious initiatives that guarantee progress towards democratization. Note The full ADI IV Report contains the following five sections: 1. Introduction 2. Methodology 3. Findings (based on the quantitative data on nine countries) 4. Three analytical papers, 1) comparing countries that underwent a revolution and change of regime and those that did not, based on an analysis of the quantitative data; 2) a qualitative analysis of the state of reform in Syria; and 3) a qualitative analysis of the state of reform in Saudi Arabia. 5. General and country-specific recommendations.

And contains three appendices:

1. Master sheet containing all the scores for each of the indicators by country. 2. Description of the indicators and the methods used to measure them. 3. Detailed survey data on each of the surveyed states.

9 The ADI is produced by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR) and the Arab Reform Initiative (ARI). PCPSR team: Khalil Shikaki, Mudar Kassis and Jehad Harb. ARI team: Bassma Kodmani and Salam Kawakibi.

Country Team Members Algeria - Nacer Djabi Bahrain - Abbas Al-Murshid Egypt – Mustapha Kamel Al-Sayyid, Hisham Suleiman, Nahla Mahmoud and Ahmad Rageb Kuwait – Ahmed Shihab Lebanon – Rania Abi Habib Palestine - Alaa Lahloh Morocco – Mohamed Benhlal Saudi Arabia - Jafar Alshayeb Syria - Wael Sawah and Maan Abdelsalam Tunisia - Salah Eddin al Jourshi

About ARI The Arab Reform Initiative (ARI) leads the way in the Arab reform agenda through policy analysis and research that highlights global democratic principles. It promotes respect for diversity and also delivers peoples’ opinions including marginalised voices pressing for change. For more information see the website: www.arab-reform.net or contact us at: [email protected]

The Arab Reform Initiative does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Initiative, its staff or its board. Copyright of this publication is held by the Arab Reform Initiative. You may not copy, reproduce, republish or circulate in any way the content from this publication except for your own personal and non-commercial use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of the Arab Reform Initiative.

©Arab Reform Initiative November 2014

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Arab Democracy Index (ADI)

Avg. Scores Scores Indicator’s Index, Values, and Indicator’s # Indicators type Arab Index Yemen Morocco Egypt Lebanon Kuwait Palestine Syria Saudi Arabia Algeria Tunisia Bahrain Jordan 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2012 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008 2010 2009 2008

Index by Country 578 527 536 521 454 457 517 652 673 601 612 581 569 591 527 582 600 583 501 547 588 547 511 494 506 530 440 456 395 402 425 616 511 570 522 607 537 452 459 645 587 620 605 Rank 10 9 5 1 1 2 1 6 5 3 4 5 2 4 6 7 3 6 8 8 7 3 11 8 12 10 8 3 7 5 7 4 6 9 9 2 4 1 2 Index by Value

Strong and accountable 563 536 490 703 642 567 690 560 613 541 554 485 468 585 336 599 473 public institutions 555 512 486 529 633 628 673 579 552 499 531 525 482 624 332 406 520 435 588 614 367 381 645 571 Respect for rights and

freedoms 584 484 510 561 511 525 618 655 676 558 582 649 513 540 539 727 730 747 689 497 535 511 458 451 454 523 234 254 259 274 310 642 610 620 657 618 363 350 337 658 581 Rule of law 626 616 614 559 430 396 463 715 917 807 789 464 477 555 538 464 500 500 300 661 861 728 585 561 536 600 511 457 726 723 741 794 487 705 604 692 546 600 686 662 632 Equality and social justice 544 502 471 453 274 332 391 492 481 413 515 598 542 572 433 470 434 420 380 539 478 461 582 553 542 566 482 520 415 436 438 419 424 434 408 536 681 653 606 604 582 Index by Type Means 821 760 776 801 850 850 850 915 915 915 915 861 908 908 908 825 825 825 825 763 763 763 870 870 870 870 588 588 425 425 425 870 845 845 845 890 753 606 606 794 769 769 769

Practices 496 450 456 400 312 322 372 565 592 496 468 488 457 486 304 500 525 502 354 475 530 475 387 365 381 383 391 413 384 393 425 531 400 478 368 513 462 401 410 596 526 570 533 Indicators according to values Strong and accountable public

institutions

1 Separation of powers means 833 729 775 781 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 750 750 750 750 1000 1000 1000 1000 750 750 750 1000 1000 1000 1000 750 750 0 0 0 750 750 750 750 1000 500 500 500 750 750 750 750 1 2 Periodic and fair elections means 767 646 656 664 750 750 750 750 750 750 750 906 875 875 875 750 750 750 750 625 625 625 1000 1000 1000 1000 625 625 250 250 250 750 500 500 500 750 500 688 688 688 438 438 438 2 Excessive powers of the 3 means 597 542 550 531 750 750 750 500 500 500 500 750 750 750 750 500 500 500 500 750 750 750 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 0 0 0 500 500 500 500 750 625 375 375 250 250 250 250 3 executive

11 Hindering work of parliament practices 583 583 650 750 750 750 1000 1000 500 500 1000 500 1000 1000 500 1000 1000 1000 750 250 250 250 250 0 500 750 750 750 0 0 250 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 500 1000 250 250 750 750 11

12 Government accountability practices 547 536 485 580 271 400 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 318 22 9 320 1000 1000 461 0 0 0 100 1000 1000 200 200 0 38 182 505 220 81 1000 489 250 1000 508 272 1000 12 13 Publication of proposed laws practices 989 929 910 1000 1000 900 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 150 100 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 13 Corruption in public 14 practices 168 273 300 130 75 72 60 158 510 167 85 75 316 316 0 297 313 233 45 50 706 706 235 248 235 80 0 0 356 711 402 125 84 154 94 376 100 50 288 150 281 410 277 14 institutions 15 Obstructing legislation practices 713 550 763 0 300 1000 0 1000 800 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 400 0 0 1000 1000 1000 500 800 500 1000 0 0 1000 1000 1000 15

Use of wasta (favoritism and 16 practices 41 96 67 47 19 33 38 39 540 56 10 29 72 72 45 9 12 28 0 219 219 43 43 42 61 0 0 116 182 145 64 59 21 24 118 0 0 40 33 40 36 21 nepotism) in public employment 16

Public Institutions 17 practices 402 448 370 488 427 255 381 426 257 319 385 319 674 674 292 414 307 304 401 256 256 507 521 460 488 250 330 733 275 848 526 399 266 352 417 475 63 270 669 700 556 659 17 Performance 18 Violations of the constitution practices 556 500 500 429 250 0 0 1000 1000 750 750 0 0 0 0 0 750 0 1000 750 1000 0 0 250 0 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 750 0 0 250 750 1000 500 0 1000 750 1000 1000 18 Political and economic 19 practices 674 684 648 698 676 630 400 697 700 700 1000 950 958 736 760 940 989 984 945 300 300 300 300 300 300 300 827 656 700 700 700 700 700 700 700 964 985 285 261 928 813 773 783 19 independence 20 Political reforms practices 454 456 537 537 396 377 437 668 588 485 433 290 572 572 132 219 378 343 504 591 591 480 502 511 528 400 500 523 567 867 588 471 570 400 437 295 316 275 669 643 814 749 20 Respect for rights and freedoms

Freedom to form political 4 means 722 583 650 813 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 0 0 0 500 500 500 500 0 0 0 0 0 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 0 0 1000 1000 1000 1000 4 parties 5 Right to assemble means 833 833 850 875 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 0 0 0 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 1000 500 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 5 6 Guarantees against torture means 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 6 7 Free media means 861 771 825 844 500 500 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 500 500 500 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 500 750 750 750 750 7 21 Mistreatment of detainees practices 0 21 0 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 250 0 0 0 0 0 200 21 22 Licensing new parties practices 600 283 380 463 0 800 800 800 800 0 600 800 0 0 0 1000 1000 1000 1000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1000 600 1000 500 800 0 0 0 1000 1000 1000 800 22 Holding Meetings and 23 practices 200 233 210 0 0 0 400 0 1000 0 0 600 1000 800 0 800 500 0 0 0 200 800 0 0 0 0 0 0 400 200 0 0 0 0 23 Demonstrations Interferences by the security 24 practices 667 489 544 601 688 568 720 796 730 711 273 408 368 718 800 753 724 742 625 925 412 412 330 324 335 732 240 183 380 363 377 822 842 900 695 869 0 795 843 305 322 507 585 24 services Views of opposition in local 25 practices 492 400 414 292 250 667 680 333 456 626 626 590 632 577 455 473 473 390 343 381 250 120 310 378 676 281 452 453 150 150 590 364 546 25 media Ability to criticize 26 practices 718 472 439 515 531 327 519 831 620 517 606 855 318 318 831 871 725 698 885 697 697 454 370 357 502 150 150 199 386 420 677 504 462 448 859 600 330 345 739 462 446 411 26 governments and leaders Opposition newspapers and 27 practices 271 206 236 180 358 140 295 250 208 200 30 235 99 100 50 460 500 500 150 460 460 500 420 462 462 560 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 286 60 0 0 328 328 460 352 27 magazines

28 Censorship practices 291 281 310 290 278 239 349 165 348 495 309 182 264 264 0 215 460 364 414 330 357 357 359 359 365 436 0 0 230 430 308 177 697 247 274 268 0 80 43 846 331 339 229 28 Organisation of Protest 29 practices 933 713 775 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 300 1000 400 750 700 1000 1000 1000 200 50 250 0 1000 1000 1000 1000 50 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 29 Activities Rule of law 8 Independence of the judiciary means 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 8

9 Right to free trial means 944 917 900 938 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 500 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 9

30 Taking executive bodies to trial practices 914 830 892 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 225 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 0 25 1000 125 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 30 31 Detention without charge practices 297 261 238 93 0 0 0 1000 970 1000 0 0 440 150 0 0 0 0 790 980 0 0 0 0 0 680 0 0 0 0 880 0 940 0 0 0 0 500 0 0 0 500 31 32 Security courts practices 422 500 400 429 0 0 0 0 1000 1000 1000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1000 1000 1000 0 0 0 1000 0 0 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 800 1000 1000 1000 0 0 0 0 32 Ability of human rights 33 practices 568 420 494 375 375 600 750 650 250 225 330 750 1000 1000 450 450 500 750 750 750 0 0 300 300 300 300 350 1000 100 200 100 810 685 685 33 organizations to operate 34 Personal safety practices 238 386 374 335 204 0 314 404 700 0 156 0 116 116 0 0 0 0 160 598 598 342 180 0 0 400 700 784 762 964 376 108 618 22 42 600 0 200 822 740 946 888 34 Equality and social justice 10 Gender equality means 656 575 550 563 500 500 500 900 900 900 900 700 700 700 700 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 700 700 700 700 500 500 0 0 0 700 700 700 700 900 900 500 500 500 500 500 500 10 35 Social security practices 619 578 507 540 533 430 600 270 304 230 210 630 417 608 650 296 260 260 450 800 528 528 511 485 426 487 670 620 732 554 620 729 531 640 815 950 750 750 767 778 771 764 35 36 Education practices 513 414 394 389 194 194 328 602 325 185 429 412 451 451 325 535 508 506 404 530 465 533 563 516 429 464 193 281 374 428 328 441 439 439 404 364 365 596 621 576 522 493 427 36 37 School dropouts practices 372 419 363 324 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 526 526 526 152 200 0 0 0 0 0 0 760 800 840 840 500 540 600 600 600 0 200 200 200 0 680 920 840 944 880 920 800 37 Women participation in the 38 practices 787 679 618 663 387 200 308 877 900 903 900 800 667 800 774 820 803 703 1000 1000 1000 1000 570 517 490 553 510 533 497 473 516 567 600 567 493 900 827 987 900 560 537 513 758 38 labor force 39 Equality in wages practices 770 779 830 691 1000 1000 756 779 650 650 820 778 757 940 969 969 309 667 667 664 840 816 908 919 1000 1000 704 1000 1000 495 495 495 650 710 867 818 633 882 856 856 310 39 Public expenditure on social 40 practices 90 71 35 0 29 0 0 36 162 24 300 252 160 0 0 0 0 0 276 188 0 132 38 0 0 0 168 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 66 180 0 0 0 0 0 0 40 needs compared to security