WALLS HAVE EARS: an Analysis of Classified Syrian Security Sector Documents Walls Have Ears an Analysis of Classified Syrian Security Sector Documents

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

WALLS HAVE EARS: an Analysis of Classified Syrian Security Sector Documents Walls Have Ears an Analysis of Classified Syrian Security Sector Documents WALLS HAVE EARS: An Analysis of Classified Syrian Security Sector Documents Walls Have Ears An Analysis of Classified Syrian Security Sector Documents The Syria Justice and Accountability Centre (SJAC) is a Syrian-led, multilaterally supported non-profit that envisions a Syria defined by justice, respect for human rights, and rule of law — where citizens from all com- ponents of Syrian society live in peace. SJAC promotes transitional justice and accountability processes in Syr- ia by collecting and preserving documentation, ana- lyzing and cataloging data, and promoting public dis- course on transitional justice — within Syria and beyond. Learn more at www.syriaaccountability.org. This report was supported by a grant from the Open Soci- ety Foundations. Cover photo provided by Lens Young Homsi. Report designed by Nada Mohamed-Aly. Syria Justice and Accountability Centre April 2019 Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non-commercial purposes, with appro- priate attribution. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for commercial purposes without the prior express permission of the copyright holders. Published April 2019 in Washington, DC. Photo by Lens Young Dimashqi Photo by Lens Young Homsi Photo by Lens Young Dimashqi Lens Young by Photo Homsi Lens Young by Dimashqi Photo Lens Young by Photo Table of Contents Forward by the Executive Director 1 Background 3 Document Analysis Methodology 4 Document Extraction from Syria 4 Sample Set Selection 5 Structure of Database and Analysis 6 Relevance of Documents 7 Relevancy to Accountability Efforts 7 Relevancy to Transitional Justice Efforts 8 Syria’s Security Sector Agencies 9 External Assessments of Syria’s Security Sector 13 Findings Derived from the Documents 15 State Surveillance 15 Detainees and Wanted Lists 16 Rules of Engagement 18 Admission to the Commission of Crimes 20 Repression of Kurds and other Minority Groups 22 Predictions and Conspiracies 23 Gaps in Information 26 Types of Gaps 26 Supplementary Data: Videos 27 Conclusion and Recommendations 28 Annexes 30 Forward by the Executive Director Growing up in a country with a massive and com- Getting in trouble required little effort in Syria. plex security apparatus was a unique experience. As Syrians say, “Walls have ears.” The threshold The average Syrian’s relationship to the security for receiving punishment was low; peacefully agencies was tainted by fear, misconceptions, voicing dissatisfaction with any of the govern- rumors, horror stories, and sometimes by dark ment’s policies was sufficient for one of the secu- humor. Many Syrians purposefully avoided any rity agencies to “talk” with you. Sometimes you contact with security agencies, refrained from would receive a call requesting that you report to working in public affairs or intervening in po- a specific security branch, or you would receive a litical issues, and expressed public loyalty to the call from an officer inviting you for a “cup of cof- government. However, that in itself was insuffi- fee.” Sometimes the security agencies would sim- cient to shield anyone from the security agencies, ply send an unmarked car to pick you up with no as they control almost every aspect of life in Syria. warning. These “meetings” often resulted in you being disappeared for some time. The security agencies exercised no consistency with regard to In 2005, Syrian President Bashar Al Assad tem- punishment – sometimes you would be released porarily placated the population by introducing the same day with no physical abuse, or you could a reform package that eliminated the need for be jailed for years with no warning. the security sector to approve certain matters in everyday life. The list of 67 reforms suddenly en- abled Syrians to open a falafel restaurant or in- I grew up in a politically active household. My fa- ternet café, purchase property, file for a replace- ther was a writer and a political opponent of the ment ID or passport, or register their marriage government, a “frequent prisoner” as we called to a foreigner without pre-approval by the secu- him. I grew up and joined the weak human rights rity agencies. movement in the country, along with my brother who was an activist at his university. All of us had our own “experiences” with the security agencies. In reality, nothing changed. Despite the reform package, Syrians were still required to receive approval for these situations, and the list of sit- My family was the subject of raids on at least five uations for which security sector approval was or six different occasions after 2000 alone, tar- required continued to expand. Though getting geting either my father, my brother, or myself. approval might sound like a simple bureaucrat- In Syria, we referred to these raids as “midnight ic task, it was a far more complicated process in visitors.” Each raid was conducted by a different Syria. You might receive approval from one se- branch, comprised of armed agents dressed in curity agency only to be punished for failing to civilian clothes. Like many Syrians, my under- receive approval from another. The only way to standing of the various agencies within the secu- ensure that you would not be punished would rity sector was initially shaped by my experiences be to seek approval from every security agency, during these raids. an impossible task considering the number of branches and sub-branches that would often re- quest separate approval. SYRIA JUSTICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY CENTRE | 1 WALLS HAVE EARS | 2 In 2005, two vehicles filled with armed agents The contents of the documents are unsurprising in civilian clothes appeared at my home at mid- for anyone who grew up in Syria familiar with the night to arrest my father. The officers had no security sector, but the documents expose clear arrest warrant, but took my father with them patterns of widespread, systematic human rights regardless. After two weeks, the court granted violations. The documents also clearly illustrate my family a visit, but I was required to receive that the security agencies operate above the law. additional approval from the Political Security Division in Damascus as final authorization for In order to achieve a more comprehensive un- the visit. Later, I requested another visit directly derstanding of the Syrian conflict and the level through the Political Security Division and was of violations that occurred, it is essential to un- granted it without ever having to go through the derstand not simply the relationship between court system. Seven months later, my father was agencies and actors as is officially documented, included in a presidential amnesty, which should but also the way that these agencies have operat- have led to his immediate release. Instead, he ed in practice. Security sector reform, including was only released from the central prison to the vetting and lustration, will be a key component Political Security Division in Damascus, which of any peace agreement with any true promise had to separately approve the process before al- of achieving long-term peace in Syria. It is my lowing my father to come home. These events hope that this analysis can serve as an initial step illustrate the reality of the power of the security toward meaningful understanding of the role of sector in Syria: the security sector had authority the security sector in Syria and its involvement over every component of government functions. in human rights and humanitarian law violations committed during the conflict, and as a step for- After the 2011 uprising, the security sector played ward in the route to justice for Syrians. a decisive role in the events that followed; the up- risings escalated quickly because of the bloody, disproportionate response to protesters by the security agencies. From the use of live ammuni- tions against peaceful protesters in 2011, to mass arrest campaigns, torture, and disappearances, the security sector remained an integral part of Mohammad Al Abdallah Bashar al Assad’s attempts to suppress dissent May 1, 2019 as the conflict evolved, and their practices are shown widely in the documents contained in this analysis. WALLS HAVE EARS | 2 Background Accurate and secure record keeping is an essential gov- As the conflict in Syria intensified, organizations like ernment function. As has been enshrined in freedom SJAC and the Commission for International Justice and of information legislation in more than 100 countries Accountability (CIJA) salvaged thousands of pages to worldwide, citizens have a general right to access these preserve this invaluable information. High quality scans records (albeit, with some limitations) to ensure greater of the pages have been loaded into SJAC’s database. government integrity, accountability, and transparency. SJAC preserves and holds these documents in trust for Since government records often reveal the nature of cit- the Syrian people, until such time that a transitional izens’ interactions with official institutions, they serve justice process is realized and the documents can be as important pieces of evidence when a government made available as a historical record of the conflict. By betrays the good faith of its population. In post-conflict analyzing the documents, they can be tagged with rele- societies, recovered government records have contribut- vant labels and made searchable and accessible to justice ed to truth-telling and the creation of a historical record, mechanisms, including the International, Impartial and as well as to prosecutions of government officials. Independent Mechanism (IIIM), prosecutors’ offices pursuing universal jurisdiction cases, and future tran- sitional justice mechanisms. For decades, the Syrian government has been surveil- ling political figures, perceived dissidents, ethnic and religious minorities, and journalists, sometimes tar- This report is the result of a pilot analysis of a 5,003-page geting them for detention, torture, or execution. Se- sample set of documents that took place from June 4 to curity sector officials have methodically documented August 17, 2018.
Recommended publications
  • Syria: What Reforms While a Storm Is Building?
    Policy+Alternatives, 15th April 2006 Syria: What Reforms While a Storm is Building? → Samir El Aita Syria underwent profound changes since 2005 in its regional and international positioning, as well as in its internal political situation. This policy brief discusses the domestic prospects for change and the potential for reforms and analyzes the impact of regional and international developments on the domestic situation. For the first time in decades, Syrian public opinion is critical of its authorities’ role in Lebanon, with the majority holding them responsible for the situation there. The economic situation has deteriorated to levels dangerous for social stability. Direct criticism of the President and his team by the business community is unprecedented. The opposition overcame its weaknesses and political and civil society movements signed the “Damascus Declaration” calling openly for peaceful “regime change”. The prospects for peaceful change depend on the findings of the UN investigation commission over the assassination of former Prime Minister of Lebanon Hariri, the ability of the opposition to propose a platform to demonstrate to the Syrian public that change will not lead to chaos; and the ability of the “power system” to respond intelligently to the combination of international pressures and internal challenges on the economic, social and political front. 2 Syria: What Reforms While a Storm is Building? About the author Samir El Aita General Director of Mafhoum (Concept) and Le Monde Diplomatique - Arabic Edition About Arab Reform Initiative The Arab Reform Initiative is the leading independent Arab think tank working with expert partners in the Middle East and North Africa and beyond to articulate a home-grown agenda for democratic change.
    [Show full text]
  • RELATIONSHIP THERAPY RELATIONSHIP THERAPY Making Arab Police Reform Work
    CHAILLOT PAPER / PAPER CHAILLOT 160 RELATIONSHIP THERAPY RELATIONSHIP THERAPY RELATIONSHIP Making Arab police reform work | MAKING ARAB POLICE REFORM WORK REFORM POLICE ARAB MAKING By Florence Gaub and Alex Walsh CHAILLOT PAPER / 160 November 2020 RELATIONSHIP THERAPY Making Arab police reform work By Florence Gaub and Alex Walsh CHAILLOT PAPER / 160 November 2020 European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Gustav Lindstrom © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2020. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. print ISBN 978-92-9198-970-6 online ISBN 978-92-9198-969-0 CATALOGUE NUMBER QN-AA-20-004-EN-C CATALOGUE NUMBER QN-AA-20-004-EN-N ISSN 1017-7566 ISSN 1683-4917 DOI 10.2815/645771 DOI 10.2815/791794 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Belgium by Bietlot. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2020. Cover image credit: Hussein Malla/AP/SIPA The authors Florence Gaub is the Deputy Director of the EUISS. She specialises in strategic foresight, as well as security and conflict in the Middle East and North Africa. Alex Walsh has worked on police reform and stabilisation programming in Lebanon, Jordan, Tunisia and Syria. He currently works with the International Security Sector Advisory Team (ISSAF) in Geneva. Acknowledgements This publication was informed by two events co-organised with the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung, the first in Tunis in December 2018, and the second in Amman in March 2019 The EUISS Chaillot Paper series The Chaillot Paper series, launched in 1991, takes its name from the Chaillot hill in the Trocadéro area of Paris, where the Institute’s first premises were located in the building oc- cupied by the Western European Union (WEU).
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisia's Law Against Racial Discrimination
    Interview, 11th February 2021 Tunisia’s Law against Racial Discrimination: The Mixed Results of a Pioneering Legislation → Omar Fassatoui © Anadolu Images In 2018 Tunisia responded to repeated calls from its civil society by passing an organic law that penalizes racial discrimination. This legislation filled a legal void; it allows victims of racism to seek redress through the courts for verbal abuse or physical acts. Before 2018 there was no such law. Victims were thus doubly discriminated against, by being subjected to racism and to legislation that did not recognize racism for what it was. Although Tunisia ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) in 1967, it has passed no national law to transpose its provisions into Tunisian legislation. Organic Law 50-2018 is the first of its kind in North Africa and the Arab world. Racism against black people, whether Tunisian or foreign, has been common in Tunisia for a long time. However, it was not until the 2011 uprising and the country’s democratic transition that the victims of racism became visible: the events revealed societal problems suppressed by the previous regime, which had been in power since independence. The Bourguiba regime’s construction of “Tunisianness” in post-colonial Tunisia almost inevitably chose the approach of rejecting all other identities. Black or Amazigh identities, Jewish or Ibadi religious identities had to blend into the Sunni Arab-Muslim identity constructed by the state. The law on eliminating racial discrimination conveys the message that Tunisia’s legislature and society reject racism and confer upon those who are subjected to it the official status of victim.
    [Show full text]
  • Syrians in the USA: Solidarity Despite Political Rifts
    Research Paper, 5th December 2018 Syrians in the USA: Solidarity Despite Political Rifts → Basma Alloush © Jwan Khalaf Syrian Americans are among the highly integrated and economically successful immigrant groups within the United States. As a diverse body, originating from different ethnic, religious, educational, and regional backgrounds in Syria, the Syrian American diaspora has not been historically organized or active except for those within geographical proximity of one another. This, however, was transformed after the 2011 uprisings. Syrian Americans began forming institutions and organizations to represent their political views and reflect their interests in the Syrian conflict. Humanitarian assistance was the prevalent form of support provided but as the conflict escalated, political advocacy became a priority. This, in turn, deepened the divides among the diaspora groups as each party solidified their support to the various sides of the conflict. While the interests and engagement with the Syrian conflict differed greatly, the one common overarching interest was the diaspora’s increased activity in the United States, both among each other and with the various executive and legislative bodies of the U.S. government. While many diaspora members have a vested interest in remaining involved with the developments taking place on the ground in Syria, some have focused instead on U.S. policies towards Syria. This paper, based on original research and interviews with 10 members of the Syrian American diaspora, explores the dynamics of migration flows and how these changed with the onset of the Syrian conflict, as well as the emergence of organizational structures but also new lines of fractures. While the priorities of the Syrian American diaspore prove heterogenous, all participants in this study expressed a need, to varying degrees, for continued diaspora support in the transition and reconstruction of post-conflict Syria.1 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Access to Information in the Arab World a Battle for Open Societies
    October 2016 Access to Information in the Arab World A Battle for Open Societies www.arab-reform.net © Arab Reform Initiative 2016 October 2016 Contents Preface .......................................................................................................................... 1 Governments Challenged ............................................................................................ 2 Small Groups Can Make a Difference ......................................................................... 3 The State of Information in Egypt ................................................................................. 5 Jordan’s Access to Information Law: A Formality More than a Tangible Gain? .............. 7 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 7 The Current Law and Its Legal and Practical Restrictions ............................................... 8 Jordanian Organisations Working to Raise Awareness .................................................. 9 Reforms Needed for Greater Freedom of Information ................................................ 10 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 10 The State of Access to Information in Palestine .......................................................... 12 Legal Status of Access to Information: A Hodge-Podge of Rules and Exceptions ........ 12 Attempts to Ratify a Law ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A New Generation of Protests in Morocco? How Hirak Al-Rif Endures
    Policy Alternatives, 7th November 2017 A New Generation of Protests in Morocco? How Hirak al-Rif Endures → Mohammed Masbah Protesters carrying the picture of Nasser Zafzafi, leader of Hirak al-Rif, and the Amazigh flag during a solidarity demonstration in the Rabat, Morocco, June 2017 © Abdelhak Senna / EPA In October 2016, in the oft-neglected mountainous region of northwestern Morocco, a new popular protest movement, Hirak al-Rif, emerged. In line with the February 20 Movement in 2011, Hirak al-Rif represents a new wave of mass mobilization against the ruling authority. Though initially marked by intermittent peaceful protests, the movement escalated in summer 2017, during the month of Ramadan, following the arrests of numerous activists, including the movement’s leader Nasser Zafzafi. This repression of peaceful protests risks diverse consequences, including the further escalation of the situation and the radicalization of the movement, as well as a transformation of political demands and potential calls for separatism. At first glance, Hirak al-Rif appears to be a continuation of the February 20 Movement, particularly with respect to the shared underlying grievances of the two movements. Both are the result of social and political tensions, high unemployment rates as well as the prevalence of corruption throughout the government. However, in-depth analysis of the two movements brings to light several key differences. Hirak al-Rif’s concentration in a defined geographical area and its durability, despite the repressive approach adopted by the authorities, marks a significant difference from the February 20 Movement, whose activities began to dissolve only a few months after they began.
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping the Syrian Diaspora: a Global Player in the Reconstruction of Syria
    Research Papers, 5th December 2018 Mapping the Syrian Diaspora: A Global Player in the Reconstruction of Syria → Bassma Kodmani & Hana Jaber. © Nihad Al-Turk Before 2011, the Syrian diaspora worldwide was estimated at 18 million people who migrated over more than a century and have mostly contributed actively to their host communities. This old diaspora has now increased with the wave of Syrian refugees who fled - and continue to flee - Syria because of the ongoing conflict. Over the past seven years, seven million Syrians - not all registered refugees – have fled the country out of a total population of 24 million before the conflict. The Arab Reform Initiative (ARI) conducted a research project between Spring 2017 and 2018 to study Syrian diaspora around the world after the 2011 uprising, map its features and explore the interactions of Syrian migrant communities with the conflict in Syria. To draw a map of these interactions, ARI commissioned a group of researchers to prepare studies on Syrian diaspora in North America, Latin America, and Europe. Regarding the Middle East, researchers conducted studies on the presence of Syrians in Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon, and Egypt as well as Gulf States, with Qatar and the UAE as case example. Furthermore, ARI prepared three papers on the experiences of other diaspora groups in the region, namely the Armenian, the Palestinian, and Lebanese, with a view to comparing them with the Syrian case and draw lessons from them. Finally, ARI shared a questionnaire with the researchers to use with Syrian personalities (academics, businesspeople, engineers, etc.) so as to explore the motives that could encourage or deter them from contributing to channel the potential of the Syrian diaspora to help in the recovery of the Syrian society in Syria and abroad.
    [Show full text]
  • Border Security in Tunisia ! ! ! ! ! by Eya Jrad ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
    Arab Research Support Program II ! ! ! ! ! ! Border security in Tunisia ! ! ! ! ! By Eya Jrad ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Eya Jrad is a PhD candidate at The Faculty of Legal, Political and Social Sciences, Carthage University, Tunisia. Her research focuses on the analysis of the main challenges of border security in Northern Africa. Concurrent with her Doctoral Studies, Eya’s work focuses on the MENA region as she currently works as a regional program coordinator within the Center for Middle East and Africa of The United States Institute of Peace. Introduction Border (in) security has been a major concern throughout Tunisian history, from state building, to state consolidation, going through a transition phase that followed the Arab uprisings leading to the rise of new threats. Corruption, poorly managed borders, border officials’ discretionary and exceptional powers contribute to the existence and persistence of destabilized dynamics at the borders. This paper is an attempt to offer theoretical insights and empirical data on the state of play at the Tunisian borders. Our research focuses on the hypothesis that securitization of the borders is only a component of securing the borders. The research design focuses on official responses rather than individuals’. As such, our research employs a multi-method approach consisting of desk review, in addition to fieldwork, observation, informal interviews and second-hand information. For practical reasons, we were only able to conduct interviews with administrative staff. Due to the “sensitive” nature of the topic, we were at numerous occasions confronted to the National Security and Defense exception to the right to access information, which remains an “elastic concept” that needs to be furtherly defined.
    [Show full text]
  • Punishing the Regime, Protecting Syrians: the Dilemma of Sanctions on Syria
    Bawader, 17th September 2020 Punishing the Regime, Protecting Syrians: The Dilemma of Sanctions on Syria → Zaki Mehchy Vehicles queue in a long line for oil and propane tanks in the town centre of Hama following oil shortages in Syrian regime-controlled areas - Syria September 2020. © AA/ Ule Muhammed ** This paper is part of an ARI series seeking to generate debate over the effectiveness of international sanctions on Syria and their impact on Syrians and the future of the country. A number of countries, notably the US and European countries, have imposed sanctions on the Syrian regime in response to its brutal repression of its population and its repeated violations of international law. The scope of sanctions expanded since the entry into force of the US Caesar Act in June 2020 to include foreign partners of the Syrian government. So far, sanctions have failed to change the Syrian regime or modify its behaviour. This is because of a lack of a real strategy to ensure that sanctions impact the authoritarian structure in Syria and the regime’s extensive experience in coping with and overcoming sanctions. Meanwhile, despite the stated objectives of minimizing harm to the population, many indicators show that sanctions, including the Caesar Act, are hitting ordinary Syrians the hardest. The international community should explore options outside the dichotomy of maintaining sanctions in their current form or lifting them completely. In particular, a real discussion should be had on how to address the sanctions’ weak impact on regime behaviour while also adopting measures to counter their negative impact on the population.
    [Show full text]
  • Ending Hereditary Slavery in Mauritania: Bidan (Whites) and Black “Slaves” in 2021
    Bawader, 26 August 2021 Ending Hereditary Slavery in Mauritania: Bidan (Whites) and Black “Slaves” in 2021 → Stephen J. King Mauritanian imams undergoing training in Nouakchott. Such training is based on religious books that justify the enslavement of Black Mauritanians © Magharebia/flickr Mauritania, an impoverished, sparsely populated desert country in North-West Africa has the highest proportion of hereditary slavery of any country in the world.1 Out of 4.75 million citizens, Global Slavery Index estimates the number living in hereditary slavery in the country to be 90,000 people.2 In practice, this is descent- based, chattel slavery that treats human beings as property, with violent enforcement. Modern slavery or “slave-like conditions” prevail for up to 500,000 more.3 Slavery in Mauritania is also a racial slavery.4 In a country that has a largely destitute population, Mauritania’s Arabic-speaking Arab-Berber elite, an exclusionary and predatory group that self-identifies as White (Bidan), ruthlessly dominates the country’s state and economy.5 They represent, at most, 30% of the population. The enslaved are Blacks from within Mauritania’s Arab-Islamic linguistic and cultural sphere (Black Arabs or Sudan). Blacks freed from slavery, an institution that has lasted many centuries in Mauritania, are called Haratin ( Haratin pl. Hartani, male, Hartania female). Haratin and enslaved Blacks make up 40% of the population. Sometimes the term Haratin refers to both “slaves” and freed Black “slaves.” Non-Arabic speaking Black Mauritanians – Halpulaar, Fulani, Soninke, Wolof, and Bambara ethnic groups – were never enslaved by Mauritania’s Whites, though they share the same ethno-racial origin as the Arabized Haratin.
    [Show full text]
  • Decentralization in Morocco: Promising Legal Reforms with Uncertain Impact
    Bawader, 22nd July 2019 Decentralization in Morocco: Promising Legal Reforms with Uncertain Impact → Lamia Zaki In the wake of the Arab Spring, Morocco witnessed street protests demanding, among other things, for the “King to reign but not to rule”. Adopted by referendum on 1 July 2011, the latest Moroccan Constitution was prepared through a year-long participatory process led by a consultative commission. Although it did not fundamentally change the balance of powers at the highest levels of the State, it gave a new impulse to the decentralization process. Article 1 of the new Constitution states “the territorial organization of the Kingdom is decentralized”. It also enshrines the two principles of “free administration” of Local Governments (LGs) and subsidiarity and aims at reinforcing transparency, citizen participation, and governance. The new Constitution has also introduced the principle of “advanced regionalization” to make regions, in addition to municipalities, key levels of LGs in Morocco. In 2015, three Organic Laws (OLs) were issued to specify and operationalize the spirit of the Constitution at the municipal, regional, and prefectural levels.1 The decentralization process has quite a long history in Morocco. It has consistently been put at the core of the policy agenda for several decades and represented an important research topic for many observers of the political scene. Three different analytical perspectives have been put forward (in conjunction with contextual factors) to explain why and with what consequences decentralization has been put at the core of the policy agenda. The first points to the authoritarian management of LGs, based on the alliance built after independence between the monarchy and rural elites to counter the influence of urban and partisan elites.2 Using sophisticated tools (including postponing elections, successively reorganizing electoral maps, increasing the role of deconcentrated authorities), this approach led to the creation of domesticated local elites.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East and North Africa Regional Report BTI 2014
    Middle East and North Africa A sobering summer The Arab Spring drove out the autocrats, giving many citizens the ability to vote freely for the fi rst time. Yet the political and economic situation is in many places precarious, and some regimes have become even more repressive. The war in Syria offers perhaps the most disconcerting example of just how uncertain things are in the Middle East and North Africa. Much debate and argument has been and Either way, the upheavals of 2011 made al comparison among those countries regis- continues to be devoted to the peculiarities history. Muammar al-Qadhafi was wrested tering the largest gains in the area of de- of the Arab Spring. Were the events that from his control of Libya after 42 years, Ali mocracy. However, several countries have took place in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Abdallah Salih lost Yemen’s presidency af- taken signifi cant steps backward with re- other countries of the region “genuine” revo- ter 33 years in power, Hosni Mubarak was spect to political transformation. In the lutions? After decades of autocratic rule, driven from Egypt’s presidential offi ce af- cases of Bahrain and Syria, both of which can local populations cast off despotism and ter 30 years, and Ben Ali abdicated as Tuni- have been marked by violent confl ict, this tyranny and build new democracies? Can sia’s president after 24 years. During the may not be particularly surprising. Yet even the Islamists, who have emerged as the new period under review, the citizens of Egypt, a country such as Oman, commonly regard- majority power in almost all the post-revolu- Libya and Tunisia were called to participate ed as a haven of stability and reliability, reg- tionary Arab countries, prove themselves in the fi rst free and fair elections in the his- istered major political setbacks.
    [Show full text]