Handcuffed Hegemony: International Restraint in Unbalanced Systems

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Handcuffed Hegemony: International Restraint in Unbalanced Systems Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2005 Handcuffed hegemony: International restraint in unbalanced systems Mark E. Schaefer West Virginia University Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Schaefer, Mark E., "Handcuffed hegemony: International restraint in unbalanced systems" (2005). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 2330. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/2330 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Handcuffed Hegemony: International Restraint in Unbalanced Systems Mark E. Schaefer Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Approval by Joe Hagan, Ph.D., Committee Co-Chairperson Jamie Elizabeth Jacobs, Ph.D., Committee Co-Chairperson Scott R. Crichlow, Ph.D. John C. Kilwein, Ph.D. Jason Parker, Ph.D. (Department of History) Department of Political Science Morgantown, West Virginia 2005 Key Words: Hegemony, International Regimes, Domestic Politics, and Restraint Copyright: 2005 Mark E. Schaefer Abstract Handcuffed Hegemony: International Restraint in Unbalanced Systems Mark E. Schaefer This work contends that the current systemic view of hegemonic systems is incorrect. On one hand hegemonic actors are conceptualized as omnipotent actors that can mold the system to best reflect its goals. Still, others illustrate that such unipolar systems can never be achieved, or at best exist for a short time as other powers move to rebalance the international system. Mearsheimer illustrates a more realistic approach, that unbalanced multipolar systems can exist, in which a larger state is present in a traditional multipolar system, not a traditional vertical authority structure. He contends that such a system is transient, for this larger power will eventually be reined in by other actors. This piece contends that these unbalanced systems are reality, and that current thought relies only on systemic notions and does not realize other constraints that can maintain system stability for significant durations of time. The theory developed in this work is based upon a series of three hegemonic constraints: international regime constraints, domestic political constraints, and the degree of hegemonic power concentration. This work maintains that these “hegemonic handcuffs” can restrain the actions of the dominant state in the international system so as to preclude traditional balancing behavior by the remaining great powers in the system, until a point in time in which the hegemonic actor begins to cast off its shackles. It is at this point in a hegemons life that the remaining great powers begin to balance the power of the dominant state, hence signaling the end of the hegemonic actor’s supremacy. The work utilizes the cases of Spain under Philip II, France under Napoleon III, and Germany under Bismarck in a structured focus framework to delve in to the theory in question. iii Acknowledgements As my graduate career draws to a close there are many individuals that I must thank for their support and comfort throughout this process. First, I would like to express my eternal thanks to my wife Natalie Schaefer whose love, kindness, and support kept me on this path. Truly without her I would never have reached this point. I must next thank the Schaefer family, my father Paul E. Schaefer, my mother Nancy Schaefer, my grandmother Sally “Bay” Beatty, as well as my brother Todd E. Schaefer and his family for all of their support. I must also thank the Chapin family for their support and for accepting me into the fold: Dr. Charles Chapin, Carol Ann Chapin, and Charlie Chapin. Finally, I would be remiss not to thank our cat, Kitty, who provided numerous distractions during the writing of this dissertation. I also need to thank my departmental family for all of their assistance and support. First, I must thank my dissertation committee co-chairs: Dr. Joe Hagan and Dr. Jamie Elizabeth Jacobs. They have no idea how much their council and friendship have meant to me as well as how much they have shaped my life, not merely this dissertation. I must also thank the other members of my dissertation committee for their aid and for shaping such a monstrous work: Dr. Scott R. Crichlow, Dr. John C. Kilwein, and Dr. Jason Parker. I would also like to thank the professors in the West Virginia University Department of Political Science who have provided me with an invaluable education: Dr. Robert E. DiClerico, Dr. Robert D. Duval, Dr. Allan S. Hammock, Dr. Susan Hunter, Dr. Kevin M. Leyden, Dr. Donley T. Studlar, and Dr. Jeffrey S. Worsham. Additionally, I need to thank the other bosses of the WVU Department of Political Science for their assistance and support: Rebecca Digman, Lee Ann Greathouse, and Donna MacIsaac. Donna must also be thanked for expertise in scheduling as well as her formatting skills. I must also express my thanks to Dr. Neil Berch and the members of the WVU Debate Team. Dr. Berch helped put me on this path and was their as a friend throughout. My friends on the Debate Team provided me with argument partners, helped Natalie and I find each other, and gave me places to rest as a began my life as a commuting teacher. Finally, I must thank my students at both West Virginia University and Marietta College. You all have taught me more than I could ever teach you. Finally, the author must thank his beloved West Virginia University Mountaineers and Chicago Cubs for providing needed diversions. Nevertheless, all mistakes and omissions in this work are solely my own. iv Table of Contents Chapter One: Handcuffing the Hegemon....................................................................................1 Traditional Views of Hegemony and their Limitations .............................................................3 Handcuffed Hegemony -- A New Theory ...............................................................................13 Chapter Two: The Thoughts behind the Handcuffs.................................................................20 The System (Dependent Variable)...........................................................................................21 International Regimes ..............................................................................................................24 Domestic Politics.....................................................................................................................37 Concentration of Hegemonic Power........................................................................................44 Research Design.......................................................................................................................53 Gazing into the Crystal Ball.....................................................................................................63 Chapter Three: The Accidental Hegemon: the Case of Spain.................................................66 International Regimes – If Only Spain had Some Self-Restraint ............................................69 The Impact of Spain’s International Regimes .........................................................................77 The Handcuff of Domestic Politics (or the Key to Hegemonic Failure) .................................78 The Impact of Spain’s Domestic Politics.................................................................................97 The Handcuff of Hegemonic Power Concentration (or Did Spain Really Borrow Power) ....98 The Impact of Spain’s Hegemonic Power .............................................................................117 The Dependent Variable – The Balancing of Spain ..............................................................118 The Impact of Balancing on Spain.........................................................................................123 Answering the Questions .......................................................................................................124 When Hegemony Goes Wrong ..............................................................................................143 Chapter Four: France under Napoleon III – Hoping to be Handcuffed ..............................145 International Regimes and France – The Hope for a Restraining Hand................................148 The Impact of International Regimes ....................................................................................164 Domestic Politics – A More Complex State..........................................................................165 The Impact of French Domestic Politics ...............................................................................178 The Handcuff of Hegemonic Power Concentration (Being in the Right Place at the Right Time).......................................................................179
Recommended publications
  • Myth-Making and the Historical Imagination: an Investigation of the Historiography of Islamic Iberia Through Castilian Literature
    Myth-making and the Historical Imagination: An Investigation of the Historiography of Islamic Iberia Through Castilian Literature Gaston Jean-Xavier Arze Springfield, Virginia BA English, University of Virginia, 2017 A Thesis presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies University of Virginia December, 2018 Dr. Ahmed H. al-Rahim Dr. E. Michael Gerli 2 1. Introduction A historical narrative is thus necessarily a mixture of adequately and inadequately explained events, a congeries of established and inferred facts, at once a representation that is an interpretation and an interpretation that passes for an explanation of the whole process mirrored in the narrative. Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse (1978). The history of Islam in Spain is a deeply contested historical narrative, whose interpretation has significant implications for Spain’s perception of its national identity, as well as its historical memory, and modern political discourse. The rejection of Islamic Iberia plays an important role in the modern understanding of the nascence of the Spanish state. This is because, the history of medieval Iberia is largely framed as an 800-year struggle for independence from invading Muslims. This historical narrative is obviously at odds with the historical presence of the religion of Islam, the irrefutable linguistic contact between Arabic and Peninsular Romance, and the role of Arabic and Arabic sources in Iberia’s rich literary history. The aforementioned interpretation of the history of the Iberian Peninsula also rejects the influence that Islam played in the creation of identities unique to the peninsula: namely, the Mudéjars, the Moriscos and the Mozarabs.
    [Show full text]
  • Gonzalo Torrente Ballester, La Saga/Fuga De JB, and The
    Beyond Borders: Gonzalo Torrente Ballester, La saga/fuga de J.B., and the Construction of Literary Fields by Michael L. Martínez, Jr., B.A., M.A. A Dissertation In Spanish Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Approved Dr. Carmen Pereira-Muro Chair of Committee Dr. Sara Guengerich Dr. Susan Larson Mark Sheridan Dean of the Graduate School May, 2018 Copyright 2018, Michael L. Martínez, Jr. Texas Tech University, Michael L. Martínez, Jr., May 2018 For those professors—Carmen, Sara, and Susan—who, through their dedication and kindness, taught me about the kind of person I want to be… And for my biggest fans: Dad & Grandma. ii Texas Tech University, Michael L. Martínez, Jr., May 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................... ii ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................... v LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................ vi INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1 I. BOURDIEU AND THE GENERAL SCIENCE OF PRACTICES ............ 16 I. Subjectivist and Objectivist Modes of Knowledge .................................... 17 II. Sociological Modes of Knowledge .......................................................... 21 III. Habitus .................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School College Of
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of Arts and Architecture CUT AND PASTE ABSTRACTION: POLITICS, FORM, AND IDENTITY IN ABSTRACT EXPRESSIONIST COLLAGE A Dissertation in Art History by Daniel Louis Haxall © 2009 Daniel Louis Haxall Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2009 The dissertation of Daniel Haxall has been reviewed and approved* by the following: Sarah K. Rich Associate Professor of Art History Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Leo G. Mazow Curator of American Art, Palmer Museum of Art Affiliate Associate Professor of Art History Joyce Henri Robinson Curator, Palmer Museum of Art Affiliate Associate Professor of Art History Adam Rome Associate Professor of History Craig Zabel Associate Professor of Art History Head of the Department of Art History * Signatures are on file in the Graduate School ii ABSTRACT In 1943, Peggy Guggenheim‘s Art of This Century gallery staged the first large-scale exhibition of collage in the United States. This show was notable for acquainting the New York School with the medium as its artists would go on to embrace collage, creating objects that ranged from small compositions of handmade paper to mural-sized works of torn and reassembled canvas. Despite the significance of this development, art historians consistently overlook collage during the era of Abstract Expressionism. This project examines four artists who based significant portions of their oeuvre on papier collé during this period (i.e. the late 1940s and early 1950s): Lee Krasner, Robert Motherwell, Anne Ryan, and Esteban Vicente. Working primarily with fine art materials in an abstract manner, these artists challenged many of the characteristics that supposedly typified collage: its appropriative tactics, disjointed aesthetics, and abandonment of ―high‖ culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Acta Histriae 27, 2019, 2
    ACTA HISTRIAE 27, 2019, 2 UDK/UDC 94(05) ACTA HISTRIAE 27, 2019, 2, pp. 199-370 ISSN 1318-0185 UDK/UDC 94(05) ISSN 1318-0185 (Print) ISSN 2591-1767 (Online) Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper Società storica del Litorale - Capodistria ACTA HISTRIAE 27, 2019, 2 KOPER 2019 ACTA HISTRIAE • 27 • 2019 • 2 ISSN 1318-0185 (Tiskana izd.) UDK/UDC 94(05) Letnik 27, leto 2019, številka 2 ISSN 2591-1767 (Spletna izd.) Odgovorni urednik/ Direttore responsabile/ Darko Darovec Editor in Chief: Uredniški odbor/ Gorazd Bajc, Furio Bianco (IT), Flavij Bonin, Dragica Čeč, Lovorka Čoralić Comitato di redazione/ (HR), Darko Darovec, Marco Fincardi (IT), Darko Friš, Aleksej Kalc, Board of Editors: Borut Klabjan, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Aleš Maver, Darja Mihelič, Edward Muir (USA), Egon Pelikan, Luciano Pezzolo (IT), Jože Pirjevec, Claudio Povolo (IT), Marijan Premović (MNE), Vida Rožac Darovec, Andrej Studen, Marta Verginella, Salvator Žitko Uredniki/Redattori/ Editors: Gorazd Bajc, Urška Lampe, Arnela Abdić Prevodi/Traduzioni/ Translations: Urška Lampe (slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Petra Berlot (angl., it.) Lektorji/Supervisione/ Language Editor: Urška Lampe (angl., slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Arnela Abdić (angl.) Stavek/Composizione/ Typesetting: Založništvo PADRE d.o.o. Izdajatelja/Editori/ Published by: Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper / Società storica del Litorale - Capodistria© / Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja / Institute IRRIS for Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment / Istituto IRRIS di ricerca, sviluppo e strategie della società, cultura e ambiente© Sedež/Sede/Address: Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko, SI-6000 Koper-Capodistria, Garibaldijeva 18 / Via Garibaldi 18 e-mail: [email protected]; www.zdjp.si Tisk/Stampa/Print: Založništvo PADRE d.o.o.
    [Show full text]
  • Silence and Invisibility As Weapons of Hegemonic Nationalism in Fernando Aramburu's Patria
    BOGA: Basque Studies Consortium Journal Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 1 October 2019 Silence and Invisibility as Weapons of Hegemonic Nationalism in Fernando Aramburu's Patria Olga Bezhanova Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/boga Part of the Basque Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bezhanova, Olga (2019) "Silence and Invisibility as Weapons of Hegemonic Nationalism in Fernando Aramburu's Patria," BOGA: Basque Studies Consortium Journal: Vol. 7 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. 10.18122/boga/vol7/iss1/1/boisestate Available at: https://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/boga/vol7/iss1/1 Silence and Invisibility as Weapons of Hegemonic Nationalism in Fernando Aramburu’s Patria Olga Bezhanova, PhD. Fernando Aramburu’s Patria (2016) has undoubtedly constituted one of the most explosive publishing successes of Spain’s literary market of the recent years. In its exploration of the legacy of ETA’s violence, Patria normalizes the view of nationalism as something that exists only on the periphery of Spain and offers no insight into the ways in which the hegemonic Castilian nationalism derives its power from its very invisibility. Aramburu depicts the nationalism of the novel’s Basque characters as a product of their cognitive and emotional limitations, thereby absolving his readers from any feelings of complicity in sustaining the hegemonic nationalism of the Castilian-speaking Spain. Patria promotes the goals of the hegemonic Castilian nationalism through insisting, time and again, that Basque separatism is nurtured by the irrational violent impulses that supposedly lie at the core of the Basque identity. The writer’s geographic and affective distancing from Euskadi, which arises not only from the fact that he has been living in Germany since 1985 but also from his identity as an author who writes only in castellano, leads Aramburu to position Euskadi as the Other that is often menacing but hardly deserving of a nuanced literary treatment.
    [Show full text]
  • Uti Possidetis Juris
    Faculty of Law University of Helsinki FROM KOSOVO TO CRIMEA The Legal Legacies of the Socialist Federal Dissolutions Tero Lundstedt ACADEMIC DISSERTATION Doctoral dissertation to be presented for public examination, by due permission of the Faculty of Law at the University of Helsinki in Porthania Hall P674, on the 1st of August, 2020 at 12 o’clock Helsinki 2020 ISBN 978-951-51-6371-4 (paperback) ISBN 978-951-51-6372-1 (PDF) Unigrafia Helsinki 2020 ii Acknowledgements When it comes to speeches, I am a man of few words, so I will try to keep it short here as well. It has been a long journey to this place, and it would not have been possible without the contributions of many key people. First, I need to thank my supervisors Jan Klabbers and Jarna Petman. Throughout the years, their invaluable comments have made me a better legal and academic writer. They have always been ready to read my texts, listen to my ideas, and to write all those recommendation letters. My humblest of thanks to both of you, dear supervisors! Next in line is my ‘unofficial supervisor’ Lauri Hannikainen, with whom I shared an office at the Erik Castrén Institute (ECI) for most of the years I was working with the PhD. Lauri has contributed greatly to my work and his influence is certainly reflected in this dissertation. In addition, as we share many common research interests, it has been a great pleasure to cooperate with him on several common projects. Thank you for all these years, Lauri! I was honored to have James Summers to agree to act as an opponent in the public examination on 1 August.
    [Show full text]
  • Organizzazioni Mondiali]
    1 1 [ORGANIZZAZIONI MONDIALI] Commento. Le bandiere cosiddette internazionali sono quelle il 2 cui messaggio è indirizzato alle platee più vaste. Alcune possono essere definite mondiali, perché appartenenti a tutto, o quasi, il genere umano. La loro simbologia richiama concetti universali. Quella delle Nazioni Unite mostra il globo terrestre circondato da rami di ulivo: è notoriamente una bandiera di pace sebbene spesso portata da soldati in armi e molti per essa siano sono caduti. I cinque cerchi colorati sulla bandiera olimpica annunciano che lo sport è di tutti, senza differenza alcuna (purtroppo in teoria: i soldi fanno sempre più la differenza) e la Croce Rossa, o gli altri simboli ad essa collegati, hanno, o dovrebbero avere, le strade aperte ovunque c’è sofferenza. Messaggi dunque da tutti facilmente comprensibili, spesso contraddittori, che l’umanità indirizza a se stessa. Nazioni Unite, United Nations, Nations Unies, Vereinte Nationen, ONU, UN, UNO, dal 1947 Il 24 ottobre 1945, con l’entrata in vigore dello statuto, nasceva l’Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite, aperta in linea di principio a tutti gli stati e finalizzata al mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza e alla cooperazione in campo economico, culturale e sociale. Gli stati membri erano 50 nel 1945; a tutto settembre 2002, dopo l'entrata della Svizzera (10.9.02) e di Timor Est (27.10.02), erano 191. Il carattere universale dell’organizzazione è ben rappresentato dall’emblema, adottato ufficialmente il 7 dicembre 1946, raffigurante una proiezione del globo terrestre centrata sul polo nord, ove sono visibili tutte le terre emerse, tranne l’Antartide. I rami d’olivo simboleggiano la pace.
    [Show full text]
  • Specific Flag Days
    Specific flag days Country/Territory/Continent Date Details Afghanistan August 19 Independence day, 1919. Albania November 28 Independence day, 1912. Anniversary of the death of Manuel Belgrano, who created the Argentina June 20 current flag. Aruba March 18 Flag day. Adoption of the national flag on March 18, 1976. Australian National Flag Day commemorates the first flying of Australia September 3 the Australian National Flag in 1901. State Flag Day, was officially established in 2009, for the Azerbaijan November 9 commemoration of the adoption of the Flag of Azerbaijan on November 9, 1918. Åland Last Sunday of April Commemorates adoption of the Åland flag Flag Day in Bolivia. Commemorates of the creation of the first August 17 Bolivia national flag. Brazil November 19 Flag Day in Brazil; adopted in 1889 Canada National Flag of Canada Day commemorates adoption of the February 15 Canadian flag, Feb. 15, 1965. January 21[4][5] Québec Flag Day (French: Jour du Drapeau) commemorates Quebec the first flying of the flag of Quebec, January 21, 1948. July 20 Declaration of Independence (1810) (Celebrated as National Colombia August 7 Day); Battle of Boyaca (1819) Dia di Bandera ("Day of the Flag"). Adoption of the national July 2 Curaçao flag on 2 July 1984. Anniversary of the Battle of Valdemar in 1219 in Lyndanisse, Estonia, where according to legend, the ("Dannebrog") fell Denmark June 15 from the sky. It is also the anniversary of the return of North Slesvig in 1920 to Denmark following the post-World War I plebiscite. "Day of the National Flag" ("Dia de la Bandera Nacional").
    [Show full text]
  • Overview: the Diversity and Complexity of Separatist Movements in Europe Alan B. Anderson* University of Saskatchewan
    Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 17, No 3, 2018, 4-44. Copyright © ECMI 2018 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/201 8/Anderson_intro.pdf Overview: the Diversity and Complexity of Separatist Movements in Europe Alan B. Anderson* University of Saskatchewan Of 42 independent countries in Europe (excluding mini-states, dependencies, and counting the four states together comprising the United Kingdom as a single country), almost all contain territorial-based ethnic minorities which have been, continue to be, or may potentially be engaged in separatist movements.1 While ‘separatism’ is often equated with full political secession, separatist movements – broadly defined – may actually range from secession to autonomy.2 Secessionist movements seek complete independence from an existing country. They may include militant independence movements, involving violence initiated by secessionists; violent state repression of secessionism; or non-violent democratic secessionism. Autonomist movements aim at achieving, strengthening, or maintaining political autonomy within an existing country, short of independence. Such movements may be working toward the achievement of autonomy; or may aim at increasing or strengthening existing autonomy; whereas some autonomous regions may simply be content with existing autonomy (the status quo). Several relatively newly independent countries have recently acquired their independence * Alan B. Anderson is Professor Emeritus of Sociology and a former chair of the International Studies Program at the University of Saskatchewan (Canada). Correspondence details: e-mail: [email protected]. JEMIE Vol 17, No 3, 2018 due to the dissolution of previous federations, and indeed some historic countries with a strong nationalistic identity wish to break away from existing federations.
    [Show full text]
  • Stallings' Discoverusc Poster.2.Edited
    Terrorism and Ethnonationalism: The Basques in Spain Will Stallings [email protected] I. Introduction III. What is ethno-nationalism? VI. Why am I talking to you about the Basques? • The conflict presented here is that of the Basque (“Euskaldunak”) people of What is terrorism? How do they represent ethno-nationalism? Spain, who have been a linguistic curiosity for much of their history, with Ethno-nationalism will be defined as “A sense of consciously exalting one’s • The Basques have demonstrated the sort of values characteristic of ethno- evidence tracing the population back to at least 5,000 years ago, and • ethnic group over all others and placing emphasis on the exaltation of its nationalist movements throughout the 20th and 21st centuries. further evidence suggesting an even more ancient origin. culture and identity to one of international status.” • Their situation is also representative of the difficulty in resolving these • The Basque live in and around the Cantabrian Mountain range, in the According to the U.S. Department of State, terrorism is any “premeditated, conflicts. Much of the Basque Country is not culturally Basque and does counties of Vizcaya, Guipuzcoa, Alava, and Navarre in Spain, as well as in • the border region of Southwestern France. politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by not speak Basque. subnational groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an • Many of the symbols associated with the Basque, such as the name • For much of the 20th century, the Basque Country and its people have been audience.” ‘Euskadi’, the flag of the CAV (the ”Ikurriña”), and their anthem all are due involved with ethno-nationalism (with accompanying terrorism) that has to Sabino Arana Goiri, founder of the PNV in the late 19th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Directions to Baroque Naples
    This is a repository copy of Introduction : Directions to Baroque Naples. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/127891/ Version: Published Version Article: Hills, Helen orcid.org/0000-0002-9024-189X (2018) Introduction : Directions to Baroque Naples. Open Arts Journal. https://doi.org/10.5456/issn.2050-3679/2018w00 Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial (CC BY-NC) licence. This licence allows you to remix, tweak, and build upon this work non-commercially, and any new works must also acknowledge the authors and be non-commercial. You don’t have to license any derivative works on the same terms. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ 1 INTRODUCTION: DIRECTIONS TO BAROQUE NAPLES Helen Hills Abstract How have place in Naples and the place of Naples been imagined, chartered, explored, and contested in baroque art, history and literature? This special issue revisits baroque Naples in light of its growing fashionability. After more or less ignoring Naples for decades, scholars are now turning from the well-trodden fields of northern and central Italy to the south. This is, therefore, an opportune moment to reconsider the paradigms according to which scholarship has -- often uncritically – unrolled.
    [Show full text]
  • We Don't Have the Exam in Catalan: So You Either Do It in Spanish Or Leave
    “We don’t have the exam in Catalan: so you either do it in Spanish or leave” Twenty-two new cases of serious linguistic discrimination suffered by Catalan-speaking citizens at the hands of the public administrations of the Spanish state 01/02/2017 Title: “We don’t have the exam in Catalan; so you either do it in Spanish or leave”. Twenty-two (22) new cases of serious linguistic discrimination suffered by Catalan- speaking citizens in 2016 at the hands of the public administrations of the Spanish State. February 2017 Barcelona Plataforma per la Llengua C/ Sant Honorat 7, principal 1a 08002 Barcelona 93 321 18 03 www.plataforma-llengua.cat 2 Introduction The Spanish State is neither neutral nor impartial when it comes to the culture and identity of its citizens. In the national and linguistic domain, the elites and the oligarchies that control the administrative apparatus and the distribution of resources in Spain are totally committed to a Castilian-based national identity, and more particularly so with regard to language: Spain can only be understood in the context of Castilian identity and language, which are called, not casually, “Spanish”. Although since the death of Francisco Franco and the transition towards the current system of apparent democracy inroads have been made in guaranteeing certain areas of linguistic freedom to the citizens of the State who are part of the historical and territorialised national minorities, the nature of the State and its legal configuration continue to be highly adverse to these minorities. Moreover, even the spaces of linguistic freedom that have been gradually chiselled out of the heart of this militantly Castilian system are often infringed by a corps of civil servants strongly linked to a nationalist and supremacist ideology that underpins the core of the State’s legislation.
    [Show full text]