Africa and the Challenges of Unipolar World: Sovereignty, Civil Society and Women’S Rights As Case Studies

Full Length Research Paper

Africa and the challenges of unipolar world: Sovereignty, civil society and women’s rights as case studies

F. A. Olasupo

Department of Local Government Studies, Faculty of Administration, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. E -mail: [email protected]. Tel.: +234-8034065576, +234-8073573729.

Accepted 30 July, 2009

Close to two decades after the emergence of unipolar world, more than ample opportunities are provided to access the impact of this phenomenon on Africa. It emergence ushered in what is known today as “global village”. Happenings in any state are no longer the exclusive preserve of the ‘village’ or ‘hamlet’ concerned but that of the entire globe. Sovereign nations in Africa and indeed anywhere that were previously unchallengeable not least by external bodies but more importantly by the internal ones – civil societies, women groups among many other bodies – now have high degree of freedom to operate and connect one another locally, nationally and internationally to challenge despotic sovereigns. These are done in a way that the sovereigns in Africa, both traditional and modern, are powerless to do anything than to bow. The paper examines the ways and methodologies by which unipolar world and its allies in the African states, even if unwillingly, open up the political space for participation by all and sundry. Not least in their focus are the mechanisms by which these tyrants are challenged, corrected or possibly removed from office e.g. Sani Abacha and Charles Taylor. African women also regain their voices and actions. How these happen is what this paper sets out to examine.

Key words: Sovereignty, traditional state, post-traditional state, traditional rulers, monarchy, civil society, women.

INTRODUCTION

Before the emergence of unipolar world, bi-polar world, countries are advancing economically. for decades, held Africa bifurcated into two rival camps After the fumbling, tumbling and crumbling of not only marked by economic and political ideologies. On the right communism as an ideology but also the disintegration of were capitalism and its political twin – democracy, Soviet Union as an octopus empire, bi-polar world and all bastioned by United States of America and her Western it stood for, collapsed in 1990. Emerging from the ashes allies. Communism and its authoritarian political institu- of communism and bi-polar world is unipolar world tions on the other hand, occupied the left and were cham- (championed by US and EU), capitalism, increased de- pioned by former USSR and her Eastern allies. Although mocratization etc. accelerated by increasing globalization attempt at forming tripartite world was made by some (kiely, 1998). While the policy of glasnost and perestroika third world countries to moderate the extreme positions of hastened the collapse of bi-polar world, globalization this bi-polar world, it failed (Akokpari, 1999). Despite the hastened emergence of unipolar world that is becoming failure, it had sent powerful signals of objections to the supra octopus, powerful and hegemonic. Leading this extremisms of the then two dominant world powers and hegemony is the United States of America (and her their allies. Although the formation of the nonaligned bloc Western capitalist system). failed in its mission of containing the excess of these two The opportunity does come for the Western capitalist blocs because it lacked economic and military might to be system to moderate if not to total overhauls the models independent of the two; it ignited economic and armed and practice of sovereignty in Africa. Nor is it long for the race in them as well. South Africa, India, Pakistan, North civil society organizations, women’s right groups and Korea to mention a few examples, not only possesses other critical groups in the African societies to grasp this atomic weapons; Malaysia, India and indeed most Asian opportunity to tackle poor governance in Africa. This 321 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

issue of good governance, which virtually all African (iii) The Native Treasury. sovereigns (at the national and local levels) lacked, thus (iv) The Native Courts; composed of representatives of intertwined civil society groups, women’s right groups and the Native Administration (Olasupo, 2001). other disenchanted groups with United States and her Western allies. And this is made possible not just by Hitherto, these separations of powers, duties and func- international physical rendezvous of civil societies, tions were embodied in the absolute traditional authorities women’s right groups but more importantly by internet who were sovereigns of their various communities. Citing communication revolution. the example of Yoruba nation, the Ooni of Ife (the owner How they (leaders of unipolar world, civil societies and of Ife, also known as Olu Aye: ‘owner of the world’) is women’s right groups) set about confronting the old believed to be the successor to Oduduwa (Arole Oodua) notion of sovereignty (Westphalia model of sovereignty in the progenitor of Yoruba race. His ‘sovereignty’ in post- Africa) is the objective of this paper. traditional state is therefore located in the fact that not only is his successor to Oduduwa but more importantly the occupier of the throne at “the Source and the dawn of UNIPOLAR WORLD AND SOVEREIGNTY IN AFRICA civilization where the work of creation first began”. The

Across the ages, the notion of sovereignty in Africa has ‘sovereignty’ of Alaafin of Oyo in the post-traditional state undergone changes, sometimes, violent ones. African on the other hand is located in the fact that his progenitor, continent is an incorporation of pre-colonial disparate em- Oranmiyan, was the greatest empire builder. Like the pires, kingdoms, caliphate and autonomous communities. British Empire that collapsed due to decolonization but These ancient societies, in the colonial days, were, replaced by Commonwealth of Nations after decoloni- according to Mazrui, enclosed in new states by the West zation, the collapse of Oyo Empire was also replaced by (Mazrui, 1994). For instance, the colonial powers had Commonwealth of Yoruba nations. enclosed the age-old Yoruba in the New Nigeria, the age- Due to awesome power of Oranmiyan the Yorubas of old Wolof in the new Senegal and the age-old Bangada in that epock (and of today) continue to refer to every the new Uganda. But as the exact number of these Alaafin as “Death almighty; the companion of the gods traditional political units cannot be easily determined so and the King who enthrones lesser kings (Iku Baba yeye; are their sizes, characters and forms are not uniform. Alase ekeji Orisa, Oba tii fi Oba je)” (Awoweso, 2009). While some are as large and populous as some modern However, in the rearranged sovereignty, post traditional African states, the sphere of activities of others hardly authorities took orders from and clear issues with the transcend a village area. However, in some of these pre- British Resident. This marked the lost of sovereignty by colonial African societies, power was centralized in the the traditional rulers; but it also marked the beginning of offices of the monarchs or traditional rulers while in modernizing traditional institutions in conformity with others it was dispersed to motley or minor units. But the modern political systems. most important thing is that during this period, the tradi- At independence, colonial powers transferred these tional authorities, regardless of the sizes of their domains, sovereignties to the nation-states into which the empires, exercised sovereign power over their subjects (Federal, kingdoms and caliphates had been forced. The nation- 1987). states’ sovereignties (Westphalia model of 1648) that At the inception of colonialism, these sovereign powers colonial powers created is radically different in contents were withdrawn from these traditional authorities and exercise from the ones traditional authorities exercised in withheld by the colonial powers and later transferred to the pre-colonial days. While executive, legislative and the emergent African leaders. While traditional leaders judicial functions were embodied and exercised by were no longer exercising sovereign powers during this traditional rulers in their various kingdoms, separation of period, they were part functionaries of the newly created powers – executive, legislature and judiciary – which traditional political units variously called Indirect Rule modern sovereignty emphasized locate them in coordi- system, Native Authority system or Anglo-African govern- nate but distinct institutions. After the departure of ments as Ayoade (1985) prefers to call it. It is so referred colonial authorities however, the Africans political leaders as Anglo-African government because it combines mo- who succeeded them appropriated the contents, embo- dernity with traditional political values, even today, at the died them in themselves and exercised them as such; local government level in South Africa and Nigeria in such that, before the advent of unipolar world, the three particular. In brief, the structure of indirect rule system arms of governments in African states existed in theory comprised of four main parts: and not in practice. The Westphalia concept of sovereignty developed from i) The British Resident who provided direction and “a theory to justify the king as master in his new modern control. kingdom, absolutely internally”. But by 1763 and 1775 the (ii) The Native Authority; usually headed by a chief who notion of final and absolute authority in the political com- enjoy legitimacy under the indigenous political system, munity became challenged by constitutionalism. Constitu- and often supported by a council of elders. tionalism aims at constraining the ruler by modifying the Olasupo 322

traditional concept of sovereignty. Between eighteenth colonial masters at the twilight of colonialism and flou- and nineteenth centuries the concept of sovereignty rished briefly after independence, some democratically became separated into two – internal and external elected Presidents had begun to put on the garment of (Keohane, 2000). Internal sovereignty with its modifica- dictatorship: muzzling the press and brutalizing the tions along the lines was what traditional notion of sove- citizens particularly the critical civil societies. When it be- reignty stood for. Externally, sovereignty became defined came imperative for such civilian dictators to be changed as “the supreme legal authority of the nation to give and by the leaders of bi-polar world, coup de’ tat rather than enforce the law within a certain territory and in conse- democratic model became the means for regime change. quence, independent from the authority of any other The military was therefore often instigated by either nation and equality with it under the law”. This external USSR or US to bring about their desired change of meaning of sovereignty, as Keohane argued, became the government against the civilian dictators or military rulers core principle of international society. “The exchange of (as by Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi since 1969; recognition of sovereignty had become a basic rule of co- Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak since 1978; Robert Mugabe of existence within the state system” he submitted. Zimbabwe 1980 and others like Kamuzu Banda who What is important to note here is that this old brand of ruled Malawi with iron fist for 30 years, Idi Amin Dada sovereignty (Westphalia system) that placed internal Uganda; Emperor Bokassa of Central African Republic; absolute ruler ship on one person in modern kingdom Mengistus of Ethiopia; Somalia, Eyadema of Togo and was adopted by the colonial authorities of that period Jerry Rawlings of Ghana 1981 - 2001. because it suited the political environment then. More As dictatorship is becoming abominable to African importantly was the fact that the colonial authorities were leaders they resorted to recycling themselves. In Benin, determined to transit pre-colonial system of government Mathew Kerekou seized power in 1972 as a young mili- to modern type and superior power was needed to force tary officer, lost it in 1991 and regained it as civilian head reluctant traditional African leaders to see the need for of state in 1996. Denis Sassou Nguesso of Congo Repu- this transition. Over and above these reasons were the blic also seized power in 1979 as a young military officer. emergences of the first and second world wars and He lost it in 1992 and regained it back as civilian Presi- finally, the cold war. African service men were needed to dent in 1997. In Sierra Leone, Ahmed Tejan Kabbah was assist in these wars and only African dictators could elected president of his country in 1996. He lost it in 1997 make wish realizable. They (African dictators) were also but regained it back in 1998. In, Nigeria, retired General needed during the cold war era to carry out the wishes of Olusegun Obasanjo came to power through military coup the rival ideological camps. But what they referred to as in 1975, voluntarily handed it over in 1979 but came to “World Wars” including the cold war, were complete collect it back in 1999 from those he handed it over to in misnomers for European wars which they made the 1979. Not satisfied with two terms as civilian president of African dictators believe it was a global one. the country, he wanted to elongate his term by tinkering As de-colonization began in Africa, this old concept of with the constitution. His deputy, Vice President Atiku sovereignty changed and was replaced by a new one that Abubakar, supported by civil society groups mobilized the see the power of the state to make laws and enforce entire country against him. Similar effort to stage come- them with any coercive power at its command. This new back by retired General Buhari, also a former Nigerian legal right of the state is what protects smaller states from head of state between 1983 and 1985, failed recently. He being over powered by the bigger states. It is also the sought to come back in 2003 and 2007. General power the new sovereign has to decide its own external Babangida, another former Nigerian head of state be- and internal matters. Throughout the epoch of bi-polar tween 1985 - 1993 is warming up to come back to power world, this was the notion of sovereignty upheld by but the civil society groups are not giving him breathing dictators in both civil, apartheid and military regimes in space at all (Obinor, 2003). One notable trait in former Africa. But this was, again, supplanted by another new military head states wanting to become back as civilian sovereign known as popular sovereign. The notion of this president is that, even though they come back to power one says that absolute power belongs to the people but it through dubious electoral process, they find it difficult to was not allowed to see the light of the day during bi-polar adjust to democratic rulership. Their habit of “command era as African dictators, supported by leaders of bi-polar and obey” used to in the military era still trails. Though world, hijacked it. The leaders of bi-polar world needed the civil society groups are not comfortable with this ‘half the subversion of the peoples’ sovereignty to prevent civilian-half military’ rulership, there is nothing they could African countries from crossing one ideological camp to do. They make noise quite all right to the hearing of the the other during cold war era and hence personalized of unipolar world that appreciates the genuiness of their political power often presented as an excuse for national concern, they (unipolar world), believe half-bread is better stability and the protective treaties entered into with than none. them(African dictators) by the bi-polar world (Editorial, While the military ignored democratic process of 2003). attaining power, the civilian dictators manipulate the con- Although democratization was encouraged by the stitutions to extend their stay in power. But the new fad of 323 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

recycle leadership, since military regime is no longer Uniformity in standards all over the world: e.g. good fashionable in Africa, is to stage comebacks directly or governance, free press, electoral process etc. are some indirectly, through dubious electoral process, to collect of the elements of globalization that unipolar world wants what they forgot in office in their first comings. Where every nation to conform with. Nelson Mandela, in his last they themselves are resisted by the electorate, their attendance of OAU summit meeting of Heads of State in sons, relations or political protégé are sponsored to Burkina Faso, sounded this wakeup call. According to replace them. Cases of this include Joseph Kabila who him, “there is need for state to intervene in the internal replaced his assassinated father and Jomo Keyanta who affairs of member states in certain circumstances” ensured that Daniel Arap Moi succeeded him. In prepa- (Asante-Darko, 1999). Corroborating Mandela, Kofi ration to leave office after being there from 1978 - 2002, Annan also stated that: “state sovereignty, in its most Daniel Arap Moi wanted to pay back political debt he basic sense, is being redefined –not least by the forces of owed Jomo Keyanta by dragging Keyanta’s reluctant son globalization and international co-operation. States are into politics. The son failed in the election but not so in now widely understood to be instruments at the service of Togo where President Eyadema succeeded in having his their people and not vice versa” (Annan, 1999). son succeeded him after his death. In this regard, the international communities operate The collapse of bi-polar world led to redefinition of the through certain institutional frameworks that can be concept of sovereignty. The need for dictators by the identified in political, economic and military angles. leaders of bi-polar world is no longer there because one Politically, we have United Nation Organization (UNO), of the rival ideological camps is not only “down and out” European Union (EU), Commonwealth and African Union but has also submitted to the victory of the other who is (AU). AU is further decentralized into regional bodies e.g. now the champion of unipolar world. In the days of bi- Economic Community of West African States polar world, dictators were darlings of rival camps (Capi- (ECOWAS), dominated by Nigeria and Ghana; South talism and Communism). They (leaders of bi-polar world), African Development Community (SADC), dominated by in fact, encouraged it for, true democratic governments South Africa. North African countries as a regional bloc is would not be easily amenable to their wishes. But the dominated by the trio of Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia; collapse of one Communism also meant the collapse of East African Community, by Kenya, Tanzania and what it stood for. Since only one ideology – capitalism – Uganda and Central African Community dominated by remains standing and the fallen rival one has come to Cameroon and Gabon (Siddiqi, 2004). accept its superiority, it became necessary to revert back Economically each of these regional bodies has econo- to system of government – democracy – that is mic grouping such as West African Economic and Mone- supportive and promotive of that ideology. tary Union (led by Cote d’ Ivoire and Senegal), Central Compared therefore, sovereignty under unipolar world African Economic and Monetary Community (dominated is diffused internally and externally. Internally, diffusion of by Cameroon and Gabon) and South African Custom sovereignty means separation of power among the exe- Union (dominated by South Africa) etc. cutive, legislature and judiciary. The check and balances These regional organizations also have security arms inherent in this arrangement prevents the executive, and provisions for member states’ troops to mount particularly the head of state or government, from being security operations. Good examples here are the roles of dictatorial. Externally, the conducts of the three arms of ECOMOG in sending peacekeeping troops to Liberia and government must conform to international standards. Sierra Leone in the 1990s. The long-term plan of AU with Thus, as against its (sovereignty) embodiment in the dic- these peacekeeping forces is eventual integration, tators alone under bi-polar world, the leaders of unipolar streamlining and expansion of the defense and security world and other challengers of authoritarian rule in Africa: network of these regional groups across the continent civil societies and women’s rights groups, insist on into a standby force. According to AU, “What we are dispersal of sovereignty among executives, legislatures looking for is a standby force that will be trained for and the judiciaries. Above all, they insist the electorates peace-keeping purposes and can be dispatched when who periodically elect the governments should be the the need arises” (Ansah, 2004). ultimate sovereignties internally. Externally, the leaders of AU and these regional bodies have made good gover- unipolar world, assisted by the forces of globalization, nance and democracy the pivot of their new partnership. have flung open enclosed doors of African sovereignties. Hence, the centers of these regional bodies are the ones Governments’ activities, be it open or secret can no that the international communities usually select for the longer be concealed as information technology has signi- location, training and deployment of their troops. But this ficantly improved to the extent that whatever is happening idea has begun to develop it own problem – conflict over in any country could be viewed life everywhere and sub-regional leadership. South Africa and Nigeria best anywhere in the world. Other forms of communication illustrate this. have improved to the point that one could travel to a In Southern Africa, the emergence of South Africa as travel to a country like US and come back the same day. an undisputable regional hegemony and a custodian of All these tended to make the world a “global village”. democracy and human rights are being challenged by Olasupo 324

Zimbabwe and other members of SADC (Margaret, leader of New World Order, (US), literally invaded Pana- 2000). Although the challenge is on economic front rather ma, arrested its president, Manuel Noriega, for drug than political, it could soon extend to political arena, since trafficking and later returned him there (Panama) for trial in modern politics economy and politics are (Krasner, 2000). Saddam Hussein, whose government unidirectional. was overthrown and himself, subsequently arrested by Nigeria’s role in peacekeeping efforts in West Africa, US, was handed over to the interim government in particularly the recent restoration of democratically elected Baghdad for trial in June 2004. He was executed, having governments in Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome and been found guilty of human rights violation. Africa joined Principe is touted as evidence of her regional hegemony. the league first with the international community super- But this is debunked by the argument that the coup in Sao vising the deaths of both General Sani Abacha and Chief Tome in particular, came from a country that is small and MKO Abiola. While General Abacha died in a very weak politically and militarily. Although it is stated that the curious and suspicious circumstances, Chief MKO Abiola coup posed political challenge to AU, ECOWAS and died in the presence of two African leaders of two im- Nigeria, her close door neighbour, it did not pose a military portant international bodies: Kofi Anan for United Nations challenge. If it had posed a kind of challenge that important and Emeka Anyaoku for the Commonwealth of Nations. and critical countries like Zimbabwe, Sudan and Cote d’ In Africa however, in spite of the abundance of Ivoire, that have military capability, could pose, Nigeria, AU deposed dictators, only Charles Taylor has yet appeared and ECOWAS might not have been able to handle it. This before the United Nations-backed international war crime appears to be a sound argument given Nigeria’s deep court. He was initially billed to be tried in an international ethnic and religious divisions and lack of sound democratic war crime court based in Sierra Leone but the porous credentials. The two general elections that brought Presi- security situation of the region that Taylor is familiar with dent Obasanjo to power in 1999 and 2003 were fraught forced the case to be transferred to Hague (Ochai, 2009). with irregularities that seriously marred the credibility of The court, some years ago, issued Ghanaian authorities electoral system and the President himself. Since President an international warrant for the arrest of Charles Taylor, Obasanjo came into office a number of ethno-religious wars believed to be behind the political instability in West has ravaged and destabilised the country. Africa, when the dictator was attending an ECOWAS- Thus, while South Africa’s leadership of SADC faces ex- brokered peace meeting in Accra. But the Ghanaian ternal threat from the other members of the group, Nigeria’s authority ignored the order. Rather, African leaders paved hegemony in West Africa, on the other hand, faces internal way for him to go on political asylum in Nigeria. Since threat from the ethnic militias, sectarian conflicts and civil arrival in Nigeria, the civil right communities were relent- society’s activities. And if she cannot stabilize her own less in calling on the Federal government to hand-over polity, what evidence has it to maintain peace elsewhere? the asylum dictator for trial and finally succeeded in International communities withdraw immediately after having their wish complied with. monitoring electoral process and successful conduction Given Africa’s growing influence in the international of general elections believed to be the only ways of en- communities, the expectation is high that these regional suring the two pillars of AU and ECOWAS agendas: good bodies would aide democratization and accountability by governance and democracy, leaving the civil society to ensuring that African dictators are brought to book after continue monitoring governments’ adherence to the New their overthrown. In the last one and a half decades, the World Order. The only time the international community numbers of African world leaders who have a say in the returns to a country concerned is when another general regional bodies have been steadily increasing. It started elections are about to be held since their major concern with Nelson Mandela, who regained his freedom and in- is peaceful transfer of power. stantly became world state man. Following Mandela was It does not end with ensuring peaceful transfer of the election of Kofi Annan as the first black African power or restoration of deposed democratically elected Secretary General of the United Nations. Anyaoku governments. When Tejan Kabah of Sierra Leone was followed Kofi Annan with his emergence as Common- driven out of power by military boys without completing wealth Secretary General. Later, another African, Bola his tenure, the international community ensured his Ajibola, was appointed as World Bank Tribunal President restoration. So were also the cases of Cote de ‘Ivoire and (Fadeyi, 2004). With this increasing strength in world Liberia. International judicial institution for trying dictators politics, Africa is now making a bold request for a perma- and war criminals takes over from here, although this has nent seat in the United Nation’s Security Council. not taken proper footing in Africa. In Europe and America Notwithstanding the shortcoming with regards to few where it has taken root, only one dictator each from the members of African leaders in world bodies, the admix- two continents have appeared either before the World tures of local and foreign institutional frameworks have court or International Tribunal in Hague .While regime largely been responsible for democratic regime change in change in Yugoslavia saw the head of the old regime, these African countries: Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote Milosevic, arrested and taken to the world court for prose- d’Ivoire, Nigeria (West Africa), Rwanda (in the Great Lake cution against human rights violation in his country, the region) and Burundi (in the central Africa) in the last one 325 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

and half decades. series of sanctions imposed by the international commu- What is evident in the analysis so far is the coup de nities during the dictatorial regime of General Abacha grace, which globalization delivered on Westphalia model have all been lifted. of sovereignty in Africa (Scholte, 1997). And its replace- As military coup is no longer fashionable as means of ment with what Asante-Darko termed as “confederate regime change, some military dictators attempted to sovereignty”. His notion of this is that, in his own words, corrupt democratic process by wanting to transmute from “a regional collectivity of several ethnic groups is more military head of state to civilian head of state without first likely to forestall ethnic domination than the present tiny resigning from office and compete with other presidential sovereignties (Asante-Darko, 1999). Krasner also ex- aspirants. pressed similar view when he talked of “a system in Countries where military rulers attempted transmu- which authority structures over different issues areas are tations into civilian Presidents included: Nigeria, under not geographically coterminous” (Krasner, 2000). He Babangida, Abacha and Obasanjo, in Ghana under sighted European Union as example. Regional groupings Rawlings, Niger and in Gambia (Olasupo, 1996; Richard, in Africa and the recently formed African Union fall in 1999). Generally, in an attempt to do this, the rule of law here. was trampled upon while press freedom was abysmally Against this background, the wishes of the electorates low. Protestations of civil societies to these unconsti- are beginning to be held inviolable. Globalization’s vigo- tutional acts attracted the leader of unipolar world and its rous push of unipolarity has led to increasing call for Western allies who through bodies such as UNO, EU and democratization. Not just that, civil societies, women’s Common Wealth; continental bodies e.g. AU; sub-re- right groups and other groups now strongly emphasis due gional bodies e.g. ECOWAS began to apply series of process in all governmental activities, especially during political, economic, social and military sanctions to force election periods. These activities have been empowering the dictators to step down first and re-contest if they so African peoples and the African states politically. For desired to return to office. instance, through democratization, not less than 20 Political sanctions, after the failure of the application of African countries have taken steps towards democra- diplomatic moves, include expulsion from international tization since 1990. In some cases, incumbents were organization such as Commonwealth. Zimbabwe is voted out (Mazrui, 1994). South Africa demonstrated this currently under this king of political sanction. Nigeria was by successfully transferring power three times – from under it towards the end of Babangida and Abacha’s re- Mandela to Mbeki, from Mbeki to an interim government gime. Economic sanctions take the form of withdrawal of and from interim president to Zuma, the present Presi- foreign aids, investments, trade, commerce and oil em- dent of South Africa. The emergence of Zuma as presi- bargo etc. Social sanctions take the form of barring erring dent is an interesting one. As former vice-president to country from the international sporting activities such as Mbeki he lost out in power struggle with him and had to Olympics games, World Cup tournament, boxing and resign to become leading opposition figure within the wrestling. Lastly, military sanction involves stoppage of same party. From opposition stand point he, first, defea- exchange of military experts, military training exercise ted the incumbent president, Mbeki, for the leadership of and sales of arms. The combination of economic and their party before defeating him in the presidential social sanctions forced Apartheid South Africa to change election. But the model in Ghana is a spectacular one. from minority to majority rule in 1990. When Zimbabwe Ghana demonstrated this twice when Kuffor from and Angola were found guilty of fueling the crisis in the opposition party defeated incumbent President Rawlings Democratic Republic of Congo, the EU and the US under who once served as cabinet member. President instigated the IMF and World Bank to delay financial aid Kuffor was in turn sent packing by Arthur Mill. In the to the two countries. Also, during the Liberian crisis, the Republic of Benin, Soglo was also voted out of power. entire West African sub-region contributed troops to quell Due to this improving peaceful succession processes the crisis. In Nigeria, following the annulment of June 12, some African states have been gaining international Le- 1993 presidential election and the execution of Ken Saro verage. For instance Ghana’s feat earned her the honour Wiwa, United States of America raised security alarm that of being the first African country to host the first African led to the closure of all embassies, especially those of EU and black president of United States of America and the in Lagos. And recently, though outside Africa but none- leader of unipolar world. In South Africa “exceptionalism” theless within the territory of Non-aligned nations is a has been bestowed on South Africa by western govern- shining example of internationalization of protest against ments and international financial institutions (Margaret, Iranian authorities. Groups including Human Right Watch 2000). Again, South Africa has being giving the honour of and Amnesty International are backing a global day of the first African country to host World Cup tournament in action, with protests planned in more than 80 world cities. 2010. Federation of International Football Association They protest for “release of what they say are hundreds, (FIFA) made the announcement recently. All these are or even thousands, of people detained during protests aimed at rewarding the country’s third successful demo- that followed the presidential election last month that cratic transitions since a decade ago. In as well, the returned Mamoud Ahmadinejad to power. “Police said Olasupo 326

about protesters joined a “noisy but peaceful” demon- where civil rules exist, are also subverted. Nigeria, Sao stration, outside the Iranian embassy in London, one of a Tome and Principe are good examples here. The Presi- series of events in cities across Europe. In Brussels, dent of Sao Tome and Principe, Menezes, not only Belgium, protesters held placard carrying images of the single-handedly dissolved the parliament but also detained or dead, including Neda Agha Soltan, the 27 dismissed about four or five Prime ministers (Agoawike, year old female student whose death, beamed around 2003). In Senegal, Abdulaye Wade had just appointed his the world on the Internet – became a rallying cry for fourth Prime Minister. Her Nigerian Counterpart, Presi- opponents of the regime (Osuntokun, 2009). dent Obasanjo, on the other hand, unilaterally tampered Because of the collapse of the principle of non- with National Assembly Act on Electoral Bill, unconstitu- interference in the domestic affairs of member states, the tionally declared a state of emergency in Plateau and head of the New World Order (USA) and her Western Ekiti states and unlawfully denied some state govern- allies, have assumed the role of international policemen ments’ their local government Federal allocations. (Owoeye and Amusan, 2000). This is particularly so of For these, Obasanjo was nearly impeached by the US whose aspects of pronouncements and policies have National Assembly. In Sao Tome and Principe, Menezes shown her as either attempting to bend the United was overthrown by the military although he had since Nations Organization to her own will or, in Adekanye’s been restored by the international community that consi- words, playing the bully of weak nations (Adekanye, dered coup d’ tat too severe a punishment. If the over- 2003). What is however curious about the interventions of throw of the Menezes had been through peoples’ revolt, US in some troubled African countries are her doubled that could have, perhaps, been tolerated by the interna- standard approach. While she intervened in Liberia and tional community rather than the military that had lost Democratic Republic of Congo for instances, she failed to credibility. Abdulaye Wade’s rapid changes of his Prime do so in Darfur and Rwanda. Reason for this perhaps, Ministers was seen as trying to prevent any other indivi- was unwillingness to, according to Owoeye and Amusan; dual within government from gaining too much political expand her resources, especially on the crisis in the two clout thereby threatening his position. This is however, a countries that are landlocked. If she had important gradual step towards dictatorship (Africa, 2004). interest in these two countries as does in Liberia and Congo, But forcing the dictators (Abacha and Babangida in perhaps, she would have intervened (Owoeye and Amusan, Nigeria, Charles Taylor in Liberia, Mengistus Hail Mariam 2000: 183). of Ethopia and Idi Amin Dada of Uganda) to step down The pertinent question here is, how could African dic- was not the only focus of attention of civil societies and tators be compelled to conform to unipolar world regar- women’s right groups, restoration of deposed democrati- ding the new notions of sovereignty? And by what means cally elected rulers and democracy in general also catche possible? The two main issues that pose challenge to their attention. In their efforts to do this, international African dictators in the unipolar world are their penchant community also lend support. In restoring some deposed for eternal life in office and the desecration of due democratically elected African leaders, regional hege- process in governmental activities, especially in electoral mons played decisive roles in line with the New World processes. Among others are exclusion of civil societies Order. In West Africa for instance, Nigeria and Ghana and women in particular, from participatory governance. played prominent role in bringing back to power Presi- Whereas in the Cold-War era, military and strategic con- dents Ahmad Tejan Kabbah of Sierra Leone (1997) and cerns were the primary means of holding down African Menezes of Sao Tome and Pricipe (2003). Similarly in leaders by either of the rival super powers, in the unipolar Southern Africa, South Africa, Botswana and Zimbabwe world, these have been replaced by economic and were the key players in restoring deposed democratically human security (Akokpari, 1999). Against African tyrants, elected government in Lesotho (Olukoshi, 1999). since the beginning of unipolar world, withdrawal of However, restoration of democracy from authoritarian support and legitimacy for such tyrants by the unipolar rule to pluralist democracy is much more complex and leaders is the first step (Mazrui, 1994). As the law and tedious. This involves first, the creation of government of order begin to breakdown due to civil societies activities, transition often referred to as “interim-government”. It is UN backed peacekeeping forces are sent down. this that ensures smooth transition from dictatorial to The failure of diplomacy as a strategy to persuade Afri- democratic rule ( , 1999:3). Nigeria, Ghana and Liberia can dictators to abandon their old notion of sovereignty and, recently in South Africa, experienced this type of is, followed by real confrontation. This starts by the civil transition. This is more recurrent in Liberia than any other societies and other human rights groups protesting the African country. Amos Sawyer, Mrs. Ruth Perry and the tenacity of the dictators to the old notion of sovereignty. current President of Liberia function as interim Presidents Most African dictators, after the collapse of the bi-polar of Liberia. In Nigeria Earnest Shonekan func-tioned as world, continue to disdain the sanctity of peoples’ wishes. interim government for three months. In fact the present Presidential elections, as in the cases of Nigeria (1993) civilian administration of Yar ‘Adua, is seen in some Algeria (1992) were annulled. Iranians, particularly those quarters as interim because of its lack of legitimacy outside Iran, are stridently calling for annulment of 2009 arising from the badly flawed election that brought him to presidential election. Sovereignties of the parliaments, office. 327 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

It is necessary to consider here the procedure by which women’s rights groups in particular. Using Yoruba nation decision-making and taking against removal of dictators as an example, traditional states refer to the various king- in Africa, is made. This will show how parties concerned doms prevalent in Yoruba land before the advent of in the unipolar world interact to bring about and imple- colonialism; e.g. Oyo Empire and its various satellite ment such decisions. According to the former US kingdoms such as Ife, Benin, Sabe, Ketu, Egba, Ijebu, ambassador to Nigeria, Howard Jeter: Ijesha, Ondo, Ekiti, Ibadan Igbomina etc (Afolayan, 1989: President Obasanjo acted with our full knowledge and 15; Atanda, 1985: 92; Olowu, 1995: 201). The satellite concurrence. He called me and the British High Commis- kingdoms acquired the status of states after the collapse sioner to his office, to inform our respective governments of Oyo Empire. The new kingdoms acquired statehood that he has completed his consultation and planned to offer when they began to acquire their separate state institu- asylum to Mr. Taylor. tions such as military (Eso in Yoruba), police (Olopa or It is clear from the above that very important decision- Akoda as known in the colonial days); weapon (earlier, making and taking in the unipolar world is first preceded cavalry force, later Eso tradition of semi-professional by consultation among certain actors in the international group of warriors and finally the evolvement of new mili- system. In taking the decision of removing Charles Taylor tary strategies that took firearm) and other vital state from office therefore, the actors involved included Nigeria institutions etc (Ade-Ajayi, 2000; Attanda, 1985). Post (as hegemon in West Africa and represented by Presi- traditional states in Nigeria, according to the 1987 Politi- dent Obasanjo), Ghana (as the current Chairman of cal Bureau Report, are Emirate or Traditional Councils, ECOWAS, represented by President Kuffuor), South confined to the Local Government areas within their Africa (Not only the Chairman of African Union but also communities but loosing legislative, executive and judicial the hegemon in SADC. She was represented by Presi- functions that they possessed in the pre-colonial to the dent Thambo Mbeki). Unipolar world was represented by new local government system (Mamser, 1987). its leaders (US, represented by President George W. Westphalia model of sovereignty that colonial powers Bush and her ally, UK Prime Minister, Tony Blair) imposed on African states at independence is said to be (Akande and Oloja, 2004). This idea of consulting with premised on the theory “to justify the king being master in the leaders of unipolar world is capable of varied inter- his new modern kingdom, absolute internally” (Keohane, pretation. There are those who may see it as a sort of 2000). Across African continent therefore, there have neo-colonialism. Some other may see it as a form of always being conflicts between these post traditional and normative or political colonialism. Whatever the case is, Westphalia African sovereigns, forcing most Westphalia African sovereigns have the right to take or ignore any African sovereigns to re-examine the relevance of post suggestion or input the unipolar world makes. The most traditional states in modern state. There are those important thing however is that they are no longer totally governments that have resolved not only to constitution- on their own. Ignore them (leaders of unipolar world) and ally deny participation of traditional rulers in modern loose some of the foreign aids you receive from them. states but to “abolish” them completely. Here, we find To date, African sovereigns that have been forced out countries such as Namibia, Kenya, Tanzania and of power or compelled to conform to New World Order Uganda. But this attempt backfired in Uganda forcing the regarding international norm of governance and regime government of Yoweri Museveni to restore the “cultural” change include Liberia (between Charles Taylor and aspects of monarchical systems of governance (Nabu- Samuel Doe on one hand and between the Charles dere, 2000). There are those that have democratized the Taylor, who was on asylum in Nigeria and later handed institution to conform to modern system of governance. over to an International war tribunal, on the other hand); The leading country in this respect is the Republic of Republic of Benin (between Nicephore Soglo and Benin. Here, according to Ayo, there exist constitutional Mathieu Kerekou); Niger Republic (between General abolition of traditional institutions but instead is the Ibrahim Mainassara Bare and the overthrown constitutio- adoption of ‘democratic’ procedures in “selecting candi- nal democracy in January 1996), Sierra Leone (between dates to the respective positions hitherto occupied by the then military junta and restoration of deposed candidates selected according to the approved customs President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah) and Nigeria (between and traditions of the people” (Ayoade, 1989). The third the military authorities of Abacha/Abdulsalami and the categories are those that permit some roles for traditional democratic civilian regime of General Obasanjo). From rulers particularly at the Local level. Some of those Afri- Southern Africa comes the case of South Africa in which can countries that have adopted this approach include: leaders of unipolar world compelled racial and minority Botswana, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Nigeria (Adejumo, regime to change to multi racial and majority regime in 1996). conformity with the New World Order. In countries where post traditional states are allowed, their roles in modern governance, especially at the local

UNIPOLAR WORLD AND TRADITIONAL RULERS level, are limited to social and cultural roles. For instance, the reforms that separated post traditional state from the The question of traditional state in Africa is also an modern one in Nigeria created a separate council known albatross on most Africa sovereigns, civil societies and as Emirate or Traditional council for traditional rulers. Olasupo 328

This was later extended to the state level with the crea- Sessay, says that the theories on civil society emphasis tion of the States’ Council of Chiefs. In fact, National the role which independent organization such as trade Council of Traditional Rulers has been in the formation unions, human rights movements, market women’s asso- since 1995. It is the same thing in South Africa where ciations, professional bodies such as the bar and bench 1996 Constitution compelled the parliament to provide a etc. could play in taming the power of the state and its local government role for chiefs, as well as to establish leaders. Civil society, according to Alex, could therefore provincial houses and a National Council of Traditional be defined as “the arena where civil organizations and Leaders for them (Jacobs, 2000). However, the roles of social movements have the opportunity or freedom to these traditional leaders in modern governance, in the organize and pursue their interests (Sesay, 1999). In Afri- two countries sighted above, exclude executive, ca, civil society is characterized by ethnic associations, legislative and judicial functions. professional associations, community development asso- But lack of executive, legislative and judicial roles for ciations, trade unions, civil rights and pro-democracy traditional leaders has in turn pitched the traditional rulers organizations, co-operative unions, youth associations against modern ones. The traditional rulers claim that and women groups that carry out important political before and during the colonial days they exercised these functions outside the surveillance of the state agencies powers and should therefore not be disallowed from fur- (Gboyega, 1997). ther exercise of such powers especially at the local level From the above, the organization of civil societies in where they are most relevant. Traditional rulers in mo- Africa can be grouped into five: Human right groups, Pro- dern states thus grumble at the way they are sometimes Democracy organizations, Cultural/ethnic associations, treated by their principal partners in governance – Professional groups and Labour groups. Among the Hu- dictators. But they have no choice because it is under man Right groups are Civil liberties organization (CLO), dictators they could be of relevance, if any, in modern the Constitutional Rights Project (CRP), the Committee governance. In any case, civil societies and women rights for the Defense of Human Rights (CDHR), the Gani groups are not comfortable with them (traditional rulers) Fawehinmi Solidarity Association (GFSA) and the Na- not only for constituting the most important source of tional Association of Democratic Lawyers (NADL). Pro- challenge to the authority and legitimacy of Local Democracy organizations (in Nigeria especially) include Governments, which according to Alex, they engaged in the Council for Unity and Understanding (CUU), Eastern competition for the loyalty and resources of the localities Mandate Union (EMU), People's Consultative Forum but also for their patriarchal and dictatorial nature that (PCF), the Campaign for Democracy (CD) and Movement abhors matriachalism in traditional leadership (Gboyega, for National Reformation (MNR). All these political Asso- 1996: 3). This situation is no less different in South Africa ciations were later forced to come together under one where according to Jacobs; the traditional rulers “main- umbrella of National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) by tain their unofficial powers in resource allocation in many the dictatorship of General Abacha. Cultural/ethnic asso- communities by acting as the de facto local authorities” ciation, in the case of Nigeria include: Afenifere, Ndi-Igbo, (Jacobs, 2000: 14). Modern sovereign authorities and Ohaneze, Northern Elders Forum, Ijaw youth movement their archaic counterparts (traditional rulers) are the tar- etc. Professional groups include, Bar Associations, gets of bombardments by unipolar world, civil society and Medical associations, Unions of journalists, Academic women’s right groups for their abhorrence of democracy. Staff Union of Universities, Non Academic Staff Union of Universities, Unions of Teachers, Students associations etc. Labour groups include: Labour congresses, Trade CIVIL SOCIETIES unions, Farmers Unions, Co-operative unions, Commu- nity development associations. These civil society organi- At this point it is pertinent to examine the nature, the zations have specific interest which they protect against content and the issues around which the civil societies sovereigns’ encroachments. But generally they all act to collide with sovereignties when they are bending towards curb the excesses of the sovereigns. Where the sove- dictatorship. How they (civil societies) go about this reigns remain unyielding, they (civil society groups) con- collision is another area of interest here. The concept has nect their international colleagues especially in the US a long history of existence behind it. As a matter of fact it and Western Europe who help to drum these outcries to has been in existence several decades before its redis- the hearings of their various governments. covery and usage in Western political thought in the Globalization of international systems reinforced by the nineteenth century by the international political sociology unipolar world has brought revolutionary change to liberal (Ekeh, 1992). It has tended to surface or appear in politi- democracy in the world affairs. The observation of Robert cal arenas or circumstances that offer new opportunities Fatton for Africa is therefore apt and in no other countries for the freedom of the individual, which contradicts the more applicable than Nigeria, Rwanda, Liberia and Cote previous or existing totalitarian regimes that limit indivi- d’Ivoire. According to him, “aware of civil society’s revolu- dual liberty. In the civil society, individual liberty is the tionary potential, Africans are discovering or rediscover- central concern. Echoing the view of Ekeh, Amadu ing ways of keeping private what they wish out of the 329 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

predatory reach of the state. They are creating a reinvi- every level of government, particularly in Nigeria. How- gorated civil society, space that seeks to resist the ever, while Rwanda had carried out her own conference intrusion of the state”. More than one and a half decades that has produced a constitution, affirmed by referendum ago, Rwanda, Nigeria and Liberia regimes witnessed and described as “a step towards democracy” Nigeria is declining legitimacy, decreasing compliance with state still grappling with what form of constitutional approach: directives, increasing criticisms of state officials and Sovereign, constitutional, national conference or dialo- practices due to the activities of these civil societies. gue. At the height of growing dictatorship of President Politically, the most devastating demand from the Obasanjo, he categorically declared that there could be sovereigns in Africa is ethnic demands. They sometimes no other sovereign with the existing sovereign. ask for dismemberment of the affected countries. African Election monitoring is another important area of focus countries most affected by this include in Rwanda, by civil societies and the international observers of Uganda, Democratic republic of Congo, Nigeria and general elections that the Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka, Burundi. To bring the carnage in Burundi under control, sees as “a part of political commodity of the world”. Along peacekeepers from South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Sene- with the civil societies and the women’s rights groups, gal and the African Union were drafted to Bujumbura to leaders of unipolar world have operated in Nigeria, present what was called the “Made in Africa Peace plan”. Zimbabwe, Rwanda, Togo, Afghanistan, Chechnya and Before these African leaders and other world leaders, the Russia. Ironically, the United States of America, the head then new President of the country, Domitien Ndayizeye, of the New World Order, refused to allow these interna- affirmed that, “I swear to fight against genocide. I swear tional observers to monitor the presidential election before Burundi and the international community that I will between Bush and Gore in 2000. That election turned out never violate the unity charter; that I will respect the to be seriously flawed and made international mockery of Burundi Constitution and the other main laws. With this American political leadership of New World order declaration, Mandela and indeed, the African Union were (Soyinka, 2003). able to balance the scale of power in Bujumbura. In some African countries: Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Cote Some of the issues that these organizational or asso- d’Ivoire and Togo where local and international observers ciational life (civil societies) concern themselves with are monitored their general elections, their (observers) human right abuse, election and due process monitoring reports indicated that the general elections in these coun- to ensure compliance with laid down rules and regula- tries were farce. That of Nigeria was monitored by inter- tions. The major weapon of bringing these to the attention national observers such as Washington-based National of the sovereign, the general public and indeed, the Democratic Institute (NDI) headed by it President international community is protest. The protest against Kenneth Wallace, European Union Election Observation the dictators is not confined to home countries of dicta- Mission in Nigeria (EU EOM) lead by Dr. Max Van Den tors alone but everywhere the dictators go. When for in- Berg and the Commonwealth mission led by Salim stance African Leaders started arriving Paris for Franco- Ahmed Salim. In the case of Togo, Economic Community African summit on February 19, 2003, they all faced of West African States parliamentary union, France, the protest from human rights campaigners opposed to the colonial power that still has close link with the country, presence of Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe. the United States of America and less than two hundred Similarly, when African Union (AU) discovered that other international observers monitored similar general transfer of power in Madagascar was unconstitutional, it election in Togo in 2003. However, the European Union, suspended the country. Again, granting of asylum to which froze aid to Togo ten years ago over her lack of deposed Liberian dictator by Nigerian government democracy and poor human rights record and the United provoked bitter reactions from the civil society in the Nations, did not send their observers to monitor Togo’s country (Africa, 2003). Increasing criticisms of state election. While in Nigeria the election was condemned as officials and their bad practices and the growing formal fraught with irregularities that “include stuffing of ballot and informal protest from the growing civil society boxes, forgery of results, falsification of result sheets, members ultimately lead to the call for Sovereign national ballot snatching and a variety of other means of rigging” conference, in the model of that of Benin and Congo in that contradicted the earlier position of the Federal these countries. For instance, inadequate political re- government and the ruling party that the elections were forms of the political system led to the launching of war in free and fair, former US president, Jimmy Carter, who October 1990 and the series of political attacks in Ja- also monitored the election, said the irregularities were nuary 1991, June 1992 and February 1993, in Rwanda. not strong enough to cause annulment of the elections In Nigeria on the other hand, the inconsistency in military (EU Report on 2003). Meanwhile, European Parliament handover date to the civilian, led to the temporary excise had called for probe into the cases of “massive electoral of some part of the country by some young military fraud” observed during Nigerian’s elections in April, espe- officers in 1990 and the June 12 presidential election cially those of presidential and parliamentary seen as key annulment exploded the civil society activities in the test of Nigerian democracy. It also recommended that country. So strong are they that their activities permeated those responsible should be brought to justice. Togo’s Olasupo 330

foreign observers were yet to make their findings known Interestingly too is the preventive political measure but opposition parties had started alleging massive sometimes taken by the international community against electoral fraud that had resulted in outbreak of political possible political violence in conflict prone countries in violence in the country. In Zimbabwe, her March 2002 Africa. In Nigeria for instance, at the death of General presidential election monitored by Commonwealth Abacha, the heads of two world bodies, Kofi Annan for Observer Group (COG) was equally adjudged fraught UNO and Emeka Anyaoku for Commonwealth, came to with irregularities contrary to the claim of Zimbabwe negotiate for the release of Chief MKO Abiola, the de- president, Robert Mugabe, that the election was free and tained winner of the annulled June 12 1993 presidential fair. But while election observers in Nigeria encouraged election who eventually died before he could be released all “stakeholders to actively contribute to a peaceful (Special Editon, 1998). Again, the United Nations environment and urged aggrieved parties to resort only to Secretary General had, had course to visit Nigeria when legal remedies through judiciary”, in Zimbabwe, the after two months since the death of General Abacha, his government asked the opposition, led by Morgan succes-sor, General Abdul Salami, had problem in Tsvangirai, to withdraw its suit challenging the outcome forming a new cabinet as a result of which he had to rely of 2002 election that returned him into office. on the support of traditional rulers whom Kofi Annan had Commonwealth of Nations and most European coun- to discuss with during this difficult period of General tries threatened to apply “stronger measures” on Zimba- Abudusalami Abubakar’s regime (Cover, 1998). bwe if President Robert Mugabe failed to accommodate the opposition (Africa, 2003; World News, 2003). The main opposition leader in Nigeria too, retired General LOCAL CIVIL SOCIETIES Buhari, who had been threatening civil disobedience over massive rigging of general elections at last resorted to The activities of civil societies groups and unipolar world judicial process asking the court and the international are not limited to the national and provincial levels alone. community not to recognize the election purported to Their radiant permeated local level as well. The military have returned the incumbent President. The election in regimes, particularly those of Generals Babangida and Rwanda on the other hand was a plebiscite towards Abacha and their First ladies believed that vitalizing civil approving the new constitution for the country. Even then, society at the local level, political reconstruction would observers from European and the United States moni- germinate at that level (Joseph, 1999). They thus tored the referendum that was made possible by financial contributed immensely to the growth and development of assistance provided by US, Germany and Canada. For a local civil societies at that level. They created strong long time therefore, according to an editorial comment, awareness on the rural populace, particularly among rural Africa has been the laughing stock of the rest of the women. The process led to upspring of very active civil world. Elections have ended up either disputed or society at that level (Gboyega, 2003). Under Generals claimed many lives (Editorial, 2004). Babangida and Abacha’s regimes, community participa- The trample upon the due process by dictators tion in governance and development were encouraged by especially the military ones also caught the attention of first, restructuring the polling stations to cater for not civil societies who made clarion call to the international more then 5000 voters. Besides, the introduction of community to note dubious metamorphosis of the military "Option A4" reinforces effective elections monitoring, to head of states in West Africa. In the 1990s, there was a check abuses and to make it easier for the local populace trend in West Africa, termed “ECOWAS PROJECT”. The to make informed choices based on their knowledge of project was about military rulers in the sub-region candidates (Gboyega, 1996). succeeding themselves as civilian Presidents in what a Babangida’s regime mandated that contestants for commentator tagged “suspect elections”. Nigeria was June 12 gubernatorial and presidential election must be said to be the brain behind this “ECOWAS PROJECT” contested through "Option A4". This aimed at testing the and a former military President, General Babangida, was vibrancy of local civil society and also to encourage the heading towards succeeding himself when he slipped out elites who had alienated themselves from their roots to of power. His military successor, General Sani Abacha, re-establish contact with their people. "Option A4" man- nursed similar ambition and nearly succeeded before he dated presidential and gubernatorial aspirants to not only died in office. Civilian regime of president Obasanjo also identify with their Local Governments but their wards as attempted self succession but civil society groups did not well. Through this device, the local people made their give him breathing space to actualize this ambition. The wish clearly known, that they were aversed to retired dictator however ensured that his stooge became the generals, who were previously military head of state, re- successor in a roundly flawed general election. Ironically, cycling themselves. While General Gowon failed the test Nigeria that encouraged and aided Ghana, Niger and in 1993, retired General Obasanjo also failed it in 1999 Gambia to succeed in this dubious metamorphosis, could but the military regime of Abdul Salami Abubakar over- not herself ‘domesticate’ democracy as in the countries looked this and allowed him to contest the presidential she aided and abetted. election of that year which he won without the support of 331 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

his ward (Owu), Local government (Abeokuta South), Africa in general. As usual, sovereign authorities at the State government (Ogun) and geographical zone national, provincial and local levels (in other words (Western part of the country) (Oma and Ossai, 1993). modern and traditional rulers) are responsible for the per- It is curious to find some traditional rulers, natural allies sistent suppression and repression of women’s rights. of the military and dictatorial regimes in Nigeria also em- However, these and other women affairs in the last three barking on civil society role. The traditional rulers across decades engaged the attention of United Nations. This is the country were divided over the annulment debacle. particularly so in the last two decades, especially since Most of them supported it (annulment) but there were few 1990. The forces of globalization in the unipolar world im- who objected as well. Among these few but powerful and mensely contributed to the series of upliftments of women influential were Alaafin of Oyo and Awujale of Ijebuland. status politically, economically and socially. The first While the Sultan of Sokoto favored the annulment, Ooni United Nations Conference on Women was held in of Ife objected it and threatened that “June 12 was funda- Mexico to mark the beginning of International Women’s mental to the peaceful corporate existence of Nigeria and year, 1975. The conference delegates in Mexico adopted that nobody concerned with justice, fairness and honesty a Plan of Action which aimed to improve the status of could ask Abiola to forgo his electoral victory”. But Ooni women. 1976 - 1985 was duly designated as the United was to capsize and capitulate later after he and some Nations Decades for the Advancement of women. In other traditional rulers met with Babangida. His reason for 1976, according to Steans, INSTRAW and the Voluntary capitulating was that Babangida convinced them ‘beyond Fund for the UN Decade for Women (UNIFEM) were set reasonable’ doubt. He later became active participant in up (Steans, 2000). Midway point in the UN Decade for the administration of General Abacha, which kept up the Women, 1976, the Second United Nations Conference momentum of sustaining the annulment. But Alaafin of held in Copenhagen in 1980. Oyo and Awujale of Ijebuland, kept the royal opposition The third UN Conference on Women was held in afloat although they paid for it dearly. Under General Nairobi in 1985, at the end of UN Decade for Women. Abacha, Alaafin of Oyo was denied foreign travels The Conference produced an important document called several times and when he was eventually allowed one, Forward Looking Strategies for the Advancement of he was enmeshed in drug scandal at Heathrow Airport in Women to the Year 2000 (FLSAW). The strategies London (Abimbola, 1998). Awujale of Ijebuland on the outlined in the document, a wake up call for African other hand imposed self-confinement of himself to his continent, aimed to protect women’s interests in health, palace throughout the duration of Abacha’s regime. employment, family life, political life and also promote In short, the military regimes of Babangida and Abacha women’s human rights. It is stated that since the UN had intended to encourage community participation in Decade for Women in 1976, UN development agencies governance and development as an alternative replace- have included sections that are specifically charged to ment to the middle class whose support they had lost, but advance the interests of women. The sections have not it turned out to be counterproductive. only pushed for a greater degree of gender sensitivity in The workers in the Peoples and Community banks, government policies but have also increased the aware- teachers in the rural primary and secondary schools and ness of the problems of women’s double burden, for the civil servants at the rural Local Government councils, equal access to and control over land and property, and formed themselves into local civil society groups that for equal access to credit (Steans, 2000). began to torment these military regimes especially after The Fourth UN Conference on Women, held in Beijing the annulment of June 12, 1993 presidential election. in 1995. And it was described as the largest UN confe- Implied in the annulment, which they fought against, was rence to date. The conference took place after the the decision of the military to intervene in the political Commission on the Status of Women had met in 1990 to process that had the consequence of widening the review the progress of the FLSAW since 1985. The political space of the civil society. A lot of militant civil commission decided that not enough progress had been organizations emanated during this period to challenge made. The Draft Platform for Action which was nego- the annulment and called for the de-annulment. Local tiated at Beijing echoed many of the key themes and civil society groups were not left out. Long after leaving objectives of the FLSAW. It identified eleven specific office, General Babangida confessed in an interview that areas of concern: poverty, access to education, inequality the resistance, which the civil society put up was weak in health-care provision, violence against women, the and that was why he was able to go away with the needs of women refugees, access to participation in annulment and most of the other political and economic economic decision-making structure, greater participation crimes (Gboyega, 1997). in public life and the political process, improvement in monitoring mechanisms, improvements in the awareness

WOMEN’S RIGHT GROUPS on the part of women of the commitments made by member states, the representation of women in the Political and religious rights are some of the important media and finally, women’s contribution to managing issues confronting women in Nigeria in particular and natural resources and safeguarding the environment. The Olasupo 332

conference ‘Platform of Action’ made explicit linkages President in America. It is rather ironic however, that US between the empowerment of women, access to repro- and her western allies that are pace setters in human ductive health care, equality and women’s human rights rights struggle are the one being set paced for by the (Steans, 2000). third world countries on the issue women head of state. These form the basis for the upsurge of women’s rights Apart from Liberia, Gambia and Uganda that have pro- groups in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular. The duced President and Vice-Presidents respectively Nigeria advent of unipolar world, pushed vigorously by globali- appears to be the next in terms of women participation in zation, also brought sovereigns (traditional rulers and party politics. The first woman attempt at governance Westphalia model) in Africa, under intense focus of these through elective post was the election of Mrs. Remi women’s rights groups. These sovereigns are seen as Aiyedun, a member of the Action Group (AG) party, who patriarchal dominated. Starting with the Westphalia was elected into the Western Region legislature in 1953 African sovereigns, no African country, until recently in and doubled as the first woman parliamentarian in the Liberia, had produced a democratically elected woman whole of West Africa. However, there was another head of state despite the series of global agenda on woman member of the region’s legislature at that time but women. But in the last two decades however, women in she, Mrs. Margaret Ekpo, unlike her counterpart, was Africa have made significant improvement challenging nominated. In a nutshell, throughout the First Republic, both patriarchal traditional rulers and the Westphalia there was totality of five women parliamentarians. In sovereigns in Africa. Before Liberia had her first demo- addition to the earlier mentioned two, others were cratically elected woman head of state in Africa, she had Wuraola Esan, Bernice Kerry and Janet Mokelu – from emerged the first African country to have a woman head the other parts of the country (Uzoanya, 2002). of state. Assisted by the international community, Liberia The Second Republic saw the upward movement of in 1996, appointed Mrs. Ruth Perry as interim president women from Regional level to the Federal level both in of the county for the 1996 - 1997 term (Features, 2003). elective and nominative posts – as national legislators Spectacular improvement however came from Gambia and ministers. Towards third republic, of the 567 mem- and Uganda that, through democratic process, provided bers of the Constituent Assembly, 14 were women and the first two female vice-presidents. out of this number five were elected while the remaining This is significant considering the pace of women poli- nine were appointed. The similitude of this at the States’ tical advancement in the centers of unipolar world: USA level was, out of the total number of 1172 members of the and Europe. While the leaders of unipolar world recorded States’ Houses of Assembly, 27 were women and of the their first woman Prime Minister in Britain in the 1980s, three hundred (300) gubernatorial aspirants, eight were Africa, through Liberia, recorded her own in the 1990s. women but none of them got elected. While none of them Equally significant is the fact that while women in Britain won the primaries of their parties and did not therefore won the right to vote in 1920s and produced her female contest the election proper, there were some who got head of government 80 years later, Africa that began to elected as deputy governor. The first woman presidential emerge form colonization in 1950s had her own female aspirant in the country is Mrs. Sarah Jubril who effectively head of government 46 years after (Editorial, 2004). competed with her male counterparts in the Social Again, as a Third World continent, Africa is proud that a Democratic Party (SDP) to vie for the presidential ticket. fellow Third World continent, Asia, is ahead of the world Though she lost the ticket to her male counterpart, she in the production of women sovereigns. India, unarguable nonetheless impacted on the primaries by becoming the world’s largest democracy, produced the first world fourth in the primaries held in Jos. Undaunted by the loss woman head of government after Israel. This is in respect she teamed up with the winner of the primaries and the of distinguished and astute personality of the late Indira presidential flag bearer of her party, Chief M.K.O Abiola. Gandhi. India repeated the feat recently when it elected In recognition of her strong political attribute, she was Mrs. Sonia Gandhi. Surprisingly, Sonia turned down the integrated into the Hope ’93 campaign team of the winner offer of a Prime Minister perhaps to avoid what Salman of SDP primaries, to work assiduously for the victory of Rushdie referred to as “Italian Prime Minister in India”. the party’s flag bearer. Though the success of the party Anyway, she emerged as the speaker of the Congress, was annulled, she formed part of those who made the the first woman to do so in the political history of the success possible. country and the world only to be followed recently in USA Fourth Republic is not only the most impressive but with the election of Pelosi as the first female speaker in colorful as well, in women ascendancy and political the country. Nigeria joined in this in 2007 when Madam turnover in national politics. The beauty of this republic Patricia Etteh became the first woman speaker of the was not just election of women into elective posts but House of Representatives. Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indo- more importantly the emergence of four of them as Spea- nesia and Sri Lanka are also in this league of countries kers of their various Houses of Assembly. that have produced women head of state. America nearly At the local level where two parallel governing attained the feat in Mrs. Clinton but failed. She however institutions exists: traditional rulers and democratic local made up for that by electing the first African and Black governments (most often composed of local tyrants), 333 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

women’s right groups had a lot to contend with here. First Plateau State (Minister of state in science and technology and the most important are the traditional rulers who are ministry), Mrs. Bekky Kelebu Igwe from Bayelsa State the custodian of culture and tradition that inhibit women’s (Minister of state), Dr. (Mrs.) Kema Chikwe from Imo talents and rights. Here, women’s rights groups at the State (Minister of Transport), Hajia Aishat Ismail, national and provincial levels attempt and successfully in (Minister of Women Affairs and Development) Ms. Boma most cases, in uplifting rural women politically, Bromillow Jack, (Culture and Tourism minister) economically and socially. Interestingly, the leaders of unipolar world USA and her European allies also acted as godfather to one of the ministers under Obasanjo’s regime. The then Finance POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT Minister, Mrs. Ngozi Iwela, is an employee of the World Bank, interested in restructuring Nigeria’s economy. She Political empowerments of women, particularly the rural is believed to have been recommended for appointment ones, are of two categories: appointive and elective. For as minister, by the unipolar world, to over see their in- the elective one, appointment such as National Defense terests. But what baffled most Nigerians was the payment Adviser, Defense and Finance Ministers etc African wo- of her salary in dollars as against her counterpart minis- men have made significant stride. But this is due to global ters who received their salaries in local currency. Though trend of reserving certain percent of appointive posts in Mrs Ngozi Iwela is a Nigerian by birth, she has become governance for women. In South Africa for instance, adopted citizen of the centers of unipolar world: US and African National Congress (ANC) has come to recognize, her western allies. introduce and adopt proportional representation of a 30% Politically "Option A4" and the office of First ladies – at women quota for its party list. In other words, South the national, state and local levels – became an oppor- Africa now gives women 30% participation in adminis- tunity for women’s right groups to advance the cause of tration just as the recently approved constitution for rural women. While "Option A4" empowered women Rwanda also reserved a minimum of 30% of parliamen- politically since they constitute the majority of rural voters, tary seat for women (Cover, 2003). First ladies office not only complements the efforts of Of course, gender quota system is becoming a global their husbands in rural program delivery, but also fad as women in countries such as Sweden, Denmark, establishes their own independent outfits for series of Finland, Norway, Netherlands and Iceland occupy at mobilizations at the local level. The goal of these series least a third of their Houses of legislature. In India espe- of mobilization efforts of First Ladies according to Alex, cially, the 1993 constitutional amendment reserved 33% are: of seats for women in local councils through which about one million women of the country enter into its politics. (a) To raise women’s consciousness of their social and It was against this background that President Olusegun political rights. Obasanjo, during his 1998 presidential campaign pro- (b) Organize them into associations to attract Govern- mised to reserve 30% of participation in his adminis- ment’s support. tration for women. Prior to this time, the 1976 Local (c) Enable them to better pursue their collective interests Government reform merely stipulated that while elected (Gboyega, 1996; Ibrahim, 2003). Women right groups members in councils be not more than bution but on the manipulated these to advance the cause of rural women. good will of her father, the late Premier of Western Region, Chief S.L Akintola, was Dr. (Miss) Bimbo This has since been bearing fruits. Out of the 774 Local Akintola, NPN, Oyo State (Uzoanya, 2002). Government Councils in the country, in 1987, three Under President Obasanjo’s government, virtually all the women for the first time became elected as Local women ministerial nominees were appointed not on their Government Chairmen in Ogun, Katsina and Kaduna personal merit in terms of their personal political States respectively (Adekunbi, 2003). This increased to contribution but due to the good will legacy of either their nine in December 5, 1998 Local Government election, parents or political godfathers. The contribution of Chief scattered among the following states: Lagos, Katsina, Abraham Adesonya, the leader of the Yorubas, to demo- Kaduna, Benue, Delta states and the Federal Capital cracy struggle, was responsible for the appointment of his Territory, Abuja (Cover, 2002). Since then however, there daughter (Mrs. Adelaja) as Minister of State (defense) has been women explosion in local politics especially in and later, as solid mineral minister but now a Director- Kano State where rich Islamic and cultural traditions General of Small and Medium Scale enterprises. The combine to repress women participation in politics. In the daughter of the late Premier of Western Region, Chief Local Government elections that came up in June 21, Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. (Mrs.) Awolowo Dosumu, was 2003, over more than one hundred (100) women sought made ambassador to the Netherlands. Other ministerial elective posts either as Councilors or Local Government nominees whose appointments anchored on godfathers Chairpersons in Kano State alone (Ujo, 2002). were Dr. (Mrs.) Amina Ndalolo from Kwara State, Minister The emergence of three women as Local Government of state in the ministry of health, Mrs. Paullen Tallen from Chairmen in 1987 and nine in 1998, for the first time, in Olasupo 334

the history of elective post in Nigeria, is spectacular in royal homes to form associations to advance their cause three important respects. in traditional rulership. In Nigeria today, you can find First of all, women have made their debut in elective association of Princesses, regents and traditional rulers post at the local level where the holds of traditions and (Olasupo, Forthcoming). Recently, national association of customs are strongest. Secondly, they contested that female traditional rulers was formed at the Department of election on the experimentation of zero party basis and local government studies, faculty of administration, therefore won the election on their personal recognition Obafemi Awolowo University (Ogunmodede, 2009: 4; rather than through party affiliate. Thirdly, as a result of Adetunji, 2009: 29, 61). The National Association of zero party bases, religion became the platforms under Female Traditional Rulers in Nigeria have become so which the candidates contested that election. Fourthly, it active that when a male monarch, Owa-Ajero of Ijero, instituted religious politics, on a massive scale at the local Oba Adetayo Adewole, debunked existence of female or rural level where major decision and in deed most traditional rulers, the female monarchs rushed to the decisions are sentimentally determined. However, it was press to counter him. According to the Royal mothers; in the Northern part of the country this drama was specta- “the Ajero’s position was out of malice and a demonstra- cularly displayed. In most parts of the North, religious tion of gender insensitivity in the country, with pervasive sentiments e.g. Christianity versus Islam or intra-religious belief that women should be relegated to the background” bias e.g. Izala versus brotherhood, is common. Thus, the (Ogunmodede, 2009: 4). A newly discovered woman 1987 zero party Local Government election was traditional ruler from the Niger state (Hajia Hadiza underpinned by religious campaign (Kukah, 1993). Mohammed, the Magajia of Kumbada) also reacted thus Despite the National Electoral Commission’s threat of when she was contacted for reaction to the male ruler’s disqualifying candidates found guilty of religious senti- outburst “I am the first officially turbaned ruler of the ments, "Mosques and Churches become the convenient throne recognized by the local and state governments. soap boxes for the announcement of the names of those Before then, the whole thing was done at the village level, candidates that had been picked to represent the interests with small district heads in attendance. But I was of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) or Jamaatu Nasil turbaned in the palace of the Emire of Minna and I am the Islam (JNI)" (Babalola, 2001). Mrs Cecilia Checet, a Chris- only woman that rules her people, in accordance with tian and a female Muslim candidate, contested for that their tradition in this part of the world. During my turban- election. Prior to the election, a Muslim scholar, Alhaji ing, the emir’s palace was filled with people from different Abubakar Gumi, the leader of Izala Muslim organisation parts of the country” (Olasupo, 2007; Ojebisi, 2003). and an international award winner, had contemptuously Citing Nigeria as example, a study conducted shows remarked that he did not hope to see a woman leader that in all the 774 Local Governments in Nigeria, there emerge in his life (Kukah, 1993). This position of Gumi is are 774 Emirate/traditional councils contained in them supported by the Islamic religion that forbids its followers to (774 Local Governments). These councils are not just vote for any leader unless the person is a Muslim and a patriarchal dominated but also matriarchal excluded. male, not female (Cover, (2002). When the result of the Similarly, in all the 36 States’ Councils of Chiefs in the 36 election came, Mrs. Cecilia Checet who incidentally came states of the Federation there is no female member, from the ward of Alhaji Abubakar Gumi, the leader of Izala much less dominating it. The story is the same at the Na- Muslim organisation, and her tormentor in chief, won the tional Traditional Rulers Forum (Olasupo, 2005; Arifayan, election (Kukah, 1993). 2000) Olasupo, 2007). At the National Councils of States’ Thus, so daring have local women civil society groups meetings, representatives of traditional rulers are also become that they have become active players not only in present. And here, they are said to be directly immersed local politics but national ones as well. Operating under in politics and consequently gather more influence (Ikara, the ambit of the National Representative of Women in 1985). These modernized traditional institutions have Nigeria (WIN) rural market women equally threatened been found to be empowering male traditional rulers poli- that "unless General Babangida relinquished power to the tically, economically and socially to the exclusion of winner of the June 12 election unfailingly on August 27, female traditional rulers. For instance, Women in Nigeria permanent damage will be done to the political and and South Africa have missed a lot of advantages driva- territorial integrity of the nation" (Gboyega, 1997). Thus, ble from membership in the traditional leadership. Aside while Babangida was creating and developing community their relegation from the system in the pre-colonial based organizations or institutions, he little knew that not system, colonial era also maintained this in the days of only was he sowing the seed of civil society at the local Native Authority system when the traditional rulers were level, he was in fact wetting and tendering it towards presidents of local governments down to independence increasing community participation not only in good period. When in 1946, particularly in Nigeria, Governor governance but also in resistance to bad governance. Richard began to construct National legislative council, Another important political area which women’s right Native Authorities, according to Akpan (1967) formed groups have focused their attention on is the traditional themselves into electoral colleges for the election of the rulership institution. They have encouraged women from representatives to the central legislature and those chiefs 335 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

elected to the national legislature were men all since tie. Not less three women regent have, contrary to the women have little or no recognition in traditional leader- tradition, bore baby on the throne: Regent (Mrs.) C. A ship (Akpan, 1967). Again, in 1976, when it became Falade of Ido-Ani in Ose Local government of Ondo state necessary to separate democratic local government from who spent 15 years on the throne; Regent Jolade of Ero traditional institutions because of the competition the lat- in Ifedore Local government of Ondo state, now on her 9th ter engaged the former in the loyalty and resources of the year on the throne and Regent Adeola Adeosun of Erin- localities, no consideration was given to women at all. Ijesha in Ori-Ade Local government of Osun-state, now This explains why the reaction of women monarchs is on her 10th year on the throne. gradually getting militant. While women regents are Attempt by a woman kingmaker, Erelu Abiola Dosum, rebelling by refusing to vacate regent positions that some in Lagos state, to draw Lagos state traditional council into of them occupy, female traditional rulers who were being regency tradition when Oba Oyekan died recently, failed. disturbed from demanding for their rights have gone to She, Erelu Abiola Dosumu, had expected the kingmakers obtain the services of a lawyer who now consult for them. to appoint her as regent following the death of the pre- In Ondo and Ekiti states, it took women regents to rebel vious occupant of the throne. However, according to the against the tradition and the Western state government, traditional Prime Minister to the Oba of Lagos, Chief under which the two states were in the past, before the Tajudeen, Gbadesere Eletu, “Unlike in other parts of the government agreed to legislate to accommodate women country where regents are appointed to rule when an regents in these two areas. Although no timetable is tradi- Oba departs, ours is different in Lagos here because our tionally ordained within which regents must quit the stool own tradition is unique”(Aladelokun, 2003). Not only was according to the tradition of the people, the tenure is she, Erelu Kuti of Lagos, denied of her ambition to be expected to be brief, at most three months. But some named the regent she was also excluded in the selection regents, in modern times, are reluctant to vacate the process of the new Oba to which she was supposed to throne. Instead of a maximum period of three months be part because of her office as Erelu Kuti of Lagos. She regency there are those regents that have rebelled and contested this. According to her: “the only institution in spent between 5 and 17 years on the throne (Olasupo, existence in Lagos is the Oba-in-council, comprising five 2007; Olasupo, 2005). Some of them who have tasted white cap chiefs and the Erelu” (Olasupo, 2007, 2005). In and, are still tasting the office could not see any thing the appointment of a new Oba without her involvement as special and exclusive for men alone in it. The last regent one of the kingmakers she resisted these injustice and of Akure, Princess Adeyinka Adesida, who left the throne discrimination by calling for protest, this was her a year or two ago, said the regent is: “the custodian of the comment: “We have not got a king. We are still waiting custom and tradition of Akure. The regent is not elected for the one God will choose. Those people who invaded or selected but appointed by nature. Therefore, the our shrine today are just visitors…The massive protest regent is to sit on the throne until a new Deji is appointed witnessed here today indicate that the person appointed by the government and crowned by the Akure commu- does not enjoy the acceptability of the people” (Olasupo, nity. According to the tradition of Akure, when Deji is 2007). crowned, his first and eldest daughter was crowned with Interestingly, as male king-makers in Lagos were him on the same day and the daughter becomes the re- making life difficult for the only female king-maker among gent immediately after the demise of the Deji” (Olasupo, them regarding regency and selection of the new Oba of 2007, 2005). Lagos, the regent in Akure, Ondo state, was equally mak- The matter of regency in these sections of Yoruba ing things tough for male aspirants to the throne of Deji of community is as old as the institution itself, but it began to Akure. The new Deji elect, Prince Adegbola Adelabu, carry the stamp of state authority since 1981 when, due thus accused the regent, Princess Adeyinka Adesida, of to women regents’ rebellion, Morgan Commission was blocking his way to the throne. But the regent responded set up to look into the matter. Its report, which reviewed thus: “as the current custodian of Akure tradition and cus- the chiefs Laws Cap 19, Laws of Western Nigeria as tom, my duty is to see that selection of a new Deji is done applicable to Ekiti state, recommended that whenever a in a proper way. It should be made clear that the regent chieftaincy stool becomes vacant "a Regency Council of Akure is not after anybody” (Adesanmi, 2004, Olasupo, should be appointed to perform all the duties of such an 2007). Oba during the interregnum". The recommendation was Though Princesses are the most directly affected by wholly accepted with a caveat that the regent must be a the male bias as traditional rulers, women commoners celibate and also the daughter of a deceased Oba or the also felt this moral repugnance about the discriminatory next high-ranking chief to the deceased Oba. The impli- policies of some of these patriarchal and dictatorial cation of a male child delivered of a woman while on the chiefs. These have, in some places, resulted in open con- throne and the possibility of the consequent threat of a frontation with the monarchs. A pertinent example here is parallel ruling lineage is one problem the protagonists of the recent confrontation between Itsekiri women leaders the institution decided to insert this provision (Olasupo, and their traditional ruler, Olu of Warri, for not just only 2007, 2005). But the regents have begun to break this excluding them from traditional rule but more importantly Olasupo 336

for appointing their leaders for them both in Nigeria and tween government and the populace; “small claims diaspora. Besides the imposition of unwanted leader on administrators of justice, mobilizers of support for govern- them, other accusations leveled against the monarch by ment policies and as mechanisms for social change”. this women group in Warri, Delta state, were: “Since your However, despite the separation of the traditional rulers enthronement, there have been unrest and disunity in our from modern rule (Local Government), there are still lands” most of these according to them, led to killing and areas of intercourse between the two. First, under the banishment of children of Ugborodo. Besides, the mo- military, a place was designed “for the traditional institu- narch was further accused of barring “Itsekiri groups and tions in the form of a Consultative Council of Chiefs in individuals from expressing personal opinions through each local government area which is expected to meet bi- paid adverts and other means on the administration of monthly and consult with the Chairman and the Super- the kingdom” (Olasupo, 2006; Adekunbi, 2003). visory Councilors of the local government” (Aidelokhai Given the emerging struggle between Princes and and Ehizuelen, 1999: 216). Secondly, Local Govern- Princesses for the position of traditional ruler in some ments are also expected to make available to the office of communities that have for long been held by males the the Traditional Councils, their draft estimates well in question is how could the modernization and democrati- advance for advisory comments of the traditional rulers zation of traditional ruler ship be effected to take care of (Aidelokhai and Ehizuelen, 1999: 216). As public office women dilemma in this increasingly modernizing primor- holders of the various Local Government councils they dial rulership? This is a dilemma that faces the modern became governmental instrument in the hands of the sovereigns in Africa today. As discussed earlier in this super and supra governments. Although some steps paper Nigeria and South African governments have taken such as payment of their salaries, just like those of steps in this direction. Separate councils have been judges and diplomats/ambassadors from the consolida- created for traditional rulers at all the levels of govern- ted fund, were taken to effect their insulation from politics, ments. As a matter of fact, some scholars have begun to they were to no avail (Aidelokhai and Ehizuelen, 1999: refer to these traditional councils at all the levels of 216). government as “fourth level of government” or “fourth The main issue here which women rights groups are estate of the realm”, “grass-root” government or commu- hammering on is insufficient democratization especially of nity government, “village government” “local development traditional institutions to accommodate more women agencies” village development organs etc. They (tradi- traditional rulers on one hand and local government tional councils) are seen as “alternative non state struc- chairpersons on the other. These form the most important tures that can respond to the economic and social needs” problematic area they are tackling at the local level. Their of the people. Conceptually, “it focuses on the totality of tormentors at this level are traditional rulers and local structures within the local community that comprises both government chairmen seen and known as local tyrants. state and society organizations (Aidelokhai and To cross these hurdles, women right groups are Ehizuelen, 1997: 117; Aborisade and Mundt, 1995: 2; suggesting “proportional electoral system, quota and anti- Olowu, 1999: 288) discriminatory measures, cultural and socio-economic The attributes of these types of government as distinct factors that allowed the compatibility of work and family from conventional Local Government system are: non- life. The importance of the legislative recruitment process state organs rooted in the indigenous traditions of social and of electoral systems to women’s participation in order, voluntary and most important, “active and often governance was also identified by IDEA (2002) in the successful in the provision of services required by their analysis of the processes that allow for the participation clientele”. In recent time, according to Olowu, some of of women in parliaments”. “The establishment of a them have become active in the political arena as well democratic culture” they went on, “is one of the impera- (Olowu, 1999: 289). tives for the attainment of gender equity and equality. As The differences between these “traditional government” explained by Ahern et al (2000), a democratic culture and Local Government are in the areas of legislative role stimulates the development of women’s political con- (making of bye-laws) and democratization. Whereas mo- sciousness and action. In such a context, there are new dern Nigerian Local Government system is democratic, actors, new alliances and social and political relations representative, legislative and executive, “traditional that allow marginalized groups to share power. However, government” of Babangida’s vision lacked all these attri- their incorporation into the power structure depends on butes and thus merely assists the other levels of govern- the nature of the political groups, their place in them and ment in service delivery, dissemination of information and the system of attaining power” (Afoja and Olasupo, explanation of government policy to the rural populace Forthcoming). (Mead, 1995: 198).

Rural government or government by traditional rulers is ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT not new in the country. As British agents, Sir Frederick Lugard used them to govern their domains especially in With the partial attainment of political empowerment for the rural areas where they “served as important link be- the rural women, the focus of women’s rights groups 337 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

shifted to economic empowerment. And the process, source for funds nationally and internationally except according to them, is establishments of local economic from the military or dictatorial civilian government. institutions to assist the rural people. Two of such institu- Although attempt was made by General Babangida’s tions are Peoples’ and Community banks. Peoples’ banks administration in Nigeria to compromise them, it did not are to provide credit for disadvantage people (women in succeed. Non Governmental Organizations are mostly particular) who could not meet the usual conditions of the concerned with their independence of the government. normal commercial banks. Community banks on the But dictatorial governments are never comfortable with other hand, are also to provide banking services to needy this and hence often try to curtail them. communities. The unique aspect of the community banks system, according to Alex, is that it is conceived to be "a SOCIAL EMPOWERMENT self-sustaining financial institution owned and managed by a community or groups of communities, for the pur- Socially and unexpectedly, women’s rights under civilian pose of providing credit, deposit, banking services to its regime of Obasanjo suffered serious damage due to ap- members, largely on the basis of self-recognition and plication of Sharia criminal code in some northern states creditworthiness" (Gboyega, 1996). of the country. But it also led to upsurge of formation of Women’s right groups are not alone in economic new women’s rights groups. Some of these include Wo- empowerment of rural women. The Nigerian Labour men Law Development Centre, headed by Prof. Jadesola congress is also an interested party. Often, the bones of Akande, Women Consortium headed by Mrs. Olateru contention between them and the sovereigns are in- Olagbegi, Women Leadership Group, by Mrs. Nkechi crease in fuel prices, salary increase and payment of Nwanko, Gender and Development Action headed by arrears. Most of often, excruciating economic policies of Mrs Nkoyo Toyo and many others (Cover, 2001, 2002). sovereigns often lead to bloody protests. But the While Sokoto and Katsina sentenced Sefinat and Aminat interesting dimension to this in the recent times is the to death by stoning for committing adultery, Zamfara involvement of law enforcement agents of the sovereigns state amputated the right hand – the most useful of the against the sovereigns. In Nigeria and Senegal in parti- two hands – of Mallam Jengade found guilty of stealing a cular, the police have protested harsh economic policies cow. The manner in which the death sentences passed by dawning tools. They (police) claim that poor services on Sefinat and Aminat were to be carried out – stoning – delivery by them is attributable to inadequate manpower, and the fact that both of them were nursing mothers, insufficient operational equipments that expose them to were repugnant to the national and international commu- attack by criminals and rioters during civil disobedience nities. Similar to this, during the anti-apartheid days there and above all, poor salary structure and motivation from was the case of not less 200 women that included the the government and even the general public. Police pro- wives of Desmond Tutu, Leah, Rev. Allan Boesak, test has become a rampant exercise in Senegal. Since Dorothy and Mrs. Dorothy Zihlagu, the 67 year-old chair 1983 it had taken place three other times: 1987, 1995 of the Federation of South African women, who were and 1996 in Senegal and February 1, 2002 in Nigeria arrested and detained for exercising their rights in (Gueye, 1987). engaging in a series of religious-politico rallies aimed at Although the rebel of state’s agent against the state is enforcing their rights. The apartheid government of the a common phenomenon in Africa (e.g. coup d’ etat) never era had banned political rallies that made Church had police involved in this until about two and a half services became political rallies (South Africa, 1539). The decades ago, starting with Senegal and later Nigeria. pressure from the international community later forced Although they may not be the first ones in the world and the courts trying these women to drop the cases. One of in deed, third world countries, they remain the only two these victims, Aminat, was later invited by the Vatican for African countries, to date, to lay these unprecedented award, for her struggle against oppressive government examples of state’s agent siding with the civil societies in while the leader of unipolar world seriously indicted confronting the sovereignties. Other known countries that Nigeria’s sovereign. the police had rebelled against the states were Doing so through her Secretary of State, Colin Powel, Philippines and Argentina. Though they are not African while presenting Nigeria’s report on Human Rights countries, they are third world countries like their African practices for year 2000 to the US congress, said “The counterparts’. Nigerian police, army and security forces continue to The contributions of Non Governmental Organizations commit extra judicial killings and use excessive force to (NGO) in assisting the civil societies to tame dictatorial quell civil unrest and ethnic violence, although they did so African sovereignties also need mentioning. Non-govern- less frequently than they did under previous military mental organizations are concerned primarily with government” (Longman, 1999). The report further stated assisting Nigerian communities socially and economical- that Nigeria’s army, police and security forces regularly ly. Generally, many of them have disdain for government beat protesters, criminal suspects, detainees and policy or for its bureaucratic procedures (Uwujaren, convicted prisoners”. 1997). At any rate, many of these organizations (NGO) However, the charge of dictatorship is gradually being Olasupo 338

leveled against the leader of unipolar world, US, as well. consequence that Afghanistan and Iraq faced recently. After successful interventions in the internal affairs of per- In Africa, dictatorial African sovereigns are now the ceived weaker countries, it has been observed that she focus of the leaders of unipolar world, civil societies and has always attempted to assume absolute control of the women’s rights groups. From the unipolar world, African affairs of such countries concerned, ignoring democratic dictators face external challenge over the need to drop process in decision-making, even within its allies, as were old notion of Westphalia model of sovereignty. Internally, the cases in Afghanistan, Iraq and Haiti. In the cases of on the other hand, civil societies and women’s rights Afghanistan and Iraq, United States of America no longer groups challenge the dictators to make governance all consulted the United Nations and its allies in European embracing instead of one man show that has led most of Union (EU), much less of the Afghans and Iraqis, in the African states to “Failed states”. internal management of their conquered countries. In “A United States based think-thank and an independent Haiti on the other hand, the President of that country was research organization, the Fund for Peace and Foreign asked to step down from power by US that installed him Police magazine have since 2005 been publishing the in the first instance. But in looking for asylum for him, Yearly Failed State Index. After conducting a survey on African continent was the target. He was temporarily in 177 countries, the organization, on 15 July 2009, releas- Nigeria before he was permanently settled in South ed their data for this year. In the report Nigeria was Africa. Charles Taylor, former Liberian warlord and elec- ranked 15th on a chart of the world’s failed nations. For ted president, was, under US supervision, eased out of Nigeria, the situation has, under Yar’ Adua, been going power and dumped in Nigeria. He was transferred to from bad to worse. In 2008, Nigeria occupied the 18th Hague in Netherlands for criminal proceedings under per- position. In 2007, it placed 17th. For the second time, sistent pressure on Nigerian sovereign to hand him over Somalia, according to the organizations, emerged as the to international police. most failed state. On the other side of the divide is Nevertheless, the leaders of unipolar world need our Norway (177th), which emerged the “best or most sustain- commendation for setting out to implement the agenda of able state”. It is followed by Finland, 176th; Sweden, the New World Order – global agenda of democratization, 175th, Switzerland, 174th; Ireland 173rd; UK 161st and the liberalization, competition, peace and self-determination USA, 159th (Adegbamigbe, 2009). by confronting both civil and military dictators especially Ghana, at 124th is Africa’s placed nation. Following in Africa (Woods, 2000; Akokpari, 2002). Sovereignties Somalia in the booby prize, however are Zimbabwe, 2nd; that had denied civil societies and women’s right groups, Sudan, 3rd; Chad 4th; Democratic Republic of Congo, 5th; space in governance, came under intense focus of these Central African Republic, 8th; Guinea, 9th; Ivory Coast, leaders of unipolar world who have successfully wrestled 11th; Kenya 15th and Nigeria, 15th. In short, among 15 them (Victor and Olusola, 2000). most failed states surveyed by the organization, Africa produced 10 and Nigeria, under Yar’Adua, is in their bad company!” (Adegbamigbe, 2009). Conclusion “There are 12 criteria used by the research bodies for arriving at their conclusion: four social, two economic and In examining the challenge that the unipolar world poses six political. The Fund for Peace characterizes a state as to Africa only an aspect but very important fraction of failed when it has shown loss of physical control of its ter- African problems, political problem, is here considered. ritory or of the monopoly on the legitimate use of physical On one hand is the grumbling from the sovereigns in post force therein (as the Niger Delta crisis has shown in traditional states over dominance of power by Westphalia Nigeria); erosion of legitimate authority to make collective sovereigns in Africa. On the other hand, are the unipolar decisions (the President’s election lacks legitimacy world, civil societies and women’s rights groups chal- because, in the view of majority of Nigerians, it was lenging both post traditional and modern sovereigns for massively rigged; an inability to provide reasonable public their dictatorial habits and exclusiveness in governance? services(bad roads, lack of power supply that is funda- In the Middle East for example, after centuries of mental to the sustenance of the real sector of the conflict between the Arabs, represented lately by the economy) and an inability to interact with other states as Palestinians and the Jew, represented by Israel, on April a full member of the international community (Nigeria has 30th 2003, a road map for peace by the US, UN, EU and become a pariah now, given a wide berth by powerful Russia was given to Israel and Palestinians, calling for nations and their leaders as demonstrated by President Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza stripe by Barack Obama of the United States who snubbed Nigeria 2005. In the Gulf region, those believed to be sponsoring and visited Ghana” (Adegbamigbe, 2009). terrorism across the world –Afghanistan and Iraq have Mishandling of issues such as ethnic and religious been routed out of power. matters have equally led to instability and struggle for Again, third world countries such as Iran and North power in Africa. These have led to civil wars in Democra- Korea believed to be in possession of weapons of mass tic Republic Congo, Sudan, Burundi, Liberia and Cote d’ destruction or about building one, or harboring terrorists, Ivoire, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Nigeria, that kill mostly civi- have been warned to disarm, discontinue or face the lians and create humanitarian disasters. The need to curb 339 Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat.

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